I met the actors of the Puppet Theater of Shushi in a quiet corner of Gyumri, Armenia’s second-largest city, three years after they fled the war in Artsakh. It was their first attempt to get out of forced inactivity. For four months, their colleagues, fellow actors in the theater, had been under blockade in Artsakh, or Nagorno-Karabakh. The only road that was meant to reunite them is still closed today.

Those who remained in Armenia decided to continue their work. Yet the staff of the theater changes. In contrast to their earlier, large team, only two enthusiastic women, Ashken and Lilith, were left in charge of arranging performances.

Since the war, the theater has not charged for tickets, providing free entry to all. The performers work other jobs to earn money, such as hairdressing, working abroad and performing at private events. 

They call themselves a “wandering theater,” but emphasize that they still belong to Shushi. They described Shushi as a city of white-walled buildings and constant fog, reminiscent of Eden. One of these women said that without fog, she feels like she can’t breathe. I recalled cities in Armenia that are also foggy, like Sevan and Dilijan, but she was indifferent.

Father and daughter watching their mother’s performance with Mt. Ararat in the background. Preparing to perform “The Three Little Pigs.” Ironically, the story of the pigs is similar to the story of the actors themselves – in both, they lose their homes. Ashken keeps the puppets in the closet of her new home, leaving little room for clothes. The entire theater fits into different corners of her house. A view from the window of one of the kindergartens, where the theater had a touring performance. Performing in this hall reminded the actors of their theater in Shushi. Every time they remember Shushi, they do so with smiles and bliss. “Look! These walls! Shushi was like this!” they said. (First spectators and magical walls) Lilith is a poet who used to write scripts for the theater. Since half of the theater’s actors are under blockade in Artsakh, she has taken on an acting role, playing the wolf. (Anxiety before the play) Magic beyond the curtains David smokes a cigarette and exhales the smoke to “burn” one of the houses of the little pigs.
David is not a member of the theater anymore, but he voluntarily assists the theater during its performances. The theater achieves its big desires through humble means. Gayane has been involved in theater from a young age. Since the war, she has practiced carpet weaving. She is not a member of the Puppet Theater anymore, but she volunteers as an actor to support her colleagues. (Waiting for her part) Children go through different reactions while watching the performance: surprise, fear of the wolf, sympathy for the pigs, uncontrollable laughter and desire to warn the pigs to beware of the wolf. Lilith puts on a tough, masculine voice to perform as the wolf. Children applaud the actors. Argine is a professional actress. She wears a t-shirt featuring the “tatik-papik” (or grandma-grandpa) sculpture, one of the primary symbols of the Armenian heritage of Artsakh. Her husband and daughter are her devoted audience. Since the property of the theater remained in Shushi, the performers made new puppets from dough and pieces of cloth. “The theater does not have a home. It is a wandering one, but the property is located in Gyumri,” the actors say, remaining loyal to their former place of residence, from which they were displaced. Vahagn, a former member of the theater, works as a hairdresser to take care of his family while voluntarily assisting the theater.

On September 6, 2023, the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission (TLHRC) held a powerful emergency hearing to discuss the pressing situation in Artsakh, where 120,000 Armenians are being starved by the Azerbaijani government in an effort to exterminate the Armenian population in the region, marking another Armenian Genocide. The hearing was hosted by Commission co-chair Congressman Christopher Smith (R-NJ). Witnesses present at the hearing were former International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo and Director of Columbia University’s Artsakh Atrocities Project and Adjunct Professor at Georgetown University David L. Phillips. 

Following are six key takeaways from the hearing:

• “There are different forms to commit genocide. One form requires zero victims. Genocide, under Article 2(c) requires just creating conditions to destroy the people…blocking the Lachin Corridor with a life system for the Nagorno-Karabakh people is exactly creating conditions.”

Former ICC prosecutor Ocampo argued that Azerbaijan is currently committing genocide against the people of Artsakh, based on Article 2(c) of the U.N. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, which states: “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.” Azerbaijan’s 265+ day blockade of the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor has stripped the 120,000 Armenians in Artsakh of access to food, medical supplies and humanitarian aid. If current conditions persist without intervention to put a stop to President Ilham Aliyev’s cruelty, the Armenians in Artsakh will starve to death. 

Video Link: https://youtu.be/qLS764xsHTI

• “The negotiation is between a genocider and his victims. You cannot ask for a negotiation between Hitler and the people in Auschwitz. It’s not a negotiation.” 

Ocampo highlighted that President Aliyev and the people of Artsakh are not equal parties at fault who can come to an agreement through negotiation. The fundamental issue is that Aliyev is the genocidal oppressor, and there cannot be a negotiation between the power committing genocide and the victims. Azerbaijan’s genocide of the Armenians in Artsakh must be stopped, before negotiation is an option. Once the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor is opened and the 120,000 Armenians in Artsakh have access to the outside world, then negotiations can be discussed. The present situation, however, has no room for negotiation, because Aliyev has made no room. 

Video Link: https://youtu.be/C2JT09tgi4c

• “This hearing has two empty chairs. Two. Those of the U.S. Department of State and USAID.”

Chairman Smith pointed out that despite numerous requests, representatives of the U.S. State Department and USAID did not respond to the commission’s invitation to participate in the hearing. “Since 1995, I have chaired hundreds of hearings with State Department or USAID witnesses. This is a unique case of absolute nonresponse,” explained Rep. Smith. The absence of the U.S. Department of State and USAID highlights a lack of accountability or of a justifiable defense of the current policy towards the blockade – a policy that promotes genocide and proposes impossible negotiations between the aggressor and the victims. If there was a policy worth defending or a reasonable claim as to why the United States has chosen not to act, there would surely have been two witnesses present, or a written response as to why they could not be there. 

Video Link: https://youtu.be/bQQivJRDj1g

• “Why are we denying this genocide?”

Ocampo posed this question, which requires an answer from the Biden administration. There is ample evidence that there is a genocide being committed against the 120,000 Armenians in Artsakh. The United States, a signatory to the Genocide Convention, is a nation built on the ideal of preserving and protecting democratic ideals at home and abroad. By remaining silent as President Aliyev, who Rep. Christopher Smith noted “rules Azerbaijan with an iron fist as a dictator,” cuts off Artsakh to access to the outside world, including humanitarian aid, the United States is allowing a genocide to take place in the 21st century. 

Video Link: https://youtu.be/DPtUJVthejY

• “By being silent, by not acting, the Biden administration is making a statement that it values Azeri oil and gas more than it does the lives of Armenians in Artsakh.” 

Professor David Phillips identified where American interests come into play. The value of Azerbaijani oil seems great enough to the Biden administration that it can turn a blind eye to the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh and maintain relations with President Aliyev, a dictator who consistently acts in opposition to the U.S. ideal of democracy. American foreign policy is shaped by both ideals and interests, yet it seems ideals have been tossed to the side, as a genocide occurs without any response from the U.S. government. The hypocrisy here is strong, and the only ones who suffer are the people of Artsakh. Until there are consequences to hold Azerbaijan accountable for their actions, there will be no change for the Armenians in Artsakh. 

Video Link: https://youtu.be/LcVbNQXiytU

• “Delay is Denial” 

Chairman Smith captured the level of urgency needed from the United States in Artsakh. Delaying a clear and forceful U.S. condemnation of Azerbaijan’s genocide against Artsakh’s Armenia population is effectively complicity in that crime and its denial. U.S. denial and silence in the face of the genocide enable Azerbaijan to act without consequences. This emergency congressional hearing was held before Congress came back in session, because the situation in Artsakh is so pressing. It is essential that action is taken quickly without further delay, as every day counts for the Armenian people in Artsakh. The inability of the U.S. government to put forth a policy to assist the Armenians in Artsakh and condemn Aliyev’s actions is denial. 

Video Link: https://youtu.be/PEoK9iQ5dPI

Dear Rabbinical Center of Europe:
 
As a non-profit organization dedicated to genocide and human rights studies since 1982, the International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies (“IIGHRS,” A Division of the Zoryan Institute) is deeply concerned about and takes great issue with the open joint letter that was released by the RCE signed by 50 senior leading European Rabbis.
 
We recognize that we are currently living in a time where antisemitism is at historically high levels. We also condemn the recent trend in which Holocaust imagery and language have been misappropriated, especially regarding the COVID-19 pandemic. We would like to point out, however, that the word “genocide,” coined by Jewish scholar Raphael Lemkin in 1943/1944, was adopted into law in 1948, many years after the Armenian Genocide and as a result of the Shoah. Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention states:
 
Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such:

1. Killing members of the group;
2. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
3. Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
4. Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
5. Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Kindly note that the above definition of the crime of genocide does not include any reference to the number of people who perished, or the magnitude of suffering, but rather to the intent behind the destruction of a group. According to this definition, the Srebrenica massacres (8,000 victims), the Genocide in Rwanda (800,000 victims), the Cambodian Genocide (2 million people), the Shoah (6 million people) and the Armenian Genocide (1.5 million) are all widely understood as constituting genocide under the definition of the Genocide Convention. Applying this term to the current situation in Artsakh, or Nagorno-Karabakh, is fully in accord with the scholarly and legal understandings of genocide and in no way trivializes or diminishes the Holocaust or any other example of genocide. In fact, various legal scholars, such as former prosecutor of the International Criminal Court Luis Moreno Ocampo, as well as genocide scholars have described the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh as constituting genocide. The situation there is not a simple “political disagreement” as was described in your letter.

We hope that the RCE can appreciate that the phenomenon of genocide is not unique to any one group, nation, religion or ethnicity. The attempted destruction of an entire population is a crime against all humanity and must be recognized as such, no matter who the victim group may be. In our view, genocide is a shared human experience, and unfortunately, this heinous crime has impacted many groups throughout history, and continues to do so in various parts of the world today. This includes Nagorno-Karabakh, whereby a government is deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about another group’s physical destruction, which is one of the acts of genocide defined in Article II of the Convention listed above. 

The Zoryan institute, by teaching genocide comparatively and by recognizing the destruction, trauma and pain that this crime inflicts, seeks not to prioritize one case over another, but rather to deepen our understanding about the common patterns and dynamics that allow genocide to take place, which allows us to more effectively prevent future instances of genocide moving forward. Our goal is to educate and teach about genocide in order to work towards a safer and more just world.

We cordially invite you to better acquaint yourselves with the ongoing situation in Nagorno-Karabakh and encourage you to read the recently published edition of the Zoryan Institute academic journal, Genocide Studies International, published by the University of Toronto Press, that is devoted to this particular crisis: https://www.utpjournals.press/toc/gsi/15/1.

We would be happy to send you a physical copy of this issue for your reference.

Sincerely,

The Zoryan Institute (IIGHRS) Board of Directors
Editors of Genocide Studies International
Editors of Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies
Faculty Members of the Genocide and Human Rights University Program
Affiliates

SIGNATORIES

Dr. Maureen Hiebert, Chair of the Zoryan Institute’s Academic Board, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Calgar

Dr. Varouj Aivazian, Chair of the Zoryan Institute’s Corporate Board, Professor of Finance and Chair of the Economics Department at University of Toronto Mississauga
 
Dr. Alexander Alvarez, Vice-chair Academic Advisory Board, Zoryan Institute, Co-Editor Genocide Studies International, Professor of Criminology & Criminal Justice, Northern Arizona University

Dr. Rouben Adalian, Board Member of the Zoryan Institute
 
Dr. Joyce Apsel, Clinical Professor, Liberal Studies, NYU, and President of the Institute for the Study of Genocide
 
Dr. Yair Auron, Professor of Emeritus, Open in University Israel
 
Mr. Diran Avedian, President, and Founder of Lactopur Inc.
 
Dr. Talar Chahinian, Co-editor of Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies and Lecturer in the Program for Armenian Studies at University of California Irvine
 
Dr. Doris Bergen, Chancellor Rose and Ray Wolfe Professor of Holocaust Studies, the University of Toronto
 
Dr. Bedross Der Matossian, Professor of History, the Hymen Rosenberg Professor in Judaic Studies, University of Nebraska, Lincoln
 
Mr. Federico Gaitan Hairabedian, Esq., Lawyer and President of the Luisa Hairabedian Foundation, Argentina

Ms. Mari Hovhannisyan, the Zoryan Institute Armenia International Foundation for Research and Development  
 
Dr. Elisa von Joeden-Forgey, Endowed Chair in Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Keene State College (NH, USA)
 
Dr. Sossie Kasbarian, Co-editor of Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies and Senior Lecturer in Politics, University of Stirling
 
Ms. Arsinée Khanjian, Canadian actress, director, producer, playwright and human rights activist
 
Dr. Adam Muller, Co-Editor of Genocide Studies International and Director of the Peace and Conflict Studies Department, University of Manitoba
 
Dr. Jennifer Rich, Co-Editor of Genocide Studies International, Exec. Director of the Rowan Center for the Study of the Holocaust, Genocide, and Human Rights, Director of the MA Program in Holocaust and Genocide Education, and Associate Professor of Sociology at Rowan University
 
Dr. William Schabas, Professor of International Law at Middlesex University in London and Professor of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights at Leiden University

Ms. Kate Simola, the Zoryan Institute of Canada Inc. 
 
Dr. Lok Siu, Professor of Ethnic Studies at UC Berkeley and Chair of the Asian American Research Centre

Dr. Amy Sodaro, Associate Professor and Deputy Chairperson of the Social Sciences, Human Services and Criminal Justice Department at CUNY
 
Dr. Henry Theriault, Co-Editor of Genocide Studies International, Past President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars and Associate Vice President for Academic Affairs Worcester State University
 
Dr. Alan Whitehorn, Professor Emeritus, Royal Military College of Canada
 
Dr. Andrew Woolford, Professor and Department Head, Sociology & Criminology, University of Manitoba
 
Ambassador A. Yeganian, Chair of the Zoryan Institute Armenia International Foundation for Research and Development  
 
Ms. Megan Reid, Deputy Executive Director of the Zoryan Institute
 
Mr. K. M. Greg Sarkissian, Co-Founder and President of the Zoryan Institute

As Armenians, we correctly, but at times naively, view the Artsakh conflict as the struggle of an oppressed people seeking what is theirs – their homes, land, culture and the right to free _expression_. Much of world history can be summarized in three dimensions: the overt oppressors, the oppressed and the manipulators. In our current drama, the oppressors are the same characters from history in the modern day – the Turks who have made a full time job out of attempting to destroy the original settlers of the highlands. Our brethren in Artsakh, who have survived despite the immense challenges of the past century, are the heroes of the oppressed. The manipulators are powerful nations driven by self interest. When proxy conflicts are launched or used to meet those interests, the oppressed become pawns in a chess game. Armenians often seek to demonstrate moral correctness and an emotional connection yet are frustrated by the absence of a shared morality among all the actors. This is a natural reaction, yet it ignores the larger, more powerful dynamics at play. Our political and religious leadership must have a higher comprehension. 

The conflict in Ukraine is headlined as the struggle of a victimized people against a despotic force seeking to destroy their sovereignty. The media loves to characterize the Ukraine

war in romantic, heroic and democratic terms. At one level this may be correct, but the Ukraine conflict is also a proxy battle that has ignited a new Cold War. There are many struggles for freedom that the west chooses to ignore, yet Ukraine is the buffer between western democracies and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s attempt to revive the Russian empire. He is on record as stating many times that the dissolution of the Soviet Union was the biggest error in our times. Every move he makes in the Caucasus, Ukraine or domestically serves that vision. The global powers are the only ones with the capability of escalation or de-escalation. We have all chosen the former by continuing to arm Ukraine. No NATO nation troops die, and it’s a great

opportunity for the west to utilize military inventory. It is very disappointing to hear U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken speak only of continued war and offer little hope for a diplomatic solution. The suffering is horrific so the east and west can establish new fault lines.

Closer to home, we should view the conflict in Artsakh and national security issues facing Armenia in the context of geopolitical dynamics rather than morality. Most nations will express sympathy but act out of self interest. The behavior of the EU nations and the United States are clear examples. If we could use the endless number of sympathetic messages and humanitarian calls for airlifts as currency, the plight of Artsakh would be very different.

Recently, the Armenian ambassador to the Russian Federation was summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry. The Armenian diplomat was on the receiving end of Russian displeasure over Armenia’s criticism concerning the lack of Russian support. The Russians also said they would “analyze” Armenia’s decision to hold military training with the United States rather than with the CSTO. 

While the United States and Europe continue their bottomless barrel of statements of “concern” and “urging,” Russia has reached an agreement to send Russian aid to Artsakh through the Aghdam road, with an open-ended declaration to open the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor to aid. In the last few weeks, the idea of sending aid through Azerbaijani territory has been accepted by both Russia and the west. The Artsakh government has no choice but to accept this channel.  This is a diplomatic loss for the Armenians. By using the Aghdam road, Russia is clearly acknowledging that Artsakh is part of Azerbaijan. 

It is difficult to not interpret this as a response to Armenia’s pro-western overtures. It also displays Russia’s advantage in its geographic proximity to the Caucasus. By utilizing the Aghdam route, Russia supports the Turkey-Azerbaijan alliance while appearing favorable as a humanitarian ally. Russia has outflanked the west by delivering aid, while attempts by France to send supplies have been blocked. Meanwhile, the west is left with more empty statements. Samantha Power, the head of the USAID, has expressed concern over the deteriorating humanitarian situation but has sent no aid. French President Emmanuel Macron has been rumored to sponsor a U.N. Security Council resolution to address the blockade, but thus far there is nothing submitted. 

Frustrated? What should we expect when everyone, except Artsakh, has accepted Azerbaijani territorial integrity over Artsakh? Possession is a powerful weapon – apparently more powerful than an International Court of Justice ruling and the “urging” of multiple nations and organizations. Foreign policy is the manifestation of a global chess game at somebody’s expense. Despite the rhetoric adopted by the west, Armenians could be considered collateral damage in a dangerous game of east/west influence in the Caucasus.

Any interest foreign powers have in Armenia and Artsakh are not based on morals, but on cold, duplicitous self interest. Armenians must mirror that thinking in order to survive. This has been the history of Armenia for centuries. The names and players have changed, but not the game. Turkey and Russia will continue to use each other for their exploits. Russia has been weakened and must compromise with the Turks. The west wants to be a player in this region but is unwilling to commit the resources to secure their position. Turkey, a NATO member, is tolerated by western countries, skillfully using their fear of Russia. Iran and India are wildcards with significant interests. Israel has aligned itself with Armenia’s enemy. 

Within this regional drama, the struggle for Artsakh has degenerated into a genocidal campaign. Azerbaijan uses criminal methods the world has promised to outlaw and prevent. Public starvation as a method of subjugation is beyond any representation of civilized human existence. The Azerbaijani-Turkish alliance has consistently committed war crimes and violated international laws. They continue their evil practices, because they know that the ramifications are zero. Meanwhile, we play by rules intended to keep countries like Armenia in their place. Our priority must be the survival of our brethren in Artsakh. Start with a hardened view that no one will care if Armenians die.

The war in the Ukraine will end when the powers are satisfied. A country will have been destroyed and thousands killed. Who will remember the orphans and destroyed families? All will be forgotten, yet the buffer between Europe and Russia will be solidified. Ukraine’s government will promote its heroic defense to earn its side on the new Iron Curtain. Remember what happened in Georgia in 2014. Georgia expressed strong western leanings, with hopes of EU and NATO membership. The west promised support for its overtures. Russia invaded South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and the support never materialized. Russia is weaker today, and Putin is unpredictable, but they have proven they are still capable of hurting Armenia. Armenia should continue on this balanced path as the best hope to avoid becoming collateral damage, but with a renewed sense of self interest to protect its future.

In previous weeks, headlines about ISIS attacks around the world have triggered memories of living in Baghdad during the ISIS takeover of parts of Iraq in 2014 and its barbarous consequences: the extermination and ethnic cleansing of the region’s indigenous populations.

A lot was written about the situation in the Nineveh plains and surrounding areas consisting of the Nineveh governorate, the second most populous governorate after Baghdad. But what was life like in the capital city, Baghdad?

My high school was based in Zayouna, a Sunni-dominated area east of Baghdad. In Zayouna, you could spot the ideologues and supporters of ISIS. They felt that their religious sect was left behind in post-2003 Iraq, following the U.S. invasion. They experienced nostalgia for Saddam’s era, but none of them had grown up during his period.

Most of these ISIS admirers were active on social media platforms through fake accounts. Their content was based on fake news, false propaganda, videos and posters with preaching by religious fundamentalist clerics. They spread hate speech and calls for a “crusade” against minorities.

At school, even some teachers, who shared the views of fundamentalist students, glorified the actions of ISIS. They called atrocities against the Yazidis and Assyrians Western propaganda and a fabrication. One of the teachers even referred to me as a najis – ritually unclean. A call for conversion and pressure to change the religion to “go to heaven” followed. 

Not all students supported ISIS actions or shared their ideology. Some opposed ISIS’s medieval, outdated way of life. They were concerned about what was happening to Assyrians and Yazidis in the northern parts of the country. This was a period when even refusing to like or share an extremist post on social media was considered an act of resistance. There were students who did that and more. 

During this chaotic and violent period, ISIS cells were created in Baghdad. Born in the cradle of civilization while preaching incivility; growing up in a climate of diversity while enforcing exclusion; operating in the center of learning while full of ignorance – this is how one can describe the ISIS vision for Baghdad.

The blood spilled in 2010 at the Syriac-Catholic “Sayyidat Al-Najat” church (“Our Lady of Salvation” in Arabic), located in Baghdad’s upper-middle class Al-Karrada district, which was back then one of the most ethnically and religiously diverse areas in Baghdad, was still fresh in Iraqi Christians’ memories. 

Seeing the ISIS takeover from a Baghdadi gaze has its particularities. Baghdad, besides being the capital city of Iraq, was also a diverse urban environment. (It’s gradually losing its diverse character.) Every ethnic and religious group present in Iraq has a community in the capital city – from Yazidis living in the Sinjar district of Nineveh in the north to Mandaeans of the Maysan governorate in the south. Baghdad was a melting pot. 

Sayyidat Al-Najat church

Day by day, the situation in the capital worsened. Street fighting between militias, assassinations, forced deportations and death threats became a part of everyday life, especially for minorities. 

Under these circumstances, our family—my mother, father, aunt, sister and me—left Iraq in 2014 and lived for nine years as refugees in Lebanon until finally arriving in Australia this year via a humanitarian resettlement program.

We felt we did not belong in Iraq. It no longer was the site of progress called home by those who lived on this land for thousands of years. The darkness of extremism and fundamentalism had taken over. The Mesopotamia of the ancient code of laws, functioning public institutions, and rule of law was turned into a region of anarchy, political instability and public insecurity.

The International Armenian Literary Alliance, in partnership with AGBU, presents “Break the Silence,” a reading hosted by Pulitzer Prize winner Peter Balakian. The reading will feature besieged journalists from the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh and award-winning writers in solidarity around the globe, including poet Ilya Kaminsky, named by the BBC as one of the 12 artists who changed the world.

Join the virtual event on September 17, 2023 at 9 a.m. Pacific | 12 noon Eastern | 8 p.m. Armenia/Artsakh time to hear about what life is like for the 120,000 Armenians of Artsakh who have been cut off from food, medicine, gas and electricity since Azerbaijan blockaded the only road out of the country in December 2022, and learn how you can help.

Registration for the event is required. After registering, you will receive a confirmation email containing information about joining the event. The full lineup of speakers will soon be announced on IALA’s event page.

Russian aid truck in Stepanakert (Photo: Former State Minister and Human Rights Ombudsman of the Republic of Artsakh Artak Beglaryan, Twitter)

YEREVAN – The Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor has not been opened to humanitarian aid as of September 13, despite an agreement to open the route 12 hours after the entry of Russian aid to Artsakh through Aghdam.

More than two years after a trade made by the Armenian and Azerbaijani governments for the return of 15 Armenian prisoners of war in exchange for the maps of the mined areas of Akna (Aghdam), the use of the Aghdam road has become a topic of discussion following Azerbaijan’s complete blockade of the Berdzor Corridor to humanitarian aid in mid-June this year.

On September 9, Artsakh authorities announced that Russian aid would be delivered through the Aghdam road, and an agreement had been reached to restore movement for humanitarian aid through the Berdzor Corridor.

Russian co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group Igor Khovayev met with Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev in Baku and presented Moscow’s clear position, according to which no Azeri goods will enter the Armenian-inhabited part of Artsakh. 

An agreement was reached stating that very limited products, not of Azerbaijani origin, will be sent through the Aghdam road. According to the agreement, after the Russian aid passes, the Aghdam road will be closed again, and no other vehicles will pass. According to another arrangement, the Berdzor Corridor will be opened 12 hours after the Russian aid passes through Aghdam, and the Armenian trucks will be able to go to Stepanakert.

Since July 26, an Armenian government convoy containing 360 tons of humanitarian aid has been blocked in Kornidzor by the Azerbaijani government. The convoy of nineteen trucks contains flour, pasta, sugar, vegetable oil, powder milk, salt, baby food and medicine. 

According to the Artsakh Information Center, “On September 12, the humanitarian cargo entered the Artsakh Republic through the city of Askeran, with the permission of the authorities of the republic, through the Russian Red Cross and the vehicles of that organization. The aid contains vital Russian-made goods.”

Russian aid includes blankets, bed sheets for hospitals, soap, toothpaste, shampoo, baby cereal, vitamins, baby cream, diapers, wet wipes and 11.4 tons of food including flour, sugar, rice, green peas, lentils, corn, pasta, semolina and buckwheat. 

The mayor of Askeran, Hayk Shamiryan, mentioned that concerned citizens of Artsakh that were gathered near the Tank Memorial initially protested the entry, but then came to an agreement, after which the Russian Red Cross truck, accompanied by the police, reached the Artsakh capital of Stepanakert.

While the Azerbaijani side had agreed to create conditions for the transportation of humanitarian aid through the Berdzor Corridor 12 hours after the entry of Russian aid through the Aghdam-Stepanakert road, there are no changes thus far. 

A statement issued by the Foreign Ministry of Artsakh on June 16 affirms, “The complete closure of the Lachin Corridor, used in a limited mode and exclusively for humanitarian purposes because of the ongoing illegal blockade of Artsakh for more than six months, is another practical demonstration of Azerbaijan’s gross violation of its international obligations, disregard for the fundamental norms of international law, including the legally binding decision of the International Court of Justice. In fact, the illegally established checkpoint in the Lachin Corridor is being used by Azerbaijan purely as a tool to continue its policy of ethnic cleansing against the people of Artsakh.”

After a provocation near Khakari Bridge on June 15, Azerbaijan completely blocked all humanitarian passenger and cargo transportations via the Berdzor Corridor in both directions. As a result of Azerbaijan’s actions, the planned medical evacuation of patients from Artsakh to Armenia by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) did not take place, and the planned transportation of passengers in urgent humanitarian need through the mediation of the Russian peacekeeping contingent on the Goris-Stepanakert route was canceled. The movement of trucks of Russian peacekeepers en route to Goris to deliver humanitarian goods to Artsakh was also stopped.

The first proposal of the use of the Aghdam road was made on July 14 by Azerbaijan’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Jeyhun Bayramov while meeting with the head of the ICRC representative office in Azerbaijan Dragana Kozic. “As for meeting the needs of Armenian residents, the Azerbaijani side does not rule out the possibility of providing assistance on the Aghdam-Stepanakert road,” stated Bayramov.

According to political analyst Edgar Elbakyan, “It is not the first time that Azerbaijan first terrorizes the Artsakh Armenians, then allegedly extends a ‘helping hand’ as a ‘show of goodwill.’ This is called forced integration. By depriving the Artsakh Armenians of necessary resources, Azerbaijan shows that the faucet is in its hands – Azerbaijan opens and closes the faucet when it pleases, leaving the people of Artsakh to submit to the whims of Azerbaijan.” 

Following talks of opening the Aghdam-Stepanakert road and a statement made by European Council President Charles Michel noting Azerbaijan’s willingness to provide humanitarian supplies via Aghdam, a group of Artsakh citizens blocked the road from Askeran to Aghdam by placing concrete barriers on July 18. Signs held by protesters read, “Aghdam is the road of death” and “Charles Michel, the Aghdam road is not a humanitarian corridor.”

Residents of Artsakh block the Aghdam-Askeran road on July 18 (Arshak Abrahamyan, Facebook)

In response to the Armenians of Artsakh blocking the road from Askeran to Aghdam, President Aliyev questioned the protestors’ actions, stating, “Why should food be delivered from another country? After all, Karabakh is Azerbaijan, and everyone knows that. Therefore, why should the goods be delivered from another country?”

Encouraged by Aliyev’s statement, his Foreign Policy Advisor Hikmet Hajiyev stated that it is not necessary to politicize the issue and insist on the use of the Berdzor Corridor only, keeping the Aghdam road closed. “There is no alternative to the Aghdam-Stepanakert road and the reintegration of Karabakh Armenians. The game is over,” Hajiyev said. 

Baku utilized Michel’s remarks to advance its new narrative and ease the pressure from international actors regarding the unblocking of the Berdzor Corridor. This new reality became evident during the United Nations Security Council emergency meeting on the situation in Artsakh, where major actors emphasized the importance of opening both the Berdzor Corridor and alternative roads. This phrasing provided Baku with an opportunity to evade responsibility while extending its blockade of Artsakh.

Former Artsakh President Arayik Harutyunyan announced that during the session of the Council of Ministers on August 29, discussions were held to open the Aghdam road. Discussions about opening the road started in July of this year. Azerbaijan presented this option as a solution to the “conflict situation.” Considering that there were no other proposals, particularly from Yerevan, the agenda proposed by Baku was put into circulation again.

In the midst of these talks regarding the opening of the Aghdam road, two trucks loaded with 40 tons of flour from Baku arrived in Aghdam on the evening of August 29. Lusine Avanesyan, the former president’s spokesperson, commented that Baku’s move to send humanitarian aid through Aghdam was not agreed upon with Artsakh authorities. 

Askeran Mayor Shamiryan stated that residents of the Askeran region of Artsakh held a demonstration on the Armenian side of the road leading to Aghdam. The protestors once again reaffirmed that they would not allow the cargo sent by the Azerbaijani side through Aghdam.

Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of Artsakh Davit Ishkhanyan stated, “This move by Azerbaijan is understandable, because they are pursuing political goals, trying to show the world that they have an internal problem, and the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh does not concern the outside world. Azerbaijan continues to resort to provocative steps and is trying to show the world that from their side all possible steps are being taken to ensure the needs of the residents of Artsakh.”