Armenian Directory & News – Page 292 – Armenian Business Directory & News

CC: Human Rights in Turkey: 2025 in Review

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Dabaghian Diana

· MARCH 23, 2026

SCF

This report highlights the most important developments in the area of human rights in Turkey in 2025, a year marked by continued democratic decline and the erosion of fundamental freedoms under the increasingly centralized rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

With extensive control over the media, judiciary and key state institutions, the government intensified pressure on opposition figures, independent journalists, civil society organizations and marginalized communities.

The pressure on the political opposition escalated significantly. The arrest of İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, widely viewed as President Erdoğan’s strongest political rival and a potential presidential candidate, sparked the largest wave of anti-government protests in more than a decade. Turkish authorities detained nearly 2,000 people during demonstrations that followed his arrest, while journalists covering the protests were also taken into custody, and several opposition-aligned broadcasters were temporarily taken off the air.

Throughout the year the Erdoğan government continued its repression of perceived adversaries, with the faith-based Gülen movement remaining a primary target. Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya announced that 1,601 people were arrested in 2025 alone over alleged links to the movement. Official figures show that since a coup attempt in 2016 a total of 390,354 people have been detained and more than 113,000 arrested in investigations related to the movement. According to justice ministry statistics, more than 126,000 people have been convicted in Gülen-related trials since 2016, with thousands still imprisoned and tens of thousands remaining under investigation nearly a decade later.

Judicial statistics and international rankings underscored the depth of the country’s rule of law crisis. Turkey remained the country with the highest number of pending applications before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), with more than 21,000 cases awaiting judgment in 2025, accounting for over one-third of the court’s total caseload. The judicial crisis, further exacerbated by courts’ failure to comply with Constitutional Court rulings,continued with new cases.

Press freedom deteriorated further as authorities expanded the use of prosecutions, regulatory penalties and online censorship against journalists and media organizations. Turkey ranked 159th out of 180 countries in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders. Authorities also dramatically increased digital censorship, blocking more than 27,000 social media accounts in the first four months of the year alone.

Conditions in detention facilities worsened as Turkey’s prison population reached a record level of more than 433,000 inmates in 2025, exceeding official capacity by approximately 42 percent. Human rights organizations continued to document widespread allegations of torture, ill-treatment and medical neglect in detention, while overcrowding further strained already limited access to healthcare and basic services.

Turkey continued its transnational repression campaign targeting critics abroad, including a case of forced deportation in Rwanda and attempted actions in Kenya, Mozambique, andBrazil. These activities have also been reflected in official reports from Germany and the UK.

Labor rights also remained a serious concern. According to data compiled by the Health and Safety Labor Watch (İSİG), at least 2,105 workers died in occupational accidents in 2025, reflecting persistent safety failures and weak enforcement of labor protections. Child labor remained widespread, with dozens of underage workers dying in job-related incidents during the year.

Minority groups, refugees and migrants continued to face discrimination, violence and forced deportations. Syrian refugees reported abuse in deportation centers and pressure to sign so-called “voluntary” return documents, while rights organizations warned that Iranian refugees and Uyghur asylum seekers faced increasing risks of deportation.

Women’s rights groups also continued to raise alarm over persistent femicide and institutional failures to protect victims of gender-based violence. According to the We Will Stop Femicide Platform, at least 294 women were murdered by men in Turkey in 2025, while nearly 300 additional deaths involving women were recorded under suspicious circumstances.

Taken together, developments in 2025 highlighted the widening gap between Turkey’s constitutional guarantees of fundamental rights and the reality on the ground. Despite repeated warnings from international institutions and human rights organizations, the government took few meaningful steps to address systemic violations or restore the rule of law.

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Accused scammers busted in $17 million identity theft ring lived lavish life i

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Maghakian Mike

· MARCH 23, 2026

Katie Jerkovich, Ben Chapman

New York Post

An accused scammer busted in a $17 million identity theft ring lived a lavish life in a gleaming North Hollywood mansion where he swindled millions out of wealthy elderly victims, prosecutors said.

FBI agents swarmed the Valley Village mansion of accused fraudster, Amen Vardevaryan, who allegedly worked with an identity-theft syndicate led by an illegal Iranian migrant to steal $17 million from wealthy Los Angeles homeowners.

The Post had a front-row seat to the action early Thursday morning, as agents moved in to arrest Vardevaryan, by blasting his stately white home with blinding spotlights.

Several luxury cars were parked out front of the home. Carlin Stiehl for CA Post

Vardevaryan, a.k.a. “Gonch,” emerged from his home barefoot in pajamas and surrendered himself to FBI agents wearing flack vests and clutching assault rifles. He’s charged with eight counts of fraud.

The accused scammer has owned the home since 1997, according to property records. Before and after images online show what the home looked like before the house underwent major renovations in 2020.

The $1.3M mansion is situated in the San Fernando Valley. Carlin Stiehl for CA Post

The home previously contained a metal gate with stone columns dividing it from the other homes on the block.

Situated in the San Fernando Valley, the home built in 1979, is now a gleaming mansion after the remodel.

Images from Thursday’s bust show the walled-off home with a white and black fence surrounding it, painted in similar colors and looking very different after being remodeled.

The three-bed, three-bath home has a total living space of more than 2,350 square feet. It sits on a 6,000 square foot lot in Los Angeles County, where the cost of a square foot is nearly $600, according to Zillow. It is valued at more than $1.3 million dollars if it were to go on the market today.

Several Range Rovers were also parked out front of the home where investigators said Vardevaryan, 55, and 11 other alleged crooks — including an Iranian national wanted for deportation — stole $17 million from elderly LA property owners by taking their identities and applying for loans, using the properties as collateral.

The home went through a major remodel that got underway in 2020. Carlin Stiehl for CA Post

Ringleaders Arnold Moradians, 57, and Nazaret Chakrian, 65, stole the identities of rich elderly victims who owned properties in Santa Monica, Hollywood, the Hollywood Hills and beyond before turning the information over to their associates, including Vardevaryan, prosecutors said.

Other suspects were arrested in eight other raids without incident.

The accused scammers face federal charges for fraud, money laundering and identity theft. Those arrested were being processed by officers at the Glendale Police Department Thursday morning.

Federal prosecutors say the alleged scammers stole the identities of elderly victims, used the information to obtain title reports for their homes and then solicited $17 million in hard money loans from private lenders secured by the victims’ properties.

The alleged crimes began in 2021 and continued at least through 2023.

The FBI conducts a raid to arrest accused scammer, Armen Vardavaryan. Carlin Stiehl for CA Post

The North Hollywood home was swarmed in an early morning FBI raid on Thursday. Carlin Stiehl for CA Post

“There is no shortage of massive fraud occurring within California,” said First Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli, LA’s top federal prosecutor. “Today’s operation represents one of many sophisticated schemes used by criminals.”

If convicted, the defendants face a maximum sentence of 20 years in federal prison for each count of fraud and money laundering.

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Why Is Transitional Justice Delayed? Processes in Armenia from 2018 to the Pre

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Emil Lazarian

· MARCH 23, 2026

By Anahit MardoyanIravaban.net

What is transitional justice?

Transitional justice is a system of transformations, an ideology that enables countries with repressive, war-affected, corrupt, economically, socially, legally and politically underdeveloped systems and oligarchic governance to become democratic states that guarantee fundamental human rights and freedoms, rather than merely enshrining these principles in legislation. At the same time, it is also a set of mechanisms whose comprehensive application makes it possible to ensure impartial justice, uncover the truth, restore the violated rights of victims, and achieve the establishment of an atmosphere of public solidarity and peace.

Transitional justice includes various components: criminal justice, fact-finding or truth commissions, institutional reforms, mechanisms for compensation of damages, and in some cases judicial proceedings. The purpose of such mechanisms is to understand the causes of systemic problems through the study of facts and to prevent their recurrence in the future.

In Armenia, this topic began to be discussed after the 2018 revolution.

International experience: different models of transitional justice

In different countries, the application of transitional justice instruments has taken place under different political and historical conditions. International experience shows that such processes generally include truth-seeking commissions, legal assessments of the activities of former regimes, compensation for victims, and reforms of state institutions. Despite the diversity of the instruments applied, the main objective of these processes has been to document past violations and to establish an institutional system that prevents their recurrence.

The experiences of Chile, Lithuania, Latvia and Germany are particularly noteworthy, as they demonstrate different models of transitional justice and their outcomes.

Chile. In Chile, the process of transitional justice began in 1990, after the end of the military dictatorship. Following the coup d’état led by General Augusto Pinochet in 1973, the country was governed for about 16 years by a military regime during which numerous human rights violations were recorded, including political killings, disappearances, and torture. After the establishment of democratic authority, the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation was created, which studied the violations of that period and published a report on them.

Later, a second commission was also established to examine cases of political detention and torture. In Chile, programs for the compensation of victims and mechanisms of social support were also implemented. Despite the long-standing amnesty law, in subsequent years judicial proceedings were also initiated against representatives of the former regime, and the state officially recognized the victims of that period.

Lithuania. In Lithuania, transitional justice was mainly directed at studying the political repressions of the Soviet period and assessing their consequences. After gaining independence in 1990, the state began to examine the repressions that had taken place during the years of Soviet rule and their impact on society. For this purpose, several state and international commissions were established to investigate crimes committed both during the Soviet and Nazi occupations.

Lithuania also established a special research center responsible for collecting and studying documents related to Soviet repressions. At the same time, laws were adopted on the rehabilitation of political prisoners and deportees, which provided social assistance and, in some cases, financial compensation.

Latvia. In Latvia, the process of transitional justice began after the restoration of independence in 1991. The authorities of the country began to examine the activities of political and security structures operating during the years of Soviet rule and in certain cases attempted to provide a legal assessment of the actions of that period. This process was also aimed at transforming the system of state governance.

As a result, institutional changes were implemented, which led to the dissolution of Soviet security structures, and restrictions were introduced in the system of public administration regarding the participation of certain representatives of former communist structures.

Germany. In Germany, the process of transitional justice took shape after the Second World War following the defeat of the Nazi regime. In 1945, the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg was established with the aim of prosecuting the highest leadership of Nazi Germany. These trials became an important precedent in international law and formed a number of fundamental principles, including the legal definition of crimes against humanity.

In subsequent years, special prosecutorial and investigative bodies were established in Germany to investigate Nazi crimes, while within the framework of educational and memory policies museums and research centers were created that contributed to the study of the history of that period.

In different countries, transitional justice processes have led to concrete legal and institutional changes: from criminal prosecutions and the establishment of truth commissions to compensation programs and reforms of the system of public administration. These experiences demonstrate that transitional justice often includes not only the assessment of past crimes but also long-term institutional changes aimed at strengthening the democratic system.

Political statement on transitional justice in Armenia

In Armenia, the issue of transitional justice appeared on the public and political agenda after the Velvet Revolution of 2018. On August 17, 2018-100 days after the revolution-Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan addressed the possible mechanisms of transitional justice at a rally organized to mark the occasion.

He noted that the existing legislation could in some cases create difficulties for the investigation of possible violations committed in the past, and that under such conditions it is necessary to discuss the possibility of applying new mechanisms.

The Prime Minister stated:

“I think we should indeed seriously consider forming new bodies of transitional justice.”

He also emphasized that the discussion was not about creating extraordinary courts, but about mechanisms that could contribute to the study of facts and the formation of legal assessments.

These discussions became a basis for initiating debates in various professional circles, including within state bodies, which later found reflection in legal acts as well.

On November 28, 2018, the Armenian Lawyers’ Association organized a civil society-government conference entitled “The Possibility of Introducing Transitional Justice Mechanisms in the Republic of Armenia in Light of International Experience.” The purpose of the conference was to discuss what mechanisms could be applied in Armenia, taking into account international experience. The event was attended by high-ranking officials, representatives of international organizations, CSO representatives, experts, and other interested individuals.

The First Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, Ararat Mirzoyan (current Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia), participated in the conference. The main presentations were delivered by Anna Vardapetyan, Adviser to the Minister of Justice of the Republic of Armenia (current Prosecutor General of the Republic of Armenia), lawyer Vahe Grigoryan (judge of the European Court of Human Rights elected in respect of RA), and Karen Zadoyan, President of the Armenian Lawyers’ Association. The speakers presented international experience on transitional justice and discussed possible tools of transitional justice: truth commissions, compensation programs, as well as possible mechanisms of vetting and lustration within the judicial system.

As a result of the discussions, it was emphasized that in order to implement such a process it is necessary first to develop appropriate legal and conceptual foundations, as well as to ensure broad public debate.

This expert discussion subsequently became the basis for the parliamentary hearings held in the National Assembly on May 24, 2019, entitled “Prospects for the Application of Transitional Justice Instruments in Armenia.”

Excerpts from those hearings:

Vetting is an evaluation process that must be predictable and transparent — Anna Vardapetyan
Ruben Karanza spoke about certain instruments of transitional justice
Karen Zadoyan presented the possibilities for implementing transitional justice in Armenia at the National Assembly

Judicial and legal strategy of Armenia and the legislative initiative to establish a fact-finding commission

The result of all these expert and parliamentary discussions was that the idea of establishing a Fact-Finding Commission was included in the Action Plan deriving from the Judicial and Legal Reform Strategy of the Republic of Armenia for 2019–2023, as an important tool of transitional justice aimed at ensuring comprehensive reforms of the judicial and legal system.

The program envisaged the development of the draft law “On the Formation and Activities of the Fact-Finding Commission,” which was later published on the e-draft platform. According to the draft law, the legal bases for establishing the fact-finding commission were to be defined.

The draft envisaged that the Fact-Finding Commission should consist of 9 members who must have higher education, sufficient professional experience and public reputation, and it was also mandatory that they had not previously held political office.

The focus of the Commission’s activities was to be the study, disclosure and assessment of human rights violations that occurred between September 1, 1991 and April 2018 and their causes, as well as the development of mechanisms to mitigate their consequences and restore violated rights.

The Commission’s powers included collecting facts, obtaining testimonies, requesting information from state and local bodies, organizing public hearings, involving experts, preparing reports, submitting recommendations to the Government and the National Assembly, supporting the development of measures to protect the rights of victims, as well as international cooperation and, if necessary, obtaining information from foreign bodies.

However, the draft law was not subsequently adopted, and the issue of establishing the commission remained unresolved at that stage. As a result, the judicial and legal strategy did not achieve its objective in this direction.

New Judicial and Legal Strategy: 2022–2026

The topic of transitional justice was again included in the next legal document-the Judicial and Legal Reform Strategy of the Republic of Armenia for 2022-2026.

The strategy set the following objective:

Application of the toolkit of transitional justice through fact-finding activities aimed at uncovering systemic violations of human rights. To achieve this objective, the following main actions were envisaged:

Develop a package of legislative drafts on the establishment of a body performing fact-finding functions.
Establish a body performing fact-finding functions.

These actions were planned to be implemented in 2023; however, according to the report published by the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Armenia for 2023, it became clear that these actions were assessed as not implemented during the reporting period. It should also be noted that in the subsequently published reports concerning partially implemented or unimplemented actions during the observed period, updated information was not presented.

At the same time, it was proposed that the legal regulations for the establishment of the fact-finding commission be included in the Law of the Republic of Armenia “On the Public Council.”

As a result, according to updated information published on the website datairav.am on January 3, 2025, on December 4, 2024 the National Assembly adopted in the second reading and in full the draft law “On Amendments and Additions to the Law of the Republic of Armenia ‘On the Public Council’,” which provided the legal possibility for establishing the commission under discussion.

At the same time, it should be emphasized that in essence this draft also failed to fully resolve the issue of establishing the commission and effectively implementing the transitional justice toolkit.

Legal regulation within the framework of the Public Council

According to the law, the commission must consist of seven members, and the scope of its activities includes:

collecting and analyzing facts of human rights violations during the studied period (September 1991 – April 2018),
identifying the causes and circumstances of the violations and their functional/institutional basis,
developing proposals for systemic reforms, restoring victims’ rights and defining compensation mechanisms.

The selection of the commission members must be carried out in two stages—through a public competition and evaluation, where the candidate’s professional experience, participation in programs and research, the nature of publications, as well as balanced local and gender representation are assessed. The Chair of the Commission is elected by the majority vote of its members.

The Commission’s powers include:

collecting and analyzing facts regarding cases and violations,
requesting information from state and local bodies and organizing visits and studies,
engaging national and international experts,
conducting public discussions and hearings,
presenting recommendations to the Government and competent bodies regarding the restoration and protection of victims’ rights,
preparing reports on its activities and results,
cooperating with state, local and international institutions, as well as exercising other powers provided by law.

Thus, with the adoption of the above-mentioned law certain legal changes took place, which created a mechanism for the formation of the fact-finding commission.

Competition for the selection of commission members

In 2025, the initiative moved to the practical stage.

The Secretariat of the Public Council of the Office of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, guided by the relevant provisions of the law and the procedure approved by Government Decision No. 1128-L of August 14, 2025, announced a competition for the selection of members of the Fact-Finding Commission.

The announcement specified the requirements for candidates for commission membership, the amount of the monthly remuneration, and the procedure for application. However, the competition was later declared invalid.

According to information provided by the Public Council:

“The competition for the selection of members of the Fact-Finding Commission announced on October 30, 2025 is considered invalid due to the failure to meet the minimum threshold required for the number of commission members.”

Timely implementation of transitional justice as a legal obligation

The Armenian experience shows that although the idea of transitional justice has been закрепված de jure, the de facto picture is different. The competition announced in 2025 for the selection of commission members did not take place due to the failure to reach the required minimum threshold, which in fact demonstrates that both political will and the readiness for expert and public participation are crucial in this process.

The factor of time has fundamental importance in this context: delays not only reduce public trust in the process but also lead to the loss of evidence, complicate the identification and accountability of responsible persons, and contribute to the reproduction of a culture of impunity.

Therefore, the timely implementation of transitional justice measures should be considered not as a matter of political expediency but as a legal obligation deriving from the fundamental principles of the protection of human rights, the right to a fair trial, and effective legal remedy.

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Grand Prix Association of Long Beach President & CEO Jim Michaelian Dies at 83

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Emma Nadirian

· MARCH 23, 2026

TRACK NEWS

Over the past 51 years, Michaelian served as the Grand Prix Association’s controller, chief operating officer and, in December 2001, was named president & CEO. Under his leadership, the Acura Grand Prix event has grown into one of the premier street races in the world, blending top-level competition with major entertainment, civic, and business impact for the City of Long Beach.

Michaelian also served on various boards over the years, including the Grand Prix Foundation of Long Beach, Visit Long Beach and the Los Angeles Sports Council, further augmenting his impact on the sports scene in the Los Angeles area.

A graduate of University of California, Los Angeles with a B.S. in physics and an M.B.A., Michaelian was also a competitive sports car racer who for more than 25 years competed in endurance racing at such tracks as Le Mans, Daytona, Nürburgring, Spa, Watkins Glen, Dubai and Sebring, which further deepened his lifelong connection to racing.

Off the track and away from the event, Michaelian was a private man who enjoyed spending time with his wife, Mary, and two sons, Bob and Mike.

“Everyone at Penske Entertainment and within the INDYCAR community is deeply saddened by the passing of Jim Michaelian,” Roger Penske said. “Jim was a leader of a small, passionate group who believed in the concept of bringing elite open-wheel competition to Long Beach in the 1970s, worked tirelessly to make it happen despite steep odds and then helped nurture the Grand Prix of Long Beach into becoming America’s premier street race. His vision and energy surrounding this great event remained boundless for 50 years, as no task was too small for Jim even while he served in numerous leadership roles.

“Penske Entertainment is committed to honoring Jim’s legacy of putting fans and competitors first as we continue to build on the strong foundation he and his staff created for a half-century in Long Beach. Our deepest sympathies are with his wife, Mary, and their sons, Bob and Mike.”

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Armenia ranks 89th in the World Happiness Report out of 147 countries listed.

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Aram Torosian

· MARCH 23, 2026

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CC: No Takebacks on Genocide Determinations

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Antranik Varosian

· MARCH 23, 2026

By Susanna Kelley

The Observatory for Human Rights

Photo by @jorono on pixabay.com

On Tuesday, February 10, Vice President J.D. Vance and Second Lady Usha Vance visited the Tsitsernakaberd Armenian Genocide Memorial in Yerevan, Armenia. In a now-deleted post on X, Vance wrote that he laid a wreath “to honor the victims of the 1915 Armenian genocide.” Hours later, after political backlash, the White House claimed the language was posted by a staffer and walked it back.

This reversal is both unprecedented and illogical. The United States formally recognized the Armenian genocide in 2019 through a unanimous Congressional resolution, which was reaffirmed in 2021 under the Biden administration. Meanwhile, Vance become the first sitting Vice President or President to visit Armenia, and the first to recognize a genocide on social media only to retract it, once its political implications became clear.

This episode exposes that genocide recognition is treated as a discretionary political statement rather than what it is under international law: a legal determination with legal consequences.

The Armenian Genocide and U.S. Recognition

Between 1915 and 1922, Ottoman authorities carried out mass deportations and killings of Armenians across Anatolia, resulting in the deaths of an estimated 1.5 million people. Violence against Armenians continued through the Turkish War of Independence after World War I and accompanied the creation of the modern Turkish state. Other ethnic and religious minorities were also targeted during this period.

Today, Turkey and Azerbaijan deny that these events constituted genocide. Turkey has also stated that the term genocide had not been coined yet at the time of the alleged genocide[CL1] [SK2] . Thirty-four countries recognize the Armenian Genocide, including the United States. The 2019 Congressional resolution recognizing the genocide was passed despite immense pressure from Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and opposition from the first Trump administration. In 2021, then-President Biden [EP3] [SK4] formally recognized the genocide on the 106th anniversary of the start of the Armenian Genocide. In response, President Erdoğan warnedthat the US should ‘look in a mirror’ and cautioned that US-Turkish relations would suffer serious consequences.[EP5] At the time, Washington had imposed sanctions on Ankara; however, relations have since returned to a functional equilibrium.

Vance’s informal walk-back on Tuesday gives the episode an air of ‘asked and answered.’ An initial acknowledgment of genocide was immediately followed by predictable backlash from Turkey and Azerbaijan, Turkey’s closest regional ally, and anger from Armenians over the retraction. Vance then reduced the statement to a vague _expression_ of sympathy, calling the events a “terrible thing” that was “very, very important to them culturally,” while emphasizing Armenia’s status as “a very important partner for us in the region.” In doing so, he fully retreated from the legal and moral weight of his original words, leaving little more than diplomatic platitudes in their place.

This equivocation is especially striking given that the United States had already made a formal genocide determination. Vance’s capitulation to political pressure undermines U.S. credibility and weakens the system of genocide recognition itself.

What is the significance of the word genocide?

The 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide contains the legal definition for genocide, which prohibits acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. The five ‘genocidal acts’ are killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm; deliberately inflicting destructive conditions of life; imposing measures to prevent births; and forcibly transferring children. As of 2026, 153 member states have ratified the Genocide Convention, including Turkey, on July 31, 1950.

The significance of the word genocide lies in its legal force. The Genocide Convention doesn’t simply criminalize genocide and define its terms; it imposes positive legal obligations onto its member states. Once a State Party to Convention knows, or should have reasonably known, that genocide is occurring or that there is a serious risk of genocide occurring, the Convention requires that State to take preventative action. Under international law, this duty is binding; States that fail to take reasonable steps to prevent genocide may incur international responsibility. Where the territorial state is unwilling or unable to halt the crime, other states must use all reasonably available means—diplomatic, economic, and legal—to influence the situation and discharge their own responsibility to protect.

This is why governments often avoid the term. During the Rwandan genocide, U.S. officials deliberately avoided using the word “genocide.” An internal memo warned that a genocide determination could commit the United States “to actually do something.” That logic still shapes foreign policy today: genocide recognition is treated as politically dangerous because it triggers legal and moral duties to respond.

Genocide Denial

This raises an obvious question: do genocide determinations still matter today? If the genocide occurred more than a century ago, with no living perpetrators to prosecute and no population currently facing extermination, does it matter that a high-level member of the U.S. administration briefly acknowledged the Armenian genocide and then reversed course?

Genocide denial is itself a form of violence. It is widely understood as the final stage of the genocidal process– the attempt to erase responsibility, legitimize the violence, and preserve the political and material gains produced by mass killing. It also is a dangerous political practice that helps create conditions for future atrocity crimes. The biggest indicator of future mass atrocities is the existence of past atrocities; this indicator is stronger when the genocide is denied. It allows perpetrators and successor states to avoid accountability and to normalize discrimination and exclusion.

Those dynamics persist today. More than a century after the genocide started, Armenians in Turkey remain subject to discriminatory treatment and social stigma. Surveys show incredibly high levels of public hostility toward Armenians, and Armenian churches face ongoing legal and security challenges. The term “Armenian” is still widely used as a slur in Turkish political discourse. Moreover, Turkey’s argument that the crime of genocide had no legal definition at the time does not lessen the severity of the crimes, nor does the fact that the term was coined later bar states from applying it retroactively, as many historical atrocities have since been recognized as genocide.

The Geopolitics of Denial

Denial is also a tool of regional power politics. Turkey has conditioned normalization with Armenia on Armenia abandoning its genocide claims. Turkey and Azerbaijan together keep the vast majority of Armenia’s international borders closed, leaving the country largely isolated from regional trade routes. This blockade has contributed to economic hardship, emigration, and energy insecurity in Armenia.

Turkey has also used its leverage within NATO to suppress any formal recognition of the Armenian Genocide by the alliance. The message is clear: acknowledgment of past atrocity is treated as a threat to current strategic relationships.

That logic now appears to be reshaping U.S. policy as well. Vance’s visit was intended to reaffirm U.S. engagement in the South Caucasus and to promote a proposed transit corridor linking Azerbaijan and Turkey through Armenia. Azerbaijan is a close ally of both Turkey and Israel — two states the Trump administration has been careful not to alienate, especially when it comes to alleged atrocity crimes. Genocide recognition, in this context, became a geopolitical inconvenience.

The danger of this reversal extends well beyond diplomatic embarrassment or confusion over existing legal determinations. It signals that genocide findings may be withdrawn as power and administrations shift and change in the U.S. That approach strips the Genocide Convention of its legal significance and reframes acknowledgment of mass atrocities as optional rather than obligatory. If genocide recognition can be abandoned because it complicates trade corridors or alliance politics, then the Convention’s core promise—prevention—ceases to function as a legal duty and becomes a matter of negotiation. The United States has already recognized the Armenian Genocide. It cannot credibly retreat from that position without further weakening the U.S. position in the liberal international world order.

Genocide determinations are not messaging errors. They are judgments based on international law, affirmed by scholars, national courts, and other states. Once made, they should not be reversed for reasons of political convenience.

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168: 10,000 drams to the pensioner, 20,000 dollars to the minister. Pashinyan’s government

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Emil Lazarian

March: 23, 2026

$21.5 million to teammates for loyalty

After there was a great uproar and a wave of complaints among the public regarding the millions of drams distributed to government officials at the end of last year, the authorities decided to increase the pensions by several thousand drams before the elections to show that they do not forget the pensioners. They increased their pensions by 10,000 drams in order to give them millions more in bonuses.

It is not surprising that this time the appetite of the officials has increased.

Burying the state under debts of billions of dollars, the government has decided to give 4.6 billion drams or 12 million dollars to encourage state officials based on the performance of the second half of last year.

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Let’s remind that in the case of the performance of the first semester, they were relatively more modest: they allocated 3.6 billion drams or about 9.5 million dollars. Within that amount, there were ministers who received up to 7-8 million drams or more than 20 thousand dollars. They will probably get just as much, if not more, this time. And it will turn out that in addition to high ministerial salaries and monthly bonuses, they will receive additional bonuses of the order of 40,000 dollars per year, at the expense of taxes paid by taxpayers.

They increased their pension by 10,000 drams to justify their 15-16 million bonuses. There is no question, the state’s money is very “fairly” divided. Only their bonuses will exceed today’s average pension by 300 times, and the minimum wage by 200 times.

Well, let the pensioners, the working poor, who sometimes receive wages below the minimum, get by with their several thousand drams in pensions and wages in the conditions of these widespread price increases.

Last time, Nikol Pashinyan rewarded himself with 12 million drams, which was equivalent to more than 30 thousand dollars. Most likely, he will reward him this time, probably because he closed the page of Artsakh forever, and put Armenia under the feet of Azerbaijanis and Turks.

The bonuses given for the performance of the first semester were considered too small and this time they increased by 1 billion drams.

In this way, the annual fund of officials’ incentives was increased to 8.2 billion drams. 21.5 million dollars will be paid from the state budget and taxes paid by taxpayers so that they feel good.

No matter how hard they try to present it differently, it is not difficult to understand that this is another pre-election bribe given to state officials and state system employees before the elections. Especially since it is not known for which good work they are being rewarded. There is no report or justification.

The “transparent and accountable government” does not consider it necessary to give an explanation about this, as Nikol Pashinyan says to his employer. With the employer’s money, they voluntarily distribute bonuses to themselves. And the justification presented by Tigran Khachatran, who held high positions during the previous government, then smoothly came under Nikol Pashinyan’s wing and received his share of those billions as the deputy prime minister, is that the work done by state bodies was close to the highest level.

It is not known who or how they decided this. They evaluated themselves and considered that they deserve to receive millions of bonuses. No matter that hundreds and thousands of citizens live in poverty today and cannot meet their minimum needs.

At one time, they announced that they were ready to work even without a salary for the sake of the people’s well-being, even today they are not satisfied with the high salaries and bonuses they receive. At the same time, they will receive millions of incentives.

This is a mockery for a country with almost 40 percent poverty.

For this reason, they increased their pension by 10,000 drams in order to justify the millions distributed to them at the expense of the state budget. All this cannot be called anything other than looting and embezzlement of state budget funds. The former were accused of embezzling state funds, they are engaged in open embezzlement. The state money is emptying their own pockets, dividing their teammates, carefully placed in-laws-acquaintances-friends in the state system, all those who have to go to the polling stations tomorrow and to be grateful, choose their cheerleaders.

It is clear that the distribution of 21.5 million dollars to government officials has nothing to do with the work done. Otherwise, many would not even receive a salary, let alone be rewarded. All this is pre-election bribery, which is handed out to state officials by the government’s decision and without parliament’s approval.

In the state administration apparatus and institutions, in the form of incentives, they distribute bribes, it is not enough, and they promise to distribute them to the local self-government bodies after the elections.

“We have to solve the salary problem at the local government level as well, because this is about the state and the community, we cannot tolerate this situation,” says Nikol Pashinyan in order to woo local government workers.

For so many years, he did not think about the salary of local government employees, he suddenly remembered before the elections. And in order to give all that a solid look, Minister of Territorial Administration Davit Khudatyan is in a hurry to announce that the works in this direction are in the finalization stage, and the model will be presented in the near future.

Before the elections, this is how they try to solve the issue of reproduction of the government at the expense of the budget, by bribing and making promises.

HAKOB KOCHARYAN

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Guidelines for citizen behavior in the event of an “extraordinary guest”.

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Maral Chavushian

March: 23, 2026

In case of meeting an unexpected guest in public places and the latter’s unbalanced behavior, citizens should be informed about what to do.

Yesterday’s subway incident wasn’t the first, and I’m worried it won’t be the last. Therefore, a guideline for citizen behavior should be developed.

Situation:

Imagine, you are traveling by transport, and someone approaches you, waving a map in his hand, and tries to convince you of something. You retort him and suggest to stay away from you. He does not understand. persistently, with hysterical movements, waving a finger, waving the map, shouting, insisting on something, continues to invade your personal space.

It is necessary to:

1. Keep your cool. Although it is difficult, it is almost impossible. Especially when you are traveling with your minor child. When your child sees a man screaming and attacking his mother. He sees how people silently watch, take pictures, and the man continues his inappropriate aggression.

He sees the man’s entourage standing quietly, not stirring. And when you say “stop it, I’m with the baby” and the man continues to scream obliviously and insist that he needs to continue his “parallel reality” thesis, it’s difficult, but you have to keep your cool.

2. Do not be provoked. Yesterday, probably everyone thought, and many discussed in a narrow circle the question “how would I act?” After many options, the answer is one: don’t give in to the provocation. Because the person screaming with the map in his hand will very quickly turn from an intruder into your personal space, from a nuisance, to a victim of the situation. Numerous criminal cases will prove my words.

3. Call the police. After all, in a legal state, the body that protects against harassment, whether physical or mental, is the police. Their responsibility is twofold when it comes to causing mental distress to the child and the best interests of the child. Call the police, explain that a person, probably in an inadequate condition, is bothering you, has invaded your personal space, and you need their help.

4. Do NOT enter the dialogue under any circumstances until the police arrive (or fail to arrive). Not to say hello, not to look at him, not to communicate. Show with your behavior that there is a wall between you.

5. Do not show signs of anxiety, do not panic, show that you are the master of the situation, you are the citizen, then the aggression is mitigated.

6. Never hope that those who accompany him will try to scold or restrain aggressive behavior.

7. Do not hope that unknown citizens will intervene and rebuke him. This is Armenia.

8. In the following hours, his ministers and his teammates will hurry to announce that they share what he said, all the charm of his behavior. Don’t be upset. the vast majority of the public is on your side.

Elinar Vardanyan
Deputy of RA NA
Alternative projects group

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The country is “dying”. A historical counter-record of births has been registered in Armenia

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Kalashian Nyrie

March: 23, 2026

In the conditions of “peace” brought by Nikol Pashinyan, extremely worrying events are taking place in Armenia. The natural growth of the population has stopped. Not that it has slowed down or the rate of growth has weakened, but it has stopped altogether. The wheel of natural population reproduction has started to turn back.

At the beginning of the year, more people died in Armenia than were born.

This is an unprecedented event, which means that the country is gradually “dying”. Not because more people have started dying, but because fewer and fewer children are being born.

It is the direct response of the citizens to the “peace” brought by Nikol Pashinyan, which means that people do not believe in fake peace, that’s why they avoid having children and connecting their children’s future with the peace brought by this government.

There was a time when the birth rate in the country increased for a short period, declaring that it was the citizens’ response to the government’s policies regarding the future. Now let Nikol Pashinyan say what message the citizens are sending to the authorities and the peace they brought.

According to official data, 2,393 children were born in Armenia in January. Less than last year. Last year, 2,688 children were born.

This year, 295 less children were born in Armenia than last year.

Births decreased by almost 11 percent.

Never before have so few children been born in Armenia. The number of births in January of this year is unprecedentedly low, a historical counter-record has been registered. Years ago, more children were born in Armenia than now. It is not even comparable to recent years, although the number of children born in Armenia has been permanently decreasing in recent years.

To imagine what happened, compare the number of children born this year with 2-3 years ago. 2023 3,481 were born in Armenia in January, and in 2024 in January: 3,108 children. Those born this year are 1,088 or more than 31 percent less than those born 3 years ago and 715 or 23 percent less than those born 2 years ago.

We still do not say that among those born this year, the children born in tens of thousands of families who emigrated from Artsakh are also included.

Even the fact that fewer people died this year than last year was not a salvation. The natural increase of the population has decreased. 39 more people died than were born.

This is a catastrophe for any country, especially for Armenia, which, as a result of the nation-destructive policies implemented by today’s rulers, is under the threat of expansion by other, including enemy, nations.

This is not the first year, of course, that the number of births in Armenia has decreased. It has been like this in almost all the years of the Communist Party’s rule. If in 2024 33,593 children were born, last year only 32,042 were born. More than 1.5 thousand less than 1 year ago.

The number of births last year is not even comparable with 2-3 years ago.

2023-2024 The number of children born in Armenia exceeded 36 thousand. Last year, at least 4 thousand less children were born.

It is even meaningless to compare with the earlier period. Just 10 years ago or in 2016, under the former “robbery, oppressive and criminal” authorities, more than 40.5 thousand children were born in Armenia. At least 8 thousand more than were born last year.

During the years of the Communist Party’s rule, the birth rate in Armenia was greatly reduced and continues to be reduced. The decrease in the birth rate is directly related to the policy implemented by the rulers of Armenia for the last 8 years. “There is a future” and “peace” brought by them can be seen in these indicators.

Reducing the birth rate is related to the sacrifice of thousands of young lives, as well as to the country’s security, emigration, created social-psychological atmosphere, economic situation and living conditions. It is not surprising that marriages have also decreased significantly. If only a few years ago at least 15-16 thousand marriages were registered in Armenia, last year the number of marriages was only 13.8 thousand. At the beginning of this year, marriages also decreased.

After all this, let them talk about how much they improved life in Armenia, created conditions for promoting marriages and births.

Since 2018, they have been implementing programs aimed at increasing the birth rate, distributing money, and we can see what results they have produced. Until recently, in the case of the birth of the third and fourth children, one-time support of 1 million drams was provided, and in the case of the birth of the fifth and each subsequent child, 1.5 million drams were provided. After seven years, they hardly realized that it was ineffective. Recently they decided to change. Instead of the previous millions, they will give 500,000 drams for the birth of each next child and consider that they are stimulating the birth rate, and the birth rate will continue to decrease, as it has been until now.

The picture of natural population growth in Armenia is deteriorating at a catastrophic rate. Instead of taking steps to correct the situation and promote the birth rate, they want to change the demographic picture of the country with foreigners. And this has been evident everywhere in recent years. The number of foreigners in Armenia is increasing.

If this continues, it is not excluded that one fine day Armenians will be a minority in Armenia. Such a prospect is not improbable under this government.

HAKOB KOCHARYAN

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Armenia is effective in property rights protection and justice

March 24, 2026March 24, 2026 Ani Kharatian

March: 23, 2026

“LUYS” Foundation has analyzed the “Index of RA Economic Freedom-2026” report published by “Heritage” Foundation.

In 2026, Armenia ranks 52nd in the world ranking table, which includes 176 countries, with 67.1 points in the economic freedom index (EII). Armenia is included in the “Europe” region, in the ranking of which it is 28th among 44 countries. According to TAI, Armenia is 1.8 points lower than the average rating of the “Europe” region.

According to the TAI methodology, in 2026 (for 5 years already), Armenia is considered an economically “moderately free” country. In 2017, Armenia was included in the group of “mostly free” countries.
Armenia is considered an economically “free” country with 2 of the 12 sub-indices of TAI, 6 as “mostly free”, 2 as “mostly not free”, and 2 as “oppressed”. by the way “pressured” Armenia’s scores on two sub-indices: “Protection of Property Rights” and “Effectiveness of Justice” are significantly lower from their global average levels.
Both sub-indices classified as “oppressed” are from the same “Rule of Law” group. Armenia’s situation in that group continues to be the most unfavorable of all groups, because the value of the last, third sub-index of the group, “Absence of Corruption”, is among the 12 sub-indexes. is the 3rd lowest։

The first of the sub-indices classified as “stressed”, “Protection of property rights”, which is calculated based on the factors “risk of confiscation of private (material) property”, “level of protection of intellectual property” and “applicability of contracts, property rights and laws”, has significantly decreased compared to the previous year. In other words, the report also documents the significant decline of this sector.

The second sub-index, “Effectiveness of Justice”, is calculated as the arithmetic mean of the indicators “independence of the judicial system”, “quality of the judicial process” and “perceptions of the quality of public services and the independence of the civil service”.

Այսինքն՝ The extremely low level of Armenia’s sub-index indicates serious problems in these directions as well. By the way, the low efficiency of the judicial system has been mentioned as a weak point in terms of economic freedom in Armenia for several years.

The “Effectiveness of Regulations” sub-index “Labor Freedom” has not changed compared to last year. This circumstance is puzzling, because the current high-ranking government officials keep declaring that one of the most important indicators for calculating the sub-index, labor productivity, has increased significantly in recent years. By the way, the rest of the indicators used for the calculation of the sub-index, the values of which are fixed by law, did not change during the considered period.

The full analysis is available at: by reference.

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