Armenia’s Pashinyan Says Railway Issue With Russia Remains Under Negotiation

Arbi Tashjian
Eurasia Review
Apr 3 2026
 April 3, 2026  0 Comments

By PanARMENIAN

Yerevan and Moscow have agreed to continue discussions on the concession management of Armenia’s railway network, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said during a briefing.

He noted that during his visit to Moscow, he discussed with Russian counterparts the possibility of transferring the concession management of Armenia’s railway system to a third country friendly to both Armenia and Russia, Armenpress reports.

“Yes, this issue was discussed in detail. We had an in-depth conversation, presented our positions and views, and listened to those of our Russian partners. We agreed to continue the discussions. The essence of these talks is simple: under current conditions, Armenia is losing its competitive potential advantages.

Our goal is to ensure that Armenia can fully realize its competitive potential. We not only have no problems with Russia, but we highly value our friendly relations and do not want to harm Russia’s interests in any way. At the same time, the current situation does not allow us to utilize our competitive advantages, and together we must find a solution,” Pashinyan said.

Earlier, Pashinyan had proposed transferring the concession management of Armenia’s railway network to a country acceptable to both Armenia and Russia, arguing that under Russian management the railway loses certain competitive advantages, as some countries avoid using it due to Russia’s involvement.

On April 2, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk stated that there are no objective reasons to transfer the concession management of Armenia’s railway network to a third country.

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Russia applies ‘stricter requirements’ for Armenian goods following tense Pas

Chalian Meline
OC Media
Apr 3 2026

Russia has announced ‘stricter requirements’ on the import of Armenian products, a measure that came a day after Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had a tense meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Wednesday.

‘The range and the quantity of products that are being delivered give us grounds to believe that not all of the products entering [Russia] are from Armenia’, Sergei Dankvert, head of the Russian Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Supervision, told Vesti.

Highlighting the difference between EU and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) procedures, Dankvert said that Armenia allows ‘simplified access’ to EU goods within its market, which ‘does not comply with the requirements’ of the EAEU.

He said that the Russian side has ‘addressed this issue’ over the past several years after observing an ‘illogical increase’ of supplies of some products from Armenia.

Noting that there is a ‘simplified access procedures to EAEU countries’, Dankvert said in his interview on Thursday that Armenia’s export of flowers increased ‘from 36 million to over 100 million in three years’.

‘During inspections we saw that these products are accompanied only by consignment notes, that is, movements approved by the European Commission’, which ‘forced [Russia] to take measures’.

‘In terms of livestock products, we’ve seen shipments of untraceable products, such as butter, cheese, and trout. The trout must be Armenian, from mountain rivers or aquaculture, but it shouldn’t be in any way similar to Norwegian trout’, Russian state-run media TASS quoted Dankvert as saying.

He claimed these findings had led Russia to start applying stricter requirements on Armenia.

Putin and Pashinyan hold contentious talks in Moscow

Armenian authorities have yet to respond to these latest accusations.

However in 2025, in response to a similar set of allegations, the spokesperson for the Armenian Food Safety Inspection Body, Anush Harutyunyan, told Armenpress that ‘the volume of flowers imported into Armenia is not large enough to allow for re-export’.

Following this, the parties also introduced joint online video surveillance at greenhouse farms of Armenian flower producers to decide whether to issue export licenses to Russia.

The Russian announcement came a day after Putin stated that Russia views the developing relations between Armenia and the EU with ‘complete calm’. At the same time, Putin underscored the impossibility of being in a customs union with the EU and the EAEU.

Following the meeting, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Aleksei Overchuk accused Armenia of coming ‘very close to the point where we will have to restructure our economic relations with this country’.

Russia has previously been accused of using food-health standards as a way to exert economic pressure on countries, including Armenia, with several similar incidents taking place throughout 2024.

That year, sanctions were imposed on Armenian mineral water producer Jermuk, and Russia revealed violations in the supply of red caviar, fruits, and vegetables, and decided to temporarily limit their supply.

In 2023, Russia banned the import of Armenian-produced dairy products, deeming them unsafe for Russian consumers. The decision came shortly after Russia criticised Armenia’s ratification of the International Criminal Court’s Rome Statute, under which Russian President Vladimir Putin is wanted.

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The future of nuclear energy in Armenia: debate, risks and strategic choices a

Ani Tigranian
New Eastern Europe
Apr 3 2026

Issues surrounding Armenia’s only nuclear power plant are as much about politics as energy. With related infrastructure now in need of reform, the plant has become a central part of attempts by outside actors to gain influence in the South Caucasus.

April 3, 2026 – Anna Vardanyan 

The operation of the Armenian Nuclear Power Plant—commonly known as the Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant—remains one of the most debated energy and environmental issues not only in Armenia but throughout the South Caucasus region. As the only nuclear power plant in the South Caucasus, Metsamor occupies a critical place in Armenia’s energy security architecture, supplying a significant share of the country’s electricity. At the same time, the plant has long been the subject of international scrutiny due to its age, Soviet-era design, and geographic location in a seismically active region.

Located approximately 30 kilometres west of Yerevan and just 16 kilometres from the Turkish frontier, the facility’s potential environmental and safety implications extend beyond Armenia’s borders. Over the years, European institutions, international nuclear experts, and neighbouring states have repeatedly raised concerns about the plant’s safety profile.

The facility originally had two VVER-440 reactors, which were commissioned in the late 1970s. Following the devastating Spitak Earthquake, the plant was shut down due to safety concerns. However, the energy crisis that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union forced Armenia to make a controversial decision: restart one of the reactors.

Unit 2 resumed operations in 1995, becoming a cornerstone of Armenia’s electricity system. Today it generates roughly 30 to 40 per cent of the country’s electricity, making it the single most important power source in the national energy mix.

For many policymakers in Yerevan, that fact alone settles the debate.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has repeatedly emphasized the strategic role of nuclear energy in Armenia’s economy.

“Nuclear energy stands as a cornerstone in our strategy, ensuring both the energy security of our nation and the mitigation of climate change,” Pashinyan said at an international nuclear energy summit.

In another statement, he stressed that the government views the safe operation of the nuclear power plant as a strategic priority, noting that the facility remains a vital component of Armenia’s electricity balance.

For a landlocked country with limited fossil fuel resources and complicated regional geopolitics, nuclear power has become synonymous with sovereignty.

The debate around Metsamor has never been purely technical. It is about energy security, geopolitics, environmental risk, and the difficult choices facing a small state navigating an uncertain regional environment. Today, as Armenia considers extending the life of the plant while simultaneously planning its replacement, the discussion has intensified.

Armenia’s leadership insists that nuclear energy remains indispensable. Critics argue that relying on a decades-old reactor in a seismic region is inherently risky. Meanwhile, the emerging idea of building small modular reactors (SMRs) has added a new layer to the debate — one that divides experts almost as sharply as the question of Metsamor itself.

European concerns about safety

Despite its importance to Armenia, Metsamor has long been criticized by international institutions and neighbouring states.

The European Union has previously classified reactors of the VVER-440 V230 type — including the one operating at Metsamor — as belonging to the “oldest and least reliable” category among Soviet-built reactors in Eastern Europe. For years, the EU encouraged Armenia to close the facility and even offered financial assistance to support its shutdown. However, Armenian authorities rejected those proposals, arguing that closing the plant without a viable replacement would endanger the country’s energy stability.

Environmental organizations have also raised concerns about the plant’s design and its location in a seismically active region. However, officials in Yerevan point to decades of safe operation and to numerous modernization programmes implemented with international support. According to Pashinyan, Armenia operates the plant “in line with the safety standards of the International Atomic Energy Agency”. He has also highlighted that no nuclear or radiation accidents have occurred in the plant’s history.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has carried out multiple inspections and safety assessments at Metsamor, encouraging continued upgrades while acknowledging the improvements implemented by Armenian specialists.

Still, critics argue that modernization can only go so far.

“The fundamental design limitations of early Soviet reactors cannot be fully eliminated,” some nuclear analysts have argued, pointing to the absence of modern containment structures typical of newer nuclear facilities.

Concerns from neighbouring Turkey

Because of its proximity to international borders, Metsamor has also become a regional political issue. Officials and experts in Turkey have periodically raised concerns about the plant’s safety and potential environmental risks. Turkish analysts often point out that the facility is located only a short distance from the border and sits within a seismically active region. Some Turkish policymakers have called for the plant’s closure or for stronger international monitoring. In previous years, Turkish officials raised the issue in diplomatic and international forums, arguing that a potential nuclear accident would have consequences far beyond Armenia.

However, the Armenian authorities reject the idea that Metsamor poses an exceptional regional risk.

They point out that the plant has operated for decades without a serious incident and that safety upgrades have been implemented in accordance with international standards.

Georgia’s energy perspective

Regional voices from Georgia often frame the issue somewhat differently. While Georgian environmental groups have expressed concerns about the aging reactor, some energy experts in Tbilisi acknowledge that Metsamor plays an important role in maintaining electricity stability across the South Caucasus. Armenia and Georgia maintain close cooperation in electricity trade, and disruptions in Armenia’s power generation could potentially affect regional energy flows. Some Georgian analysts argue that debate should focus less on closing the plant immediately and more on ensuring that Armenia successfully transitions to a modern nuclear facility.

Extending the plant’s life

Facing these competing pressures, Armenia has adopted what might be described as a pragmatic strategy: extend Metsamor’s operation while preparing for its replacement. The current plan foresees the reactor operating until 2036, following a series of modernization programmes.

During a parliamentary session, Pashinyan confirmed that the government is already examining the possibility of extending the plant’s life even further if necessary.

“We are now in the process of extending the operation period of the Metsamor nuclear power plant until 2036,” he said. “After that, another phase is expected to extend its operation for another ten years.”

At the same time, Armenia is searching for partners to build a new nuclear facility.

Several countries have expressed interest in the project, including the United States, Russia, France, China and South Korea.

The stakes are enormous: building a new nuclear power plant in Armenia is estimated to cost between three billion and five billion US dollars, making it one of the largest infrastructure projects in the country’s history.


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Putin issues ultimatum to Armenia over closer ties with EU

Kalantarian Kevo
EuroNews
April 3 2026
By Sasha Vakulina

In a rare blunt exchange at the Kremlin, Russia’s president issued a public warning to Armenia, telling Yerevan to choose between the EU and Russia. The Armenian prime minister responded that in his country, the people of Armenia run a democratic political process.

Moscow will not tolerate Armenia’s closer ties with the EU, Russian President Vladimir Putin warned Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan during a rare and tense meeting at the Kremlin on Wednesday, issuing a not-so-veiled threat over Russian gas supplies to the neighbouring country.

“We see that there is a discussion in Armenia about developing relations with the European Union,” Putin said at the meeting with Pashinyan, adding that Moscow treats it “absolutely calmly”.

“But it should be obvious and honestly stated upfront that membership in a customs union with both the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union is impossible,” Putin told Pashinyan on camera.

The Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) created in 2015 includes Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, and it is meant to enable the free movement of goods, capital and labour among its members.

During the meeting at the Kremlin, Putin followed up on Moscow’s gas supplies to Armenia, saying that Russia now sells gas to its neighbour at a “substantially” lower price than the EU does.

“Gas prices in Europe exceed 600 dollars per 1,000 cubic metres, whereas Russia provides gas to Armenia at 177.5 per 1,000 cubic metres,” he told Pashinyan, adding that “the disparity is vast, the difference is substantial.”

Ever since it made peace with Azerbaijan, Armenia has increasingly said it is seeking closer ties with the EU, with Pashinyan even declaring an intention to join the 27-member bloc in the future.

In a series of countering answers which underline Armenia’s new positioning in the South Caucasus and in Russia’s former sphere of influence, the Armenian premier told Putin that he realised that his country could not simultaneously be a member of both blocs, and that for now it could combine its membership in the Eurasian Economic Union with developing cooperation with Brussels — and that as long as Yerevan can balance the two agendas it intends to do so.

The Armenian leader made it clear that when the time comes to make a choice, it will be solemnly made by the citizens of Armenia, without any interference.

“And when the processes reach the point where it will be necessary to make a decision, I am sure that we, I mean the citizens of the Republic of Armenia, will make that decision,” Pashinyan told Putin, not mincing words.

With its long-standing influence in the South Caucasus fading and what appears to be the Kremlin’s ongoing intent to have a say in Armenia’s political decision-making, Putin told Pashiyan that Moscow hopes pro-Russian forces will be allowed to compete freely in Armenia’s parliamentary elections set for June.

Without mentioning names, Russia’s president claimed that some of their representatives have been put in custody, saying, “Some are in detention despite having Russian passports.”

Putin referred to Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, who was arrested last year after calling for the ouster of the government.

Pashinyan, also without naming Karapetyan, noted that Armenian law requires political candidates to hold exclusively Armenian citizenship, adding that “no restrictions” are being imposed on political opposition under such circumstances.

“Persons with Russian passports, according to the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, cannot be either a candidate for deputy or a candidate for prime minister,” Pashinyan explained to Putin.

Pashinyan also firmly stated to Putin that “Armenia is a democratic country”, where the political processes are ongoing at all times.

“In fact, twice a year we hold municipal elections, which are also very politicised, because as a result of our political reforms, people there also vote for or against political parties,” Pashinyan said.

The Armenian prime minister then referred to the internet outrage in Moscow and the Kremlin-introduced restrictions on the popular Telegram messaging app.

“Our social networks, for example, are 100% free, with no restrictions at all,” Pashinyan told Putin on camera.

He also added that unlike Russia there are no political prisoners in Armenia, stating that “in the general context, to be honest, we do not have participants in political processes in places of detention.”

“We have citizens who think that there is too much democracy in Armenia. But this is a matter of principle for us,” Pashinyan said.

Yerevan’s balancing act

Armenia’s relations with Russia have grown increasingly strained after Azerbaijan fully reclaimed the Karabakh region in 2023.

Decades of bloody conflict ended as the two former bitter rivals embarked on a historic peace process, launching an economic revival in the region amid new stability in the South Caucasus.

In 2024, Armenia suspended its membership in the Russia-led Yerevan Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) after Moscow failed to support Yerevan during the 2022 Karabakh escalation.

“In my opinion, the CSTO mechanisms should have been activated (in 2022),” Pashinyan told Putin, adding that “they were not activated, and this, of course, led to the situation that we have in relations with the CSTO.”

He confirmed that Armenia is currently not participating in the CSTO for what he described as a “simple reason”.

“We are still unable to explain to our people, our citizens, why the CSTO did not respond, and did not respond despite the obligations that exist under the Collective Security Treaty,” the Armenian leader told Putin.

Putin called Armenian concerns “certain grievances” as he argued that Moscow’s decision not to intervene was on Yerevan and Russia did not see a point in stepping in.

“It is obvious that after you accepted in Prague in 2022 that Karabakh is part of Azerbaijan, the CSTO’s intervention in this process, which has acquired an intra-Azerbaijani nature, was simply absolutely wrong in this matter,” Putin told Pashinyan.

“This is not an assessment, I am not saying that this is good or bad, from the point of view of organising peaceful life, I think that, probably, it made sense,” the Russian president added.

“Here we simply need to look for ways to further strengthen relations. But it seems to me that here too we need to finish here,” Putin concluded.

Since reaching an agreement to put an end to almost four decades of a bloody conflict in Karabakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been working on normalising and strengthening their bilateral relations, as well as the cooperation in the region, with one exception.

Russia has been notably absent from the Karabakh peace process, both during and after the agreement was reached, and both Yerevan and Baku have been distancing themselves from Moscow while jointly redirecting their foreign policy focus toward the EU and the US.

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‘Armenia could become a small transit hub’: economist on developments around I

Maral Chavushian
JAM news
Apr 3 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

The war in Iran, now lasting more than a month, and developments across the Middle East are affecting Armenia’s economy. Economist Aghasi Tavadyan says the country is receiving a significant inflow of capital. He identifies three main sources: Iran, the Gulf states and Russia.

The expert warns that this inflow brings risks. Large volumes of dollar inflows are putting pressure on the national currency, the dram. The Central Bank is trying to offset this impact. Tavadyan says risk management is essential, as the dram could “sharply depreciate, as it did in 2008 and 2014”. At the same time, the inflow creates new opportunities.

“This could, above all, stimulate activity in the construction sector, which slowed somewhat in 2025,” he says.

Tavadyan also stresses that Armenia can take advantage of current changes in air routes and become “a small transit hub”.

Below is his assessment of the situation and his short-term outlook.

  • Analysis: Economic growth and living standards rise in Armenia — but may be overstated
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Capital inflows are not new, but their sources have shifted

“After the start of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Armenia received a significant inflow of capital from Russia. As a result, nearly half of the country’s 12.6% economic growth in 2022 came from the financial, banking and IT sectors. This directly reflects the inflow of capital and IT specialists into Armenia following sanctions imposed on Russia.

The situation now looks somewhat different. Capital is flowing in from three distinct directions. Inflows from Russia continue, but volumes have declined compared with 2022. Two new waves have emerged. A substantial amount of capital has been coming from Iran since September 2025, when currency outflows began there. A large share has ended up in Armenia, pushing economic growth to 7.2% by the end of the year. The initial forecast stood at 5.2%.

In addition, some capital is arriving from the Gulf states, especially the United Arab Emirates. Much of this capital is ultimately destined for Hong Kong. In practice, investors in the UAE are selling assets at lower prices with the aim of relocating them to Hong Kong. Part of this flow passes through Armenia.

It is more likely that companies operating in Dubai, rather than in Iran, will enter the Armenian market.

Those living and working in the UAE tend to be established, wealthy entrepreneurs. However, many have not developed strong ties to the country. After selling their assets and property, they may move to safer locations. Some of them could choose Armenia.”

The South Caucasus as a reliable air bridge

“Dubai, a key global aviation hub, is gradually losing ground in the current situation. Airlines from the Gulf are now losing around $1 billion a week due to flight cancellations.

At present, the only reliable air route connecting Europe and Asia runs through the South Caucasus, mainly via Georgia and Azerbaijan, and to a lesser extent Armenia.

Before 2022, Europe and Asia were primarily connected by an air ‘bridge’ over Siberia. But Russia has barred European airlines from its airspace for the past four years.

Airlines then shifted to routes over the Middle East. Now those routes have also become unavailable, giving way to the South Caucasus corridor. As a result, the number of daily flights through the airspace of Georgia and Azerbaijan has increased roughly fiftyfold.”

Armenia could benefit from shifting air routes

“Armenia’s airspace is less attractive. One reason is its issues with both land and air borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan. Another factor is that alternative routes are more convenient. Aircraft can enter Georgian airspace directly over the Black Sea, then continue over Azerbaijan and the Caspian Sea to their destination.

The fewer countries a flight crosses, the more economically efficient it becomes. Armenia does not fit well into this logic.

However, Dubai is likely to lose its status as a key regional aviation hub, with Istanbul taking its place.

At the same time, Armenia can take advantage of the reorganisation of air routes and could, in the future, become a small transit hub. This is a realistic opportunity that could also support the development of tourism in Armenia.”

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Turkey and Armenia: When will the border crossings open?

Emil Lazarian
Deutsche Welle, Germany
Apr 3 2026
Elmas Topcu | Aram Ekin Duran

Hostility between the two neighbors isolated them from each other for decades. Now Turkey’s business community hopes the recent rapprochement will bring trade benefits. New logistics routes could boost the local economy.

When the Armenian prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, stepped out of a car and walked toward his host, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in June 2025, it was a truly historic moment. The two politicians shook hands, and turned to face the cameras together. It was the first time a representative of the Armenian government had visited Turkey, and he had been invited by the Turkish head of state.

Turkey and Armenia share a land border almost 330 kilometers long (200 miles), but the enmity between the two countries dates back over a century. Relations have always been overshadowed by the 1915 massacre of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, which Germany and many other Western countries officially recognized as genocide in 2016.

Ankara’s stance on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has further deepened the rift. Turkey sided with Armenia’s adversary Azerbaijan, and closed the Turkish-Armenian border in 1993.

Peace agreement opens up new prospects

However, since 2022 a cautious rapprochement has been underway. Armenia no longer insists that Ankara recognize the events of 1915 as a genocide.

Also last year, Armenia signed a peace agreement with Azerbaijan that finally put an end to decades of war over Nagorno-Karabakh. Since then, Turkish companies have dared to hope for the normalization of relations in the region, and the opening of the border with Armenia, which has been closed for more than thirty years.

There are two border crossings from Turkey to Armenia: Alican, in Igdir Province, and Akyaka, in Kars Province. Both have been closed since the first Nagorno-Karabakh war, but according to observers, they could be reopened within months.

Armenian media report that their government has already made the necessary preparations. On the Turkish side, work is still in progress, but is already at an advanced stage.

If the crossings were to open before Armenia’s parliamentary elections in June, it would be a big win for Prime Minister Pashinyan. For years now, he has pursued reconciliation with Turkey, and sought to bring Armenia closer to the West.

Alternative trade route through Georgia

Kaan Soyak, the head of the Turkish-Armenian Business Development Council, says that, because of the sealed border, the two countries have had to conduct trade indirectly for years. He says that trade worth around 300–350 million US dollars (about 300 million euros) passes between them via Georgia. His statistics show that about 99% of this consists of goods transported from Turkey to Georgia, then on to Armenia.

According to Soyak, it’s predominantly clothing, chemical products, foodstuffs, and raw precious metals. He firmly believes that, with the border open, the volume of bilateral trade could quickly increase to one billion dollars. He also anticipates the swift construction of logistics corridors, including energy and telecommunications lines that will connect directly to the whole of the Caucasus.

But the Iran war has delayed the countdown. According to Soyak, the expansion of the war to affect the Gulf states, Iraq, and Lebanon, has raised fears of a fresh wave of migration. Consequently, progress on plans to open the land border between Armenia and Turkey has slowed.

Anatolia hopes to boost tourism

Turkey’s eastern provinces, including Kars, Igdir, Agri, Ardahan, and Van, are just a stone’s throw from the Armenian border. They’re also among the poorest regions of Anatolia. According to the Turkish Statistical Institute, they occupy the lowest places in the city rankings with a GDP of just €3,250 to €4,350 per capita.

The people in this region therefore have high hopes for the movement of goods and people across the border – and for the arrival of visitors from Armenia and the Armenian diaspora worldwide. Many important historical and religious sites lie on the Turkish side of the border, so opening this up could provide many new opportunities for tourism.

Kadir Bozan, the head of the Kars Chamber of Commerce and Industry, also stresses the importance of the so-called Trump Corridor. The members of his organization see this route and its associated infrastructure as hugely significant.

Construction of the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity was agreed last August as part of the peace plan between Armenia and Azerbaijan, brokered by US President Donald Trump. The plan envisages a 43-kilometer (26-mile) road and rail corridor through Armenia, connecting Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhchivan before continuing to Turkey.

Transport corridor between China and Europe

The corridor is intended to strengthen the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, and reduce transport times between China and Europe. Turkey sees it as an opportunity for it to become a key player in global trade. Last August, it started the construction of a 224-kilometer (139-mile) stretch of railway as part of the route, intended to carry millions of passengers and millions of tonnes of freight every year.

Bozan emphasizes that, for this reason, many in the region are hoping the Iran war will end soon, so the region can flourish as a center for business and tourism. Bozan points out that his city, Kars, already has a very good, popular train connection to Baku via Tbilisi.

People in the neighboring province of Ardahan, which shares two border crossings with Georgia, also have high hopes for the Turkish-Armenian rapprochement. Ardahan is located just 20 kilometers (12 miles) from the Armenian border, and Cetin Demirci, the head of the Ardahan Chamber of Commerce and Industry, believes it will soon be the site of new production facilities, factories, industrial areas, and warehouses.

Demirci says his city has been shrinking for years, with many young people leaving. He believes opening the border here would create much-needed jobs, and revive the economy.

Kamil Arslan, the head of the Igdir Chamber of Commerce and Industry, is similarly optimistic about the future. “Trade knows no nationalism,” he says — people just want more than thirty years of enmity between Turkey and Armenia to end.

Arslan hopes he will soon see foodstuffs, construction materials, textiles, and services flowing across the border to Armenia. Especially Igdir’s famous, sweet apricots — just like in the old days.

This article has been translated from German.

https://www.dw.com/en/turkey-and-armenia-when-will-the-border-crossings-open/a-76648630

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Armenia’s ties with Russia at post-independence low

Ani Kharatian
TVP World
April 3 2026

Armenia’s ties with Russia at post-independence low

Michał Maria Zdanowski

Armenia appears to have drifted further away from Moscow than at any point since its independence, with political risk analyst Raffi Elliott arguing that public sentiment has shifted so dramatically that Russia is no longer seen as the country’s primary external partner.

Elliott, an analyst with the Armenian Mirror-Spectator, told TVP World’s Eastern Express program that while Russia will remain a regional power Armenia cannot ignore, the country’s broader trajectory is now clearly westward.  

His comments come as Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan continues to signal that closer integration with Europe is a strategic goal, while also stressing that any final decision on EU membership would belong to the Armenian public. 

‘Stunning reversal’ 

“There is a consensus in Armenia that Armenia is making a westward shift,” Elliott said, describing what he sees as a fundamental change in the country’s geopolitical orientation.  

He cautioned that Russia is “not going anywhere,” given Armenia’s geography, history and economic links, but said ties with Moscow are now at their lowest point since Armenia gained independence in 1991 

He also acknowledged that pro-Russian voices still matter in Armenian politics, especially among voters with family, business or labor ties to Russia. But, he argued, the balance has changed sharply. “Armenia actually sees actors like France and the European Union as much closer allies than it does Russia, which is a stunning reversal.” 


That change has unfolded against the backdrop of Armenia’s growing frustration with Moscow’s security guarantees and its cooled relationship with the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization.  


In February 2024, Armenia suspended its participation in the CSTO – a military alliance made up of former Soviet states and the Kremlin’s answer to NATO – with Pashinyan saying the bloc had failed the country. 


The Kremlin’s limits 


Elliott said a recent meeting between Pashinyan and Russian President Vladimir Putin appeared awkward, reflecting a relationship that is increasingly strained in public as well as behind closed doors.  


He suggested Moscow still wants to remind Yerevan of the limits of its room for maneuver, particularly as Armenia heads toward a parliamentary election in June. 


That tension was also visible in Putin’s remarks on Armenia’s European ambitions.  


While the Russian leader said Moscow was calm about Yerevan developing ties with the EU, he also underlined that Armenia could not simultaneously belong to both the EU’s customs framework and the Eurasian Economic Union.  


Pashinyan, for his part, has said Armenia will continue trying to balance its current commitments with its longer-term European aspirations. 


Railways: symbol of dependence 


The interview also turned to Armenian railways, which remain under Russian control as a legacy of earlier debt-for-assets arrangements. Elliott said that issue has become a symbol of how post-Soviet dependence still constrains Armenia’s strategic choices. 


He argued that the rail system no longer fits Yerevan’s ambition to turn Armenia into a regional transit hub linking Georgia, Iran, Turkey and, eventually, broader trade routes across the region.  


Kazakhstan has been mentioned as one possible alternative partner, he noted, while French and US interest has also surfaced in discussions about infrastructure and modernization. 


The broader direction of travel, however, appears clear. Armenia has been widening cooperation with European partners, including Poland, as it tries to reduce its reliance on Moscow while avoiding an outright rupture with its powerful neighbor. 


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Agreement awarded to increase exports to Armenia

Nahapetian Samvel
AJOT
Apr 2 2026

posted by AJOT | Apr 02 2026 at 12:06 PM | International Trade  

The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Foreign Agricultural Service (FAS) is awarding an agreement to the Center for Agribusiness and Rural Development (CARD) to increase American agricultural exports to Armenia. In coordination with USDA, CARD will support Armenian mills importing U.S. wheat through complimentary training, facilitate research on wheat diseases to safeguard America’s wheat supply, conduct food safety training, and support short-term trade promotion programming.

FAS is issuing this award as part of a portfolio of projects called ‘Coordinating Agricultural Development & Innovation’ (CADI). This project unlocks Armenia to U.S. exports by increasing Armenia’s capacity to buy U.S. wheat, reducing food safety regulatory barriers, and connect Armenian buyers with U.S. exporters. Today’s award will help lead to an additional $4.6 million in exports of U.S. agricultural commodities to Armenia’s 3 million consumers.

CADI projects work to advance American agricultural interests in Eastern Europe, the South Caucasus and Central Asia. These “America First” projects reduce the agricultural trade deficit and make America safer, stronger and more prosperous, ensuring a return on investment for American farmers, ranchers and agricultural producers. The CADI portfolio is working to create over $67 million in U.S. economic growth and 198 U.S. jobs.


https://www.ajot.com/news/agreement-awarded-to-increase-exports-to-armenia 

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Armenia Sets Sights on EU—Not Russia, as Pashinyan and Putin Meet in Moscow

Maghakian Mike
United 24 Media
Apr 3 2026
Apr 02, 2026 17:02

 3 min read
Authors

Cyril Barabaltchouk

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a meeting with Russian leader Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin, delivering a blunt assessment of Russia’s failure to uphold its security obligations, The Insider reported, citing Russian state media on April 2.

The meeting served as a public airing of grievances, with Pashinyan explaining the total “freeze” of Armenia’s participation in the CSTO

Pashinyan directly linked the decision to the 2022 events in Nagorno-Karabakh, where Azerbaijan seized control of the region while Russian peacekeepers and the CSTO remained sidelined.

“I am unable to explain to our people why the CSTO did not react despite the obligations,” Pashinyan stated. Putin countered by arguing that Armenia’s 2022 recognition of Karabakh as Azerbaijani territory in Prague made any intervention “incorrect,” a justification that Yerevan has long rejected as an excuse for inaction, The Insider wrote.

The conversation shifted to Armenia’s accelerating rapprochement with the European Union. Putin warned that simultaneous membership in the EU and the Russian-led EAEU is “impossible,” pointing to a sharp increase in energy costs if Armenia departs. Putin claimed that Russia currently supplies gas to Armenia at a subsidized rate of $177.5 per thousand cubic meters, whereas European spot prices exceed $600.

While Pashinyan acknowledged the technical incompatibility of the two customs unions, he maintained that Armenia would utilize both options for as long as possible before putting the final decision to a national vote, according to The Insider.

Regional Logistics and 2026 Elections Discussions also touched upon the restoration of railway links through Azerbaijan and the construction of a new nuclear power plant. Pashinyan clarified that Armenia is negotiating with multiple international partners to find the most advantageous deal for its energy future, signaling a move away from total dependence on Russian nuclear conglomerate Rosatom.

As the meeting concluded, Putin expressed concern over the upcoming Armenian parliamentary elections on June 7, 2026. He urged that all political forces, including those with pro-Russian stances, be allowed to participate.

This request comes as Armenia prepares for a final peace treaty with Azerbaijan in 2027, following a US-mediated joint declaration in August 2025 that effectively ended decades of military confrontation.

The diplomatic fracture between Aramenia and Russia intensified in June 2024, when Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan officially announced the suspension of Armenia’s participation in the CSTO, citing the alliance’s failure to defend the country against Azerbaijani incursions during the conflict in Nagorno Karabakh.

This decisive break was followed by a historic parliamentary vote on March 26, 2025, where Armenia approved a law to formally begin the process of joining the European Union. By August 2025, the United States successfully mediated a joint declaration between Armenia and Azerbaijan, signaling a shift toward Western security guarantees and away from Russian regional dominance.

The current April 2026 meeting in the Kremlin highlights the final economic hurdles of this transition, as Armenia weighs the immediate loss of subsidized Russian gas against its long-term aspirations for European integration.

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Fresno Armenian-American artwork showcased after 120 years

Emil Lazarian
Your Central Valley
Apr 3 2026

by: Jason Takhtadjian

FRESNO, Calif. (KSEE/KGPE) – An art exhibit in Downtown Fresno’s Art Hop is sharing a story of survival through drawings that outlived a genocide. 

“This is a very unique exhibition in the sense that it comes from 120-year-old art that was created in Armenia prior to coming to Fresno. That’s the beauty of it,” Armenian Heritage Museum Curator Varoujan Der Simonian said.

The artwork belongs to Victoria Khatcherian, a young woman from the Armenian highlands who fled violence and persecution in the early 1900’s, now known as the Armenian Genocide. But before she ever knew what was coming, she was creating.

“I looked at it. I was amazed by the quality of the work that Victoria has done,” Der Simonian said.

And even today, 120 years later, her work doesn’t feel distant – it feels familiar.

“It’s very, very unique and you can relate to it because it’s so contemporary,” Der Simonian said.

And here in Fresno, where generations of Armenian families have built their lives, that history isn’t just remembered – it’s lived.

“It’s the link between the past and the present,” Der Simonian said.

And while this art is rooted in Armenian history, its message reaches far beyond it.

“It’s significant because we are all immigrant communities throughout the valley… and having this kind of art in our community, I think it’s value to Fresno,” Der Simonian said.

The free exhibit will be available for the public from 5 p.m. to 8 p.m. at Fresno ArtHop.

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