ABANDONED BY RUSSIA, ARMENIANS AGAIN FACE ETHNIC CLEANSING OR EVEN GENOCIDE

The Sunday Guardian
Oct 1 2023

In the past week the world has unquestionably witnessed the vast ethnic cleansing of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

LONDON

You have to feel for the Armenians. This ancient 2,000-year-old Christian civilisation, speaking an Indo-European language, suffered enormously during the breakup of the Ottoman Empire a century ago. It is happening again.

Large-scale exterminations of Armenians took place in the 1880s, but it was after a series of defeats the Ottoman Empire suffered during the Balkan Wars that over one million Armenians were massacred in 1916 at the orders of Talaat Pasha, a Turkish Ottoman leader. While the menfolk were exterminated, some 200,000 Christian Armenian women and children were forcibly converted to Islam and integrated into Muslim households. Massacres and ethnic cleansing of Armenian survivors continued throughout the Turkish War of Independence after World War I, all carried out by Turkish nationalists.

The Turkish government strongly objects to this carnage being described as “genocide”, maintaining that the deportation of Armenians was a legitimate action. But only two Muslim countries—Azerbaijan and Pakistan—agree with Turkey.

Relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey, the only two predominantly Turkic countries located west of the Caspian Sea, have always been strong, so it’s not surprising that Turkey is on Azerbaijan’s side in the current conflict. Former Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev frequently described the two countries as “one nation two states”.

Once again, Armenia fears that genocide or at least ethnic cleansing has reared its ugly head, this time by Azerbaijan on ethnic Armenians in the break-away region of Nagorno-Karabakh, an enclave at the heart of one of the world’s longest-running conflicts. The name reflects its turbulent past: “Nagorno” means “mountainous” in Russian, while “Karabakh” is Azeri for “black garden”. Nagorno-Karabakh is recognised internationally as part of Azerbaijan, but large areas have been controlled by ethnic Armenians for three decades. Azerbaijan and Armenia fought a bloody war over the enclave in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and it has been the trigger for further violence in the years since. The last major escalation in the conflict took place in 2020 when thousands of people were reported killed during six weeks of fierce fighting. It was only the deployment of Russian peacekeepers that brought the fighting to a halt. However, tensions had been ratcheting up for months ahead of the latest fighting, resulting in the movement of thousands of Armenians, fleeing to the safety of their mother country.

As in the current war in Ukraine, the root cause of the fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan lies in the collapse of the Soviet Union thirty-two years ago. For centuries, czarist Russia warred with Ottoman Turkey and backed ethnic Armenians living there. In 1946, Turkey hastily joined NATO to thwart Soviet ruler Joseph Stalin’s plans to annex its easternmost parts that were dominated by ethnic Armenians. Modern-day Armenia and Azerbaijan became part of the Soviet Union in the 1920s. At the time, the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh had a majority ethnic Armenian population but was controlled by Azerbaijan. Relationships held until the dissolution of the Soviet Union, when the regional government in Nagorno-Karabakh voted to become part of Armenia. The government in Yerevan backed the move, which was strongly resisted by the Azerbaijani government in Baku. Inevitably this led to ethnic clashes and—after both Armenia and Azerbaijan declared independence from Moscow—a full-scale war.

In a foretaste of the conflict in Ukraine, hundreds of thousands of ethnic Azerbaijanis were forced out of Armenia to become refugees in Azerbaijan. During the following years, tens of thousands of people from both sides were killed and more than a million were displaced. The first war over Nagorno-Karabakh ended with a Russian-brokered ceasefire in 1994, after Armenian forces had gained control over the enclave and the areas adjacent to it. Both sides agreed to a deal that Nagorno-Karabakh should remain part of Azerbaijan, but since the agreement was signed it has become a self-declared republic run by ethnic Armenians backed by 2,000 Russian “peacekeepers”.

Moscow was the key to keeping peace between the two sides, but when Russia invaded Ukraine and began to suffer from western sanctions, President Putin pivoted the Kremlin towards Turkey, calculating that his relationship with President Erdogan would help mitigate their effect.

Now that his sponsor, Turkey, had some influence over Russia which was so preoccupied with the war in Ukraine, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev saw the opportunity to solve the problem of Nagorno-Karabakh once and for all. Twelve days ago he ordered his troops to launch a new offensive against the enclave, which they took in just 24 hours. Having lost more than 300 of their fighters, the separatists agreed to surrender all their weapons as part of the subsequent ceasefire.

The fate of the 1,20,000 Christian Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh now rested with Baku’s will to build a multi-ethnic nation. However, few appear to trust the Azerbaijanis. Since Baku re-opened the only road linking Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia last Sunday, more than 1,00,000 people have fled their homes. Long lines of buses, trucks and cars have formed at the border, with many spending over 24 hours in their vehicles. While President Ilham Aliyev promised to guarantee the rights and security of the remaining ethnic Armenians, decades of distrust, wars, mutual hatred and violence, not to mention the lingering trauma of the genocide a hundred years ago, have clearly left many residents sceptical over the possibility of the region’s peaceful reintegration into Muslim Azerbaijani territory. They fear the erasure of what they consider a central part of their historic Christian homeland.
This fear was proved correct on Thursday. According to a decree issued in Baku, Nagorno-Karabakh will cease to exist and its remaining ethnic Armenian population will have to accept being ruled as part of Azerbaijan. In a statement, the unrecognised Karabakh administration said that de facto President Samvel Shakhramanyan had signed an agreement that would “dissolve all state institutions and organisations under their departmental authority by 1 January 2024”.

Many believe that Azerbaijan has still to achieve all its goals. Yerevan fears that Baku’s ultimate aim is to open a ground link to its own enclave embedded in Armenia: the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic, which has a population of just under 45,000. This would give mainland Azerbaijan direct access to its “brother” country, Turkey. Armenia has always bitterly opposed the so-called Zangezur corridor as it would effectively block the country’s border with Iran. Part of the agreement that settled the Karabakh war of 2020 was for Azerbaijan to have freedom of movement through Zangezur, but it was never implemented. Now the issue is back on the table, raised by President Ilham Aliyev during a meeting with Turkish President Erdogan last week when they met in Nakhichevan.

The downstream effects of Armenia’s capitulation over Nagorno-Karabakh are likely to continue for some time to come, creating instability in the South Caucuses. Baku’s military superiority over Yerevan and Turkey’s continued strong military and political support for fellow Muslim country Azerbaijan, together with Russian peacekeepers’ unwillingness to intervene, will give Azerbaijani authorities the perception that they are in a dominant position to press their advantage. It signals the start of a new era in the South Caucuses, with Russia’s influence declining and Turkey’s growing.

In Los Angeles, one of the world’s largest Armenian diaspora communities has staged several protests in recent days. Kim Kardashian, perhaps the best-known Armenian-American today, urged President Joe Biden to “Stop another Armenian genocide”. She needn’t worry—genocide is now very unlikely. But in the past week, the world has unquestionably witnessed the vast ethnic cleansing of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh. Best described, perhaps, by a 33-year-old Armenian priest, Father David, who travelled to the border to provide spiritual support for those ethnic Armenians arriving hungry and fearful: “This is one of the darkest pages of Armenian history—the whole of Armenian history is full of hardships”. Sadly, there is probably more to come.

John Dobson is a former British diplomat, who also worked in UK Prime Minister John Major’s office between 1995 and 1998. He is currently Visiting Fellow at the University of Plymouth.

https://sundayguardianlive.com/investigation/abandoned-by-russia-armenians-again-face-ethnic-cleansing-or-even-genocide 

Artsakh Almanac: Ancestral History, Memory and Place in Subjugated Artsakh

CounterCurrents.org
Oct 1 2023
in World — by Lucine Kasbarian

“If the world chooses to look away and not take action to save lives and challenge the Aliyev regime’s weak claim to the historically Armenian territory of Artsakh, the only “peace” to celebrate will be the peace of the graveyard – populated by generations of Artsakh Armenian families successfully erased by Ilham Aliyev’s genocidal regime and forgotten by the international community.”

    • Statement of The Raphael Lemkin Institute, Sept, 21, 2023, the International Day of Peace

Though a second-generation American-born citizen of Armenian ethnicity, I am no stranger to the lands of Armenia and Artsakh.  Like those before us, my generation was raised in exile by nature of genocide and expulsion. Today’s headlines are a continuation of that trajectory. To provide a backdrop in a nutshell, Armenian lands have historically been battlefields and prizes for hordes, marauders and competing empires for centuries on end. Both regions’ Armenian origins harken back more than 3,000 years with Artsakh being the 10th province of Great Armenia in ancient and medieval times.

If we fast forward to the present, it must be noted that the day before the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev met with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, where the two signed the 43-point Declaration of Allied Interaction that guaranteed mutual support between the two countries across a variety of sectors. This alliance should explain Russian inaction regarding recent Azeri and Turkish invasions of Armenia and Artsakh in spite of corporate media’s eager insistence that Russia is Armenia’s closest protector from hostile neighbors in the region. While Russia tolerates ̶ and in some cases relies upon ̶ Azerbaijan’s relations with the West even though Azerbaijan is squarely in Russia’s sphere of influence, Russia does not permit Armenia that same latitude. Thus Armenia is held captive to regional strongmen whose objective is to keep it weak and dependent or eliminate it altogether.

While Artsakh has no shortage of fresh stories of heroism and loss to share with the world, the following first-hand account from a decade ago (and with updates to the present wherever possible) seemed a way to express solidarity with the Artsakh people who have been a beacon light to exiled Armenians the world over.

Exactly ten years ago, amid one of my many trips to Armenia to help renovate heritage sites from antiquity to modern times, I made a pilgrimage to historic places of living memory in the Armenian Republic of Artsakh.  A 2013 report from the Artsakh authorities noted that around that time, the number of foreign travelers had been increasing by the thousands. We were but four: two journalists from the US, an attorney from Yerevan and an IT manager from Boston-Yerevan-Dubai who organized our trip…all of Armenian descent. This journey led us to many important monuments and sacred spaces of Armenian origin.

As of this writing, these sites live in the shadow of Azeri domination following their invasion of Artsakh on 2020, a 9-month Azeri starvation campaign of the Armenian population this year, followed by massive attacks by the Azeri military on civilian Armenians on the eve of Armenian Independence Day. Some of these holy sites are likely destroyed. Others are at the very least defaced to obscure their ancient Armenian provenance. But all of them by nature of conquest are subject to the whims of Azerbaijan. St. Ghazanchetots, also known as the Holy Savior Cathedral, has had its conical dome blown off twice by the Azeris in 2020 and from all appearances has been replaced with a qubba; the historic Armenian city of Shushi, now in Azeri hands, has seen the dismantling of Armenian cultural features; the Tigranakert Fortress, Museum and Church complex where my two paternal uncles remains are buried has been partly transformed into a barbecue restaurant; the 4th century Amaras Monastery where the Armenian alphabet was first taught and the 9th century Dadivank Monastery both face uncertain futures.

Caption: Grandma and Grandpa Monument (Tatik u Papik) “We Are Our Mountains”

Photo credit: AniTour.am

For this Armenian-American, the 2013 pilgrimage managed to combine many objectives into one:  To be enveloped by the rugged mountains which have given our people their enduring nature, even inspiring a monument that embodies the Armenian national slogan, “We are our mountains.” To personally interact with the resilient people of the land. To pay homage to our 1700 year-old Christian faith for which we have so often been persecuted. To marvel at holy structures that are accepted precursors to European Gothic architecture. To appreciate the value of endangered cultural traditions and a 3000-year continuous presence on our indigenous soil. To honor those Armenians who made the ultimate sacrifice of life while defending their indigenous lands so that their compatriots could live out their lives in peace, dignity and freedom and raise future generations there.

In 2013, every person we encountered had been touched by the First Artsakh War (1988-1994). The courage and moral fiber on display seemed to come straight out of the history books we had read, describing centuries of Armenian resistance against pillage, plunder and decimation. Least of which was an Artsakh Armenian who had been struck by lightning three separate times and lived to tell of his survival.

As we pilgrims drove southward in a rented SUV from Yerevan, Armenia, stopping at notable locations along the way, we eventually approached the checkpoint beyond the Artsakh border. Signs such as “Arstakh Welcomes You” appeared, along with the names of patrons who donated to the All-Armenian Artsakh Highway Fund. Among the most powerful was a poster reading “Support Our Freedom Fighters.” Another was a large billboard with a photo of martyred Artsakh army commander Monte Melkonian and the words, “Our Unity is Our Strength” below it.

The evening of our arrival, we dined outdoors on a balcony of a private home that housed a casual restaurant. As we arrived after dusk, the lights of Shushi glistened along overlapping mountain ranges in the distance. There was one other group sitting outside. As we ordered a feast of dolmas, soujoukh, cheeses, khorovadz, lobi with scrambled eggs, we began to hear spoken Armenian. I approached a young boy sketching by the balcony rails and told him, in Armenian, how impressed I was with his drawings of cross engravings on volcanic stone we call khatchkars and other Armenian emblems he saw in his travels that day. An elder came over to translate for us. As it turned out, the boy did not speak Armenian. As the wine began to flow, so did the toasts. Everyone introduced themselves and we discovered that this group was one large extended family. The men had origins in Artsakh, but had migrated to Russia to find work. Some had married and had families there. This was a big family pilgrimage ̶ they drove from Moscow to Stepanakert ̶ so that their children could see first-hand where their parents came from. Then, quite unexpectedly, a man named Artin* stood up and toasted us. He said that his migration out of Armenia helped him realize what a challenge it was to convey his Armenian identity to his children.  And so Artin toasted those in the Armenian Diaspora who, since the Genocide, still knew their history, still spoke their language, and still came to honor Armenian Artsakh. Little did Artin know that ten years later, his Artsakh compatriots could soon be exiles themselves.

Caption: ST. GHAZANCHETSOTS

(Photo credit: Save Armenian Monuments)

Built on an Armenian basilica from the 1700s and expanded in the 1860s, the name St. Ghazanchetots comes from Ghazanchi, a village in historic Armenian Nakhichevan, where the church benefactors, the Armenian Khandamiriantz family, originated.  Back then, Shushi was an Armenian cultural center even greater than Baku or Yerevan. Azerbaijanis damaged this Cathedral during the 1920 attacks on Shushi’s Armenians massacring 20,000 and exiling 20,000 more. Turkish and Azeri jihadists pillaged the city and torched the remains to the ground. Later, during the First Artsakh War, Azerbaijan used the Cathedral as a missile armory. The Armenians, who were able to liberate their territories in 1994, restored the Cathedral in the aftermath of the First War and reconsecrated it in 1998. Ghazanchetsots became a symbol of Armenian liberation and in 2008, a mass wedding of 500 Armenian couples took place there as a show of commitment to Armenian Artsakh. However, the Cathedral was bombed by Azeri aerial artillery again in 2020 and today is under Azeri control. Satellite images show us that the Azeris have begun to convert the structure into a mosque. A highly touted “renovation” reveals a qubba where the destroyed conical dome emblematic of Armenian church architecture used to be.

Interacting with the local population ̶ living history, as they were ̶ was as important as visiting the holy sites themselves. At the immaculate St. John the Baptist Armenian Church in Shushi, we spoke with a caretaker distributing headscarves at the entrance. Seta Minasyan* had roots in Artsakh, but economic hardships caused her to move to Baku in 1988.  There, she fell victim to Azeri pogroms against Armenians. She survived an Azeri-launched explosion and lives with shrapnel embedded under her skin. At the same time in Baku, Seta’s daughter’s ear was cut off by an Azeri mob.  “If I lent my Azeri neighbors something,” said Seta of her time in Baku, “after two days, they considered it theirs.” At the time of the government-sanctioned Azeri pogroms, the family fled to Yerevan and in 1989, returned to Artsakh with their children. Like so many others, Seta wore khaki to blend in with the environment in case of Azeri attacks. Seta’s overarching message? “If you leave your homeland, you cannot stay Armenian. You lose your language. You lost your connection to your land and identity. I refuse to do it.”   In light of the 44-day Azeri War on Artsakh in 2020, the 9 month-long Azeri starvation blockade of Artsakh followed by the military bombardment of Armenian civilians in 2023, I wonder where Seta is today (assuming she is alive) and what we the bystanders and even the engaged could possibly say to a woman and nation who have already sacrificed and suffered so much.

We later met with veterinarian Ashot Navasardyan*, the Mayor of Shushi at the time. The city flag’s coat of arms was emblazoned with the sculpted angel found on the bell tower of the Ghazanchetsots Cathedral. While Mayor Navasardyan spoke of the growth potential in Shushi, he emphasized that the greatest need was a water filtration system for the community [something the Hayastan All-Armenia Fund had since taken on.] Navasardyan, who had 7 bullets lodged inside his body from Azeri attacks during the First Artsakh War, said, “Azeris teach their children from birth to kill Armenians.” Foretellingly, he added back in 2013, “if Azeris try to take this land, it will lead to another war or worse.”

On the road to the Amaras Monastery, we passed signs indicating that the HALO Trust had cleared landmines in the area and continued their important work. As we met wild turkeys on the road, I rolled down the window and gobbled at them. Several got excited and gobbled back.  “Share the road” is a popular sign aimed at motorists and cyclists in many US cities. All over Armenia and Artsakh, that term has a different meaning. It was late spring and animal newborns could be found all along the motorways. Baby sheep, goats, donkeys and horses were all bleating with joy and innocence, urging us to believe in the power of renewal.

Caption: AMARAS

(Photo credit: Aerial Armenia)

Located in the Martuni district of Artsakh, Amaras was known as one of the most prominent religious and educational centers in medieval Armenia. We entered the Amaras Monastic Complex, one of the oldest Christian structures in the world, and made our way to the St. Grigoris Church. Once inside, we approached the shrine, said our prayers and climbed down to a tomb chamber directly beneath the altar. It was the burial place of Grigoris, the grandson of Armenia’s patron saint, Gregory the Illuminator. Grandson Grigoris was bishop of the Eastern Lands of Armenia, which included Artsakh. Grigoris preached the Holy Gospel on the territory of modern Dagestan and was martyred there in 348 AD after which his body was brought back to Artsakh and buried at this Monastery.

Grandfather Gregory ̶ who evangelized Armenia’s King Tiridates III (Drtad) around 300 AD and which ushered in mass conversion of the Armenian nation ̶ taught Christian doctrine at Amaras. At the beginning of the fifth century, theologian and linguist Mesrob Mashdots, the inventor of the Armenian alphabet (406 AD), established in Amaras the first-ever school that used his script. Mashdots taught the alphabet to scribes, scholars and monks, after which students would go to Oshagan, Armenia, for further instruction. The monastery was built with 36 rooms to match the number of letters in the original Armenian alphabet and many times withstood mortar fire from the Azeris.  The idea that a holy site so ancient and essential to the Armenian identity had been preserved after so many attempts at wilful destruction was mind-boggling.

All around the inside of the fortified complex were fertile mulberry trees. The clergy harvested and derived income from them. We were encouraged to eat the savory white berries and did so with gusto. Our guide, Bartev*, like so many other caretakers of our national monuments, was wounded in the First Artsakh War. Though he did not speak of himself, he walked with a heavy limp and his eyes did not align. His aura carried the weight of the nation on his shoulders, at once despondent yet modest and proud.

Once back in Stepanakert, Artsakh’s capital, we enjoyed the peaceful energy that surrounded us as locals of all ages safely strolled in the evening along the main square directly in front of the Armenia Hotel. According to an Artsakh military officer Vahagn Zarougian*, “the Armenian Christian identity has made a comeback ever since the fall of Soviet institutions and the shelling of Armenian churches by Azerbaijan. These days, our churches are packed on Sundays and you will see great reverence among the people during the Divine Liturgy.”

Artsakh soil is very fertile. Whatever is planted seems to thrive. Fruits such as mulberries, pomegranates, walnuts, figs, dates and persimmon are prevalent in Artsakh. As for harvesting the farms, the produce first went to feed the army, then to the local populations.  The national dish of Artsakh is jingyalov hats, stuffed, toasted flatbread with 20 or so locally grown herbs. Astghik*, our pilgrim from Yerevan, recalled her growing up years in an Armenian village in Georgia. She knew her ancestors came from Artsakh, and for the first time, witnessed customs in Artsakh that her family had practiced in Georgia. She saw the same fruits that her parents planted in their gardens, as well as the practice of animal husbandry. She remembers learning how, in the early 19th century, to escape Tatar persecution, the entirety of her ancestral village migrated to Georgia, which would explain why the traditions and customs they knew had lived on in Astghik’s generation. It was a profound feeling for Astghik to discover this and feel a direct spiritual connection to Artsakh.

The site of the Tigranakert Fortress, Museum and Church (Western Armenian spelling: Dikranagerd), found in the Askeran province, was named in honor of the Armenian King Tigranes II (Dikran the Great; r. 95–55 B.C.) and is part of the ancient Kingdom of Armenia.  Historic records indicate that King Dikran II founded four capital cities identically named and strategically located around his empire to function as regional administrative centers.

On the path leading up to the Vankasar Church, the trail was lined with sharp thistle flowers as if to protect the site from raiders.  Hiking up to the Church, we came across a tombstone my family had installed with the blessings of the Artsakh authorities. Our family’s paternal side hailed from Dikranagerd, Western Armenia. Since our ancestral lands there have long been under Turkish domination, my father expressly wished to bury the remains of his late brother in the Dikranagerd locality that was in Armenian possession. His second brother’s remains are also buried there. The inscription on the tombstone is as follows:

Sarkis Haroutiun Kasbarian was born in the USA in 1929 and died in 2006. He was the son of Hagop Der Kasbarian, a native of the Alipounar village outside the Western Wall of Dikranagerd in Western Armenia. He was also the grandson of Der Kasbar, the village priest of Alipounar, who was martyred in the Hamidian Turkish Massacres of 1895. Sarkis Haroutiun is a son of Armenia, and his ashes rest here in Karabakh near a historic site representing one of the four capital cities of ancient Dikranagerd built by King Dikran the Great.

Caption: VANKASAR CHURCH IN TIGRANAKERT

(Photo credit: Matthew Karanian)

As providence would have it, one day before the Azeri invasions in 2020, a journalist traveling in Artsakh stumbled upon this curiosity and captured it on film. Upon discovering that the deceased were my relatives, he emailed me his snapshot. Although I intended to bury the remains of my late parents in this plot per their wishes, it seems highly unlikely given that the area is now under Azeri occupation. Moreover, these invaders have developed a track record of defacing or demolishing Christian Armenian cultural heritage, so it would come as no surprise if the tombstone were destroyed.

Nayiri Demirchyan*, one of the principal caretakers of the Tigranakert Fortress and Museum noted that as of 2013, more than 60,000 people ̶ including tourists and archaeologists ̶ had visited the Tigranakert site, then 27 kilometers from Azeri border.

Excavations began after the 1994 Armenian liberation of Artsakh and the Museum showcased many archaeological finds. During King Dikran’s time, this fortress was a high-escalation observatory that overlooked the entire city. In the 7th century, the Armenian church was built. According to Demirchyan, since the 1950s, the Azeris and Russians plundered many treasures found underground. The basilica behind the Museum was ransacked and the most valuable items ̶ gold crosses and silver chalices ̶ were looted. Raiders also destroyed a great deal of evidence that detailed the Armenian provenance of the site and dumped cement to seal and disguise any Armenian trace, very much like the balkanization of Armenian Nakhichevan. Even so, during the Armenian excavations of 2008–2010, a fifth century Armenian basilica was uncovered, as were silver coins of the Parthian monarchs Mithridates IV (r. 57–54 BC) and Orodes II (r. 57–37 BC).

What message did Demirchyan have for the Armenian diaspora? “Every Armenian has his/her role to play, all over the world, in the strengthening of our nation. You are our voices abroad. Do your part wherever you see that you can do some good. Bring honor to your people wherever you can.”

Now in 2023, we can only insist that every Armenian around the world heed that call.

Our second guide, Beglar Hayrapetyan* was a veteran of the First Artsakh War. “Our heroic people deserve the very best and history has handed them the worst,” he said. Back in 2013, Hayrapetyan resided in the Tigranakert Museum complex and was three times bitten by poisonous snakes, each time curing himself through natural remedies. He was also presumed dead when he and four fellow resistance fighters went out on a mission during the First Artsakh War, not expected to return. Gravestones were crafted for each of them. All were martyred, except for Hayrapetyan, who survived his fatal wounds. His name remains on his tombstone and as of 2013, he would visit his departed comrades to pay tribute. Hayrapetyan’s attitude was stern: “We Armenians can endure anything: poverty, earthquakes, genocide, and every other sort of indignity. But the one thing we will not endure is treachery. If even one inch of Artsakh is given to the Azeris by Russia or even our own government, we will not stand for it.” In November 2021, following the ceasefire between Azerbaijan and Artsakh, Armenian sources reported that Azerbaijanis not only shelled Tigranakert but that after seizing it, turned a section of it into a barbecue restaurant. Now, in 2023, when Azeris claim to have subsumed Artsakh and no one is preventing them from massacring disarmed Armenians, what do we tell defenders such as Hayrapetyan?

On Sunday afternoon, we began an uncertain trip to the remote Dadivank in the Karvajar district. I say uncertain because the winding roads were nearly impenetrable. I wished to lay eyes on one of the greatest medieval churches of Armenia. I also intended to honor my relatives, the Dadoyan clan, who descended from the church’s patron, St. Dadi, one of 70 disciples of Thaddeus the Apostle who spread Christianity in Eastern Armenia during the first century AD.

Caption: DADIVANK

(Photo credit: Shutterstock)

En route, people were tending to and cherishing their animals, whom they treated like members of their own families. While the living conditions were spartan, nature and resourceful natives had blessed the villages with every variety of flora ̶ roses, pomegranate trees, lavender, chamomile ̶ not to mention the imposing mountains, some verdant and some bald, and jagged cliffs that reach from great heights to all the way down to gurgling brooks. Visually, the American Grand Canyon, the travertines and hidden caves of Pamukkale, and the red canyons of Armenia’s Noravank came to mind.

As we approached a winding mountain bluff, it became impossible to continue by vehicle. We got out to complete the pilgrimage on foot. The inaccessible placement of this monastery, like so many others, was deliberately constructed to protect it from plunderers. As we followed a path of spirals towards our destination, it felt as if we were peeling away the layers of an onion…and with each turn, the anticipation was building to see this 9th century wonder.

We finally made out the monastery in the distance and were not disappointed. We had stumbled on a world that time had forgotten, one of the eldest, most eclectic structures Armenians have, and also one of the most time-worn. It was dusk when we finally arrived. To pray in this medieval church was transcendental and otherworldly. In July 2007, the grave said to belong to St. Dadi was discovered under the holy altar of the main church, named Holy Mother of God.  Gazing at Dadivank was like looking at an old Armenian who has suffered every indignity and yet still stood tall, proud and wise.

Renovation work financed by Armenian sources fortified the cathedral, chapel and interior frescoes starting in the early aughts and additional work was underway until the Azerbaijani attacks and occupations of 2020. While Russian peacekeepers were said to be stationed at Dadivank in the 44-Day War’s aftermath, their status and that of the monastic complex are imperiled today. In 2021, the Azeri authorities of Baku erected a “Spoils of War Theme Park,” glorifying the subjugation of Armenians replete with mannequins of caricaturized Armenian soldiers sporting grotesque expressions along with seized artillery and military objects. If such demonization is an everyday practice in Azerbaijan, what chance do Armenian holy sites, much less Armenians, have for survival?

We met the caretaker of Dadivank, a young man named Harut Hajar*. One could see that shell shock had affected him deeply. As it turned out, his parents joined the Armenian resistance movement during the First Artsakh War and lost their lives when he was a baby. Harut lived a solitary life in a small shack beside the church in this remote outpost, again given this job by the Artsakh government. I fought back tears and gave him a contribution to spend on himself in memory of his parents, St. Dadi and Dadi’s descendants.

Indeed, with every interaction, excursion and prayer, we felt the beauty and sufferings of the Armenian people on our skin and the amazing strength of these valiant people who have defended the homeland that is every Armenian’s birthright.

Incredulously, the hospitable people of Artsakh often asked us “What can WE do for YOU?” to which we four pilgrims replied, “You have already done it, and continue to do it every day in defending these lands on behalf of the entire Armenian nation.”

Now, 10 years later, Azerbaijan threatens to finish off the Armenian presence in Artsakh with sovereign Armenia itself the next target in its scope. As nations idly stand by while race extermination is underway, just as they did 100 years ago, we must find a way to defend and support these brave, heroic people who righteously cling to their one and only historic homeland. Whittled down in size and number by massacres practically once every generation and dismissed by the world, how much can one nation take?

On September 24, former Artsakh Foreign Minister David Babayan stated that the entire 120,000 indigenous population of Artsakh may relocate to Armenia to avoid persecution, torture and death at the hands of the Azerbaijani government. Whether the people of Artsakh plant their feet on their native soil and face execution, or flee, the Azeri ethnic cleansing of Artsakh is the intention.

This is not the first time Armenians have cautioned the world about subhuman tormentors in Asia Minor. Alas, global citizens will one day awaken to discover that if they stand up for liberty and their sovereign nation, they too shall be labeled terrorists and eliminated. But by then it will be too late.

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*All names of interviewees have been changed to protect the innocent.

Lucine Kasbarian is an Armenian-American journalist, author and political cartoonist whose work focuses on the culture of exile. This is part two in her series on Armenian pilgrimages, her first being Der Zor Diary: A Pilgrimage to the Killing Fields of the Armenian Genocide.


Turkish Press: The post-Karabakh geopolitical landscape in the Caucasus

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Sept 29 2023

The 44-day war between Azerbaijan and Armenia in 2020, which concluded with Baku’s victory, triggered a significant shift in the post-Cold War geopolitical landscape of the Caucasus region. Azerbaijan’s successful effort to partially end the Armenian occupation of Karabakh had two major implications.

Firstly, it bolstered Baku’s internal unity and gradually elevated its status as a regional player. Secondly, Türkiye’s substantial support to Azerbaijan’s military operations in Karabakh and the subsequent Shusha declaration solidified the strategic partnership between the two nations, necessitating the attention of all regional stakeholders. This situation prompted Armenia to reevaluate its foreign policy, while Russia had to adapt to a changing landscape. Iran, unable to respond to Baku’s victory as it desired, consistently voiced its discontent with the new situation. Other regional actors, such as Georgia, capitalized on the void created by Russia’s ongoing conflict in Ukraine, interpreting Azerbaijan’s military intervention as an opportunity to address their own issues.

Consequently, the Karabakh victory introduced new dynamics to the region.

The recent counterterrorism operation launched by Azerbaijan to enforce the provisions of the trilateral declaration signed between Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan after the Karabakh war has completely altered the status quo imposed on Azerbaijan since the Cold War, giving rise to a new regional geopolitical landscape.

One notable aspect of post-Karabakh geopolitics is the evolution of the Türkiye-Azerbaijan partnership into a strategic integration. Both countries describe their relationship as “one nation, two states,” a discourse that fosters a strong sociological foundation between them. This unity is primarily rooted in ethnic and political factors. Politically, both states and societies consider Armenia as their historical “other,” although this opposition is mutual. In other words, for Armenia, Turks are also regarded as their historical “other.” With the liberation of Karabakh, the basis for this mutual antagonism may weaken, potentially paving the way for reconciliation among Türkiye, Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Caucasus region.

The military, political and economic dimensions of Türkiye-Azerbaijan relations that existed before the Karabakh conflict are expected to continue strengthening, becoming significant dynamics in post-Karabakh regional geopolitics. Militarily, the two countries are not only enhancing Azerbaijan’s military capabilities through defense industry agreements but also extending their military cooperation to mutual defense commitments, as evident in the Shusha declaration. This means that both nations pledge to defend each other in the event of conflict. This position was reaffirmed during the recent Karabakh crisis when Türkiye warned against Iran’s support for Armenia and assured Azerbaijan of protection. The Azerbaijani military’s capabilities have also established it as a crucial regional player. Politically and economically, Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations are emerging as a new axis in the post-Karabakh regional geopolitical landscape. Their collaboration in energy projects, including transferring Turkmenistan’s gas to Türkiye through the Caspian Sea and Azerbaijan, may elevate both countries’ prominence in the region, especially if the Zangezor corridor is opened, potentially impacting Central Asia.

However, the divergent positions among the regional and international actors in post-Karabakh geopolitics also bring uncertainties. The quest for a new foreign policy direction in Armenia is one of the uncertain dynamics. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s criticism of Russia, joint military exercises with the U.S., and anti-Russian measures could place Armenia in a delicate position between Russia and the West. Although trust in Moscow has waned in Armenian society due to events like the Ukraine war and the Karabakh conflict, Russia remains a crucial partner.

Therefore, Russia will likely play a decisive role in Armenia’s foreign policy. Nevertheless, given Russia’s entanglement in the Ukraine war and other challenges in the Caucasus, its effectiveness remains questioned. While there is potential for a Turkish-Azerbaijani axis to balance Russia’s regional involvement, neither Türkiye nor Azerbaijan may pursue such an orientation in the near term. The most pressing issue at this juncture is the potential developments in Armenian domestic politics, where a remobilization of nationalist discourse following the Karabakh defeat could prevent Armenia’s adaptation to the new situation and prolong the peace process.

Iran’s actions and stance also introduce uncertainty into post-Karabakh geopolitics. Iran’s support for Armenia is motivated by geopolitical considerations and identity concerns. Tehran views backing Armenia as a means to counterbalance the emerging power center created by the Turkish-Azerbaijani partnership, which it perceives as a threat to its identity. Efforts to establish the Zangezur corridor could undermine Iran’s economic influence in the region and result in economic losses. The corridor’s creation, which would establish a direct land connection between the Turkic world and Türkiye, is seen as another threat to Iran.

Consequently, Iran must redefine its position in post-Karabakh regional geopolitics. Iran may opt to be a spoiler and destabilizer or adopt a stance contributing to regional stability. If Iran chooses to shift its rivalry with Türkiye from the Middle East to the Caucasus and views Azerbaijan as a competitor, it could play a significant role in shaping post-Karabakh regional geopolitics.

Another source of uncertainty is the future of the normalization process between Türkiye, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Normalization talks between Türkiye and Armenia can proceed more easily if the Karabakh conflict is resolved. While the normalization process encompasses issues beyond Karabakh, reopening border crossings could yield economic benefits for the parties, potentially expediting political normalization. However, there is a risk that anti-Türkiye Armenian politics, including international Armenian lobbies, could hinder this process. If Armenia and Azerbaijan can reach a political compromise, normalization could occur more swiftly, strategically contributing to regional stability.

Finally, it is crucial to underscore the role of the United States and Europe, particularly France, in post-Karabakh geopolitics. If these countries perceive the region as a competitive arena with Russia and Türkiye, it could transform the region into a competitive strategic environment. Such a scenario would heighten the potential for conflict, deepen regional uncertainties and exacerbate the crisis resulting from Russia’s involvement in Ukraine.

In conclusion, post-Karabakh geopolitics is reshaping regional dynamics, compelling all regional actors to recalibrate their positions in response to the evolving landscape.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Murat Yeşiltaş is a professor of international politics in the Department of International Relations at Social Sciences University of Ankara. He specialized in the study of international security, terrorism, geopolitics and Turkish foreign policy. Yeşiltaş also serves as the director of foreign policy research at SETA.


The crowds of Armenians fleeing Nagorno-Karabakh are so big you can see them from space

Insider
Sept 29 2023
  • At least 70,000 ethnic Armenians have fled the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh this week.
  • Azerbaijan gained full control of the contested area after a surprise military attack last week.
  • Now, the line of cars bringing Armenian refugees to Armenia is so long that it’s visible from space.

Tens of thousands of refugees have fled the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh in the last week, leaving a traffic jam between Azerbaijan and Armenia so long that it’s visible from space.

At least 70,000 ethnic Armenians have fled the territory, which was under a separatist rule associated with Armenia, while internationally, the area has been recognized as belonging to Azerbaijan, per The New York Times.

In a military attack last week, Azerbaijan seized control of the entire territory, driving out many of the 120,000 ethnic Armenians and the separatist Armenian administration, causing a mass exodus of families so large that the traffic jam was visible from space.

Satellite imagery from Maxar taken on September 26 showed a long line of cars along the Lachin corridor, as Armenians and troops left Stepanakert, and headed into mainland Armenia in fear of ethnic persecution from Azerbaijan.

The mass outpour of refugees has intensified in recent days, with locals taking their bare essentials with them. The number of refugees is expected to rise significantly in the coming days, the Times reported.

By September 20, the separatist Armenian leader of the territory signed a decree dissolving the local government and asking Armenian troops to disarm, handing over the territory in exchange for safe passage for ethnic Armenians returning to Armenia, according to the Associated Press.

In 1994, after a six-year separatist struggle and the end of the Soviet Union, the territory was largely governed by an ethnic Armenian government backed by Armenia.

Internationally it was recognized as Azerbaijan’s territory.

But by 2020, and several wars later, Azerbaijan regained large amounts of the land in a six-week war, where Russia helped negotiate a peace deal that largely fell in Azerbaijan’s favor.

As part of the deal, Russia installed 2,000 peacekeepers along the Armenian border with Turkey and Azerbaijan, meant to quell future conflicts. 

But Azerbaijan’s recent aggression largely went unchallenged.

Last week, Armenian officials accused Azerbaijan of blowing up an oil depot that killed dozens and restricted peoples’ abilities to flee by car, according to the Daily Beast.

But by 2020, and several wars later, Azerbaijan regained large amounts of the land in a six-week war, where Russia helped negotiate a peace deal that largely fell in Azerbaijan’s favor.

As part of the deal, Russia installed 2,000 peacekeepers along the Armenian border with Turkey and Azerbaijan, meant to quell future conflicts. 

But Azerbaijan’s recent aggression largely went unchallenged.

Last week, Armenian officials accused Azerbaijan of blowing up an oil depot that killed dozens and restricted peoples’ abilities to flee by car, according to the Daily Beast.

In pictures: Ethnic Armenians flee Nagorno-Karabakh

CNN
Sept 28 2023


Tens of thousands of people have fled Nagorno-Karabakh for Armenia after Azerbaijan launched an offensive to take back full control of the breakaway region.

Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan’s borders but for decades has operated autonomously with a de facto government of its own.

The short offensive ended in a Russia-brokered ceasefire in which separatist Armenian fighters agreed to surrender and lay down their arms. Azerbaijan says Karabakh Armenians can remain in the region if they accept Azerbaijani citizenship, but many people have preferred to leave their homes.

The landlocked mountainous region is home to 120,000 ethnic Armenians who make up the majority of the population.

Azerbaijan says it will guarantee the rights of those living in the region. But Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and international experts have repeatedly warned of the risk of ethnic cleansing.

The self-declared republic will cease to exist from next year after its president, Samvel Shahramanyan, signed a decree dissolving state institutions.

See all the photos at 



The fall of an enclave in Azerbaijan stuns the Armenian diaspora, shattering a dream

Sept 29 2023

BEIRUT (AP) — The swift fall of the Armenian-majority enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijani troops and exodus of much of its population has stunned the large Armenian diaspora around the world. Traumatized by genocide a century ago, they now fear the erasure of what they consider a central and beloved part of their historic homeland.

The separatist ethnic Armenian government in Nagorno-Karabakh on Thursday announced that it was dissolving and that the unrecognized republic will cease to exist by year’s end – a seeming death knell for its 30-year de-facto independence.

Azerbaijan, which routed the region’s Armenian forces in a lightning offensive last week, has pledged to respect the rights of the territory’s Armenian community. But by Thursday morning, 74,400 people – over 60% of Nagorno-Karabakh’s population — had fled to Armenia, and the influx continues, according to Armenian officials.

Many in Armenia and the diaspora fear a centuries-long community in the territory they call Artsakh will disappear in what they call a new wave of ethnic cleansing. They accuse European countries, Russia and the United States – and the government of Armenia itself – of failing to protect ethnic Armenians during months of blockade of the territory by Azerbaijan’s military and in the lightning blitz earlier this month that defeated separatist forces.

Armenians say the loss is a historic blow. Outside the modern country of Armenia itself, the mountainous land was one of the only surviving parts of a heartland that centuries ago stretched across what is now eastern Turkey, into the Caucasus region and western Iran.

Many in the diaspora had pinned dreams on it gaining independence or being joined to Armenia.

Nagorno-Karabakh was “a page of hope in Armenian history,” Narod Seroujian, a Lebanese-Armenian university instructor in Beirut, said Thursday.

“It showed us that there is hope to gain back a land that is rightfully ours … For the diaspora, Nagorno-Karabakh was already part of Armenia.”

Hundreds of Lebanese Armenians on Thursday protested outside the Azerbajani Embassy in Beirut. They waved flags of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh and burned pictures of the Azerbaijani and Turkish presidents. Riot police lobbed tear gas when they threw firecrackers at the embassy.

Ethnic Armenians have communities around Europe and the Middle East and in the United States. Lebanon is home to one of the largest, with an estimated 120,000 of Armenian origin, 4% of the population.

Most are descendants of those who fled the 1915 campaign by Ottoman Turks in which some 1.5 million Armenians died in massacres, deportations and forced marches. The atrocities, which emptied many ethnic Armenian areas in eastern Turkey, are widely viewed by historians as genocide. Turkey rejects the description of genocide, saying the toll has been inflated and that those killed were victims of civil war and unrest during World War I.

In Bourj Hammoud, the main Armenian district in the capital Beirut, memories are still raw, with anti-Turkey graffiti common on the walls. The red-blue-and-orange Armenian flag flies from many buildings.

“This is the last migration for Armenians,” said Harout Bshidikian, 55, sitting in front of an Armenian flag in a Bourj Hamoud cafe. “There is no other place left for us to migrate from.”

Azerbaijan says it is reuniting its territory, pointing out that even Armenia’s prime minister recognized that Nagorno-Karabakh is part of Azerbaijan. Though its population has been predominantly ethnic Armenian Christians, Turkish Muslim Azeris also have communities and cultural ties to the territory as well, particularly the city of Shusha, famed as a cradle of Azeri poetry.

Nagorno-Karabakh came under control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by the Armenian military in separatist fighting that ended in 1994. Azerbaijan took parts of the area in a 2020 war. Now after this month’s defeat, separatist authorities surrendered their weapons and are holding talks with Azerbaijan on reintegration of the territory into Azerbaijan.

Thomas de Waal, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Europe think tank, said Nagorno-Karabakh had become “a kind of new cause” for an Armenian diaspora whose forebearers had suffered the genocide.

“It was a kind of new Armenian state, new Armenian land being born, which they projected lots of hopes on. Very unrealistic hopes, I would say,” he said, adding that it encouraged Karabakh Armenians to hold out against Azerbaijan despite the lack of international recognition for their separatist government.

Armenians see the territory as a cradle of their culture, with monasteries dating back more than a millennium.

“Artsakh or Nagorno-Karabakh has been a land for Armenians for hundreds of years,” said Lebanese legislator Hagop Pakradounian, head of Lebanon’s largest Armenian group, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation. “The people of Artsakh are being subjected to a new genocide, the first genocide in the 21st Century.”

The fall of Nagorno-Karabakh is not just a reminder of the genocide, “it’s reliving it,” said Diran Guiliguian, an Armenian activist who is based in Madrid but holds Armenian, Lebanese and French citizenship.

He said his grandmother used to tell him stories of how she fled in 1915. The genocide “is actually not a thing of the past. It’s not a thing that is a century old. It’s actually still the case,” he said.

Seroujian, the instructor in Beirut, said her great-grandparents were genocide survivors, and that stories of the atrocities and dispersal were talked about at home, school and in the community as she grew up, as was the cause of Nagorno-Karabakh.

She visited the territory several times, most recently in 2017. “We’ve grown with these ideas, whether they were romantic or not, of the country. We’ve grown to love it even when we didn’t see it,” she said. “I never thought about it as something separate” from Armenia the country.

A diaspora group called Europeans for Artsakh plans a rally in Brussels next week in front of European Union buildings to denounce what they say are ethnic cleansing and human rights abuses by Azerbaijan and to call for EU sanctions on Azerbaijani officials. The rally is timed ahead of a summit of European leaders in Spain on Oct. 5, where the Armenian prime minister and Azerbaijani president are scheduled to hold talks mediated by the French president, German chancellor and European Council president.

In the United States, the Armenian community in the Los Angeles area – one of the world’s largest – has staged several protests trying to draw attention to the situation. On Sept. 19, they used a trailer truck to block a major freeway for several hours, causing major traffic jams.

Kim Kardashian, perhaps the most well known Armenian-American today, went on social media to urge President Joe Biden “to Stop Another Armenian Genocide.”

Several groups in the diaspora are collecting money for Karabakh Armenians fleeing their home. But Seroujian said many feel helpless.

“There are moments where personally, the family, or among friends we just feel hopeless,” she said. “And when we talk to each other we sort of lose our minds.


Death toll from fuel depot blast in Karabakh rises to 170, Armenpress reports Reuters

Reuters
Sept 29 2023

MOSCOW, Sept 29 (Reuters) – The death toll from an explosion and fire at a fuel depot in Nagorno-Karabakh has risen to 170, Armenpress news agency reported on Friday citing local officials in the breakaway region.

The blast occurred as thousands of ethnic Armenians fled the breakaway enclave after their fighters were defeated by Azerbaijan in a lightning military operation.

The authorities have not given any explanation of the cause of the blast.

The number of victims rose sharply from an earlier announcement by Karabakh authorities reporting 68 dead on Tuesday evening.

Rescue work at the blast site continues.

As of Friday morning, more than 84,700 of the 120,000 ethnic Armenians who call Nagorno-Karabakh home had already crossed into Armenia.

Reporting by Maxim Rodionov; editing by Guy Faulconbridge

‘I lost everything’: Displaced Nagorno-Karabakh residents arrive in Armenia

France 24
Sept 29 2023

More than 84,000 people have crossed into Armenia from Azerbaijan’s Karabakh region, Armenia’s government said Friday, following the swift fall of the Armenian-majority separatist enclave. For the displaced families arriving in the southern Armenian town of Goris, the trauma of the past few weeks is compounded by the uncertainties of the future.

Watch the video at 

‘Whenever territory has changed hands’ in Karabakh conflict, ‘ethnic cleansing has taken place’

France 24
Sept 29 2023
Ethnic Armenian separatists in Nagorno-Karabakh on Thursday agreed to dissolve their government by the end of the year and become a full part of Azerbaijan in the wake of Baku’s lightning offensive. The dramatic announcement came moments after it became clear that more than half of the rebel region’s population had fled the advancing Azerbaijani forces. It drew the curtain on one of the world’s longest and seemingly most irreconcilable “frozen conflicts” — one that successive administrations in Washington and leaders across Europe had failed to resolve in ceaseless rounds of talks. But it also stoked anger in Yerevan. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan accused Azerbaijan of conducting “ethnic cleansing” and called on the international community to act. As Karabakh separatists disband, following surrender to Azerbaijan, FRANCE 24’s Mark Owen is joined by Dr. Laurence Broers, Caucasus Programme Director at the international peacebuilding organization Conciliation Resources. He is also a research associate at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, and an associate fellow at the Royal Institute for International Affairs at Chatham House.

Watch the video at https://www.france24.com/en/video/20230929-whenever-territory-has-changed-hands-in-karabakh-conflict-ethnic-cleansing-has-taken-place