Workshop dedicated to Istanbul’s Armenian printers opens in Yerevan

Mediamax, Armenia
Aug 7, 2026

Workshop dedicated to Istanbul’s Armenian printers opens in Yerevan

A two-day workshop titled Istanbul’s Armenian printers opened at the Matenadaran on August 7, 2026. The event offers a new historical perspective on the pivotal contributions of Armenian printers, type-makers, and craftspeople in Istanbul to the development of Ottoman print culture from the late eighteenth century onwards.

The workshop’s partners are Matenadaran – the Mesrop Mashtots Research Institute of Ancient Manuscripts, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the ISType platform.

“By combining technological and archival approaches, our speakers highlight the enduring legacy of Istanbul’s Armenian printers in shaping typographic and visual traditions not only in the Ottoman Empire but also far beyond its borders, from South Asia to Europe,” said workshop organizer and art historian Erin Piñon.

The workshop has brought together researchers from universities and academic centers around the world. Presentations in the first session focused on the work of Armenian printers Bogos Arabian, Ohannes Muhendisyan, and other Armenian type designers in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Speakers noted that their innovations in punchcutting, metal type production, and printing technologies largely shaped the visual identity of Arabic, Armenian, Persian, Turkish, and South Asian languages and laid important foundations for modern mechanical typesetting.

In the second part of the workshop, the speakers presented 19th-century Armenian illustrated publications published in Istanbul, exploring the interplay of movable type, engraving, and lithography, as well as drawing special attention to the restoration of the neglected creative heritage of the Istanbul-Armenian miniaturist and illustrator Stepan Agayian.

Photo: Mediamax

On August 8, a special exhibition will showcase rare multilingual publications produced by 19th-century printing houses in Istanbul, bringing together publications from the Matenadaran collections, public libraries in Yerevan, and private collections.

Photo: Mediamax

“This is the largest exhibition to date dedicated to the work of Bogos Arabian and Ohannes Muhendisyan. It will feature Armenian, Arabic, Persian, and Turkish publications that have never been shown together before,” Erin Piñon noted.

 

Gaiane Yenokian
Photos by the author

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WCC expresses deep concern on current situation affecting Armenian Apostolic C

World Council of Churches
Aug 7, 2026

World Council of Churches (WCC) central committee moderator Bishop Dr Heinrich Bedford-Strohm and WCC general secretary Rev. Prof. Dr Jerry Pillay expressed deep concern regarding the current situation affecting the Armenian Apostolic Church.

“WCC, as a global fellowship of churches, affirms the vital role of the Armenian Apostolic Church in the spiritual, cultural, and historical life of the Armenian people and in the wider Christian family,” said Bedford-Strohm and Pillay. “As WCC, we express our  concern about undue interference in inner church matters.”

Bedford-Strohm and Pillay extended hope and prayers that the conflict will be resolved in a way that will foster the flourishing of the whole Armenian people. They added, “We uphold the Armenian Church and its people in prayer and support during this time.”

https://www.oikoumene.org/news/wcc-expresses-deep-concern-on-current-situation-affecting-armenian-apostolic-church

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Contested memories and everyday statehood in Armenia: translocal narratives of

New Eastern Europe
Aug 7, 2026

Armenia is currently undergoing a seismic change in how society relates to the state. While high politics remains an important factor, a growing number of citizens are starting to actively judge governments on their ability to improve everyday life.

August 7, 2026 – Anna Vardanyan –  Analysis

Armenia is navigating one of the most consequential periods in its post-Soviet history. The legacies of the Armenian Genocide, the Nagorno-Karabakh wars, and the 2023 exodus of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh continue to shape how citizens view the state, its institutions, and its ability to provide security and justice. Following the June 2026 parliamentary elections, debates over political legitimacy have become increasingly intertwined with questions of memory, identity and national belonging.

State legitimacy in Armenia is not determined by elections or constitutional authority alone. It is built – or eroded – through people’s everyday experiences with public institutions, local governance and official narratives. These perceptions are further shaped by actors beyond Armenia’s borders. Diaspora communities, international organizations, foreign governments and transnational media all influence public debate and competing visions of Armenia’s future.

Journalists, civil society representatives, displaced communities, and other local voices offer a window into how legitimacy is understood and contested in a rapidly changing political landscape. Their experiences reveal that trust in the state is continuously negotiated through lived experience, collective memory and transnational connections, making legitimacy an evolving social process rather than a fixed institutional condition.

State–society legitimacy after the 2026 parliamentary elections in Armenia

Armenia’s parliamentary elections, held on June 7th 2026, became an important test of state legitimacy in a post-conflict society still grappling with the consequences of the 2020 Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, the 2023 forced displacement of more than 100,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, ongoing peace negotiations with Azerbaijan, and a changing geopolitical orientation toward closer cooperation with the European Union.

According to the Central Electoral Commission, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party won 49.7 per cent of the vote, retaining its parliamentary majority. At the same time, the Strong Armenia Alliance and the Armenia Alliance became the main opposition forces. Several established parties failed to pass the electoral threshold. The results reflected continued support for the government’s reform agenda but also revealed persistent political polarization and competing visions of Armenia’s future.
International observers from the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) concluded that voters were offered a genuine political choice within a professionally administered electoral process conducted under an overall sound legal framework. At the same time, observers reported a highly polarized campaign, unequal opportunities for contestants, allegations of misuse of administrative resources, pressure on some public sector employees, and foreign interference during the campaign, recommending further reforms to strengthen electoral integrity.
Public debate following the elections extended beyond the conduct of voting itself. Media coverage, civil society organizations, and political actors focused on broader questions of government performance. These included post-conflict recovery, border security, judicial reform, anti-corruption measures, economic stability, and assistance for displaced families from Nagorno-Karabakh. These issues shaped public perceptions of whether state institutions continued to meet citizens’ expectations.

Opposition parties challenged aspects of the campaign and electoral process through legal mechanisms, questioning the fairness of political competition while pursuing institutional avenues to contest the results. Although these challenges did not alter the constitutional outcome, they reflected continuing disagreements over democratic governance rather than rejection of electoral institutions themselves.

Independent journalists and domestic election-monitoring organizations played a central role in documenting alleged irregularities, scrutinizing campaign financing, monitoring compliance with electoral law, and providing platforms for competing political perspectives. Organizations such as the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly–Vanadzor, Transparency International Anti-Corruption Center, and other civic groups continued to monitor electoral processes and advocate for greater accountability and transparency.
International actors also influenced domestic perceptions of electoral legitimacy. Assessments by the OSCE/ODIHR, the European Union, and other international partners generally recognized the elections as competitive while encouraging continued democratic reforms and stronger institutional safeguards. These external evaluations became part of Armenia’s domestic political debate, illustrating how legitimacy is increasingly shaped through interactions between national institutions, civil society, and international actors.

The 2026 parliamentary elections therefore demonstrated that electoral legitimacy in Armenia extends beyond the formal declaration of results. While constitutional procedures confirmed the legal authority of the new government, public confidence continued to depend on the state’s ability to address security concerns, displacement, economic challenges, and democratic reform in the aftermath of conflict.

Memory, statehood and legitimacy

For many Armenians, trust in the state has been shaped less by constitutional debates than by a succession of national crises. The memory of the Armenian Genocide, the 2020 war, the nine-month blockade of the Lachin Corridor, and the mass displacement from Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023 have become benchmarks against which political leadership is judged. As Benedict Anderson observed, shared historical narratives help define national identity – but in Armenia those narratives are reinforced by recent lived experience.

The humanitarian collapse of 2023 brought these questions into sharp focus. Within a week, more than 100,000 Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, making it one of the largest and fastest population movements in the region’s modern history. Many arrived after days without reliable food, medicine or fuel. This all followed months of restrictions on the Lachin Corridor that the International Court of Justice had ordered Azerbaijan to unblock.

Public confidence in the Armenian state quickly became linked to its practical response rather than official rhetoric. Government data showed that around 100,000 displaced people received emergency financial assistance, more than 73,000 households benefitted from housing support, and over 16,000 displaced children were enrolled in Armenian schools within weeks.

Yet humanitarian agencies warned that the emergency response was only the first step. As displaced families settled across Armenia, the focus shifted to affordable housing, access to employment, mental health and psychosocial support, education, and long-term integration. The UNHCR noted that the housing market was already under severe strain, while sustainable accommodation, livelihoods, and mental health support remained among the most pressing unmet needs. This underscored the gap between emergency assistance and durable solutions.

These experiences reshaped public debate. For many displaced families, confidence in the state was shaped by everyday interactions with public institutions – registering for assistance, securing housing, accessing healthcare, and finding employment – rather than by official statements alone. An inter-agency Rapid Needs Assessment conducted by the UN, IOM, UNHCR, UNICEF and the Armenian government identified access to cash assistance, housing, health services, livelihoods, and education among the most immediate concerns of newly displaced households. Subsequent IOM assessments also highlighted the need to strengthen refugee registration systems while expanding employment opportunities, healthcare, and mental health support as key factors for long-term integration. The crisis also mobilized Armenian diaspora organizations, which raised millions of US dollars in humanitarian assistance and lobbied foreign governments. At the same time, international media and human rights organizations amplified scrutiny of developments on the ground.

Scholars including Laurence Broers, Nina Caspersen and Thomas de Waal have argued that in conflict-affected societies legitimacy is negotiated through lived experience as much as through formal institutions. Armenia illustrates this vividly: citizens increasingly evaluate the state not only by its legal authority but by its ability to provide security, respond to crises, and restore confidence after war and displacement.

Contested memory in Armenia and the South Caucasus

The political meaning of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has remained deeply contested in Armenia. The First Nagorno-Karabakh War was widely remembered by many Armenians as a struggle for self-determination and national survival, becoming closely associated with the consolidation of post-Soviet statehood. The defeat in the 2020 war, however, challenged this narrative and triggered a broader debate over the meaning of victory, loss and responsibility. Public discussions increasingly questioned not only military strategy but also the assumptions that had shaped Armenia’s security policy for decades.

The crisis also exposed competing interpretations of the past and present among political actors, veterans, journalists and civil society groups. Explanations of Armenia’s defeat in 2020 developed along two main lines. Some analysts emphasized the broader geopolitical and military imbalance, pointing to Azerbaijan’s increased defence spending, military modernization, and strategic partnership with Turkey as decisive factors behind the outcome. Others focused on Armenia’s internal vulnerabilities, including problems in military reform, strategic planning and political decision-making. Within Armenia, debates over accountability led to calls for a deeper investigation into the causes of the defeat. A parliamentary investigative commission was established in 2022 to examine the circumstances of the 2020 war, while analysts and civil society actors continued to debate issues ranging from military preparedness to governance failures.

These disagreements revealed that collective memory is not a fixed national narrative but an ongoing debate over what citizens expect from their state and political leaders.

The Armenian experience also reflects broader regional patterns. Thomas de Waal argues in Black Garden that the conflicts of the South Caucasus are sustained by mutually exclusive historical narratives in which each society emphasizes its own experiences of victimhood while often overlooking those of neighbouring communities. Similar dynamics can be observed in Azerbaijan, where official memory strongly emphasizes the displacement of Azerbaijanis during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War and celebrates the restoration of territorial integrity following the 2020 and 2023 military victories. In Georgia, collective memory remains shaped by conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where questions of displacement, sovereignty and Russian intervention continue to influence political discourse and public perceptions of the state. Across the region, historical memory therefore functions simultaneously as a source of national cohesion and as a barrier to reconciliation.

Laurence Broers further argues that these memory cultures should not be understood as isolated national phenomena but as interconnected “translocal” processes in which narratives circulate across borders through media, diaspora networks, academic institutions, humanitarian organizations, and digital communication platforms.

Ultimately, memory in the South Caucasus is not only about the past. It shapes how citizens evaluate governments in the present – whether states can provide security, respond to crises, and offer a credible vision for the future.

Everyday statehood: how Armenians experience the state

In Armenia, trust in the state is increasingly shaped not only by elections, constitutional reforms, or foreign policy decisions, but also by everyday encounters with public institutions. The concept of “everyday statehood”, associated with scholars such as James C. Scott, highlights how citizens judge government authority through practical experiences: accessing services, receiving protection, and seeing whether institutions respond to their needs.

Since the 2018 Velvet Revolution, public expectations of the Armenian state have changed significantly. While national security remains a central concern, many citizens increasingly evaluate governance through transparency, accountability, public services and institutional effectiveness. The post-revolution government placed anti-corruption reforms, judicial changes and greater public participation at the centre of its agenda, raising expectations about the state’s ability to deliver meaningful reforms. These changes have been discussed in reports by the European Commission.

Journalists and civil society organizations have played a major role in shaping these expectations. Investigative media outlets have exposed corruption, examined military and governance failures, and brought local grievances into national debates (e.g. Hetq, CivilNet, Investigative Journalists NGO). Civil society groups have also become important partners in areas such as humanitarian assistance, legal support, democratic reform and community development. Organizations working with displaced communities after 2023, for example, helped document needs and advocate for better state responses. The Transparency International Anticorruption Center Armenia has maintained extensive records of these changes.

The experience of Armenians displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh illustrates how legitimacy is tested through daily interactions. For these communities, the state’s credibility has been measured through practical questions: whether assistance programmes function effectively, whether housing support reaches vulnerable families, whether administrative procedures are accessible, and whether authorities provide clear information about the future.

For residents living near conflict zones, the reliability of local services and the government’s ability to respond during crises often matter as much as broader national security policies. Interviews with residents of Tavush and Syunik show that border communities often view the state presence not only through military protection but also through the availability of reliable public services and local infrastructure.

Veterans and families affected by war similarly evaluate the state through concrete support systems, including healthcare, pensions, employment opportunities and recognition of sacrifice. Symbolic commemorations alone are often insufficient without corresponding institutional support.

Generational differences have become increasingly visible in how Armenians define legitimate statehood. While many older citizens, shaped by the Soviet collapse, the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, and decades of security concerns, continue to emphasize territorial protection and national security, younger Armenians have increasingly connected state legitimacy with democratic governance, civic participation, economic opportunity and institutional accountability. Surveys of Armenian youth have highlighted strong interest in education, employment prospects, participation in decision-making, and a more accountable relationship between citizens and institutions.

Social media has transformed political debate in Armenia by creating a space where citizens, journalists, activists and officials directly contest competing interpretations of government performance. Platforms such as Facebook, YouTube and messaging applications have become important sources of political information and mobilization: an Internews survey found that social networks, blogs, vlogs and podcasts were among the main sources of political and social news for Armenians, while digital platforms were also used by activists to organize humanitarian initiatives after the 2023 Nagorno-Karabakh displacement.

Ultimately, state legitimacy in Armenia is built not only in parliament or during elections but through thousands of everyday interactions between citizens and institutions. These experiences determine whether the state is perceived as responsive, capable, and worthy of public trust.

Translocal narratives: diaspora, international institutions and political mobilization

State legitimacy in Armenia is increasingly shaped through transnational networks linking domestic actors with diaspora communities, international organizations, and digital platforms. These interactions have become particularly visible since the 2020 Second Nagorno-Karabakh War and the forced displacement of the Armenian population from Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023.

According to the Office of the High Commissioner for Diaspora Affairs of the Republic of Armenia, an estimated seven million Armenians live in more than 100 countries worldwide, compared with Armenia’s resident population of fewer than three million. Diaspora organizations have long influenced Armenian politics through humanitarian assistance, investment, lobbying and advocacy, particularly on issues such as recognition of the Armenian Genocide and post-conflict recovery.

The September 2023 humanitarian crisis further demonstrated the political significance of these transnational networks. Within days of Azerbaijan’s military operation, more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, creating one of the largest episodes of forced displacement in the South Caucasus in decades. The response extended far beyond the Armenian government: the United Nations coordinated an Emergency Refugee Response Plan involving 60 humanitarian partners, including 43 Armenian NGOs, while diaspora organizations in France, the United States, Lebanon and elsewhere launched parallel fundraising campaigns and humanitarian initiatives. At the same time, numerous diaspora organizations publicly questioned the Armenian government’s handling of the crisis and peace negotiations, revealing competing understandings of state responsibility rather than a single diaspora position.

International institutions have also become important benchmarks against which citizens evaluate governance. Since the entry into force of the EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in 2021, cooperation has expanded in judicial reform, anti-corruption measures, public administration, and democratic governance. Following the 2022 border escalation, the European Union deployed the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) to monitor the Armenian-Azerbaijani border, while the OSCE and the Council of Europe continue supporting electoral integrity, rule-of-law reforms, and human rights initiatives. These engagements have reinforced public expectations regarding transparency, accountability and institutional performance.

Digital communication has accelerated these translocal dynamics. Diaspora organizations, journalists and civil society groups increasingly use social media to coordinate humanitarian assistance, organize political campaigns, and influence public debate across borders. The same platforms have also become channels for misinformation and competing narratives surrounding the conflict, illustrating how digital media simultaneously strengthens civic mobilization and intensifies political polarization.

Together, these developments suggest that legitimacy in contemporary Armenia is no longer negotiated solely between citizens and state institutions. It increasingly emerges through interactions among domestic actors, diaspora communities, humanitarian organizations, international institutions, and transnational information networks, each shaping public expectations of governance, accountability and state responsibility.

This article was produced within the framework of the “Write East” programme of the Leibniz Research Network Central and Eastern Europe and during the author’s research stay at the Leibniz Centre for Modern Oriental Studies (ZMO), Berlin, Germany.

Anna Vardanyan is an Armenian political journalist and researcher specializing in defence, international relations, and security issues in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus.

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Armenian PM says ties with EU and Eurasian Economic Union “not a zero-sum game

Intellinews
Aug 7, 2026
By IntelliNews August 7, 2026

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on August 7 that cooperation between members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and third countries should not be viewed as a zero-sum game, as Yerevan seeks to maintain ties with the bloc while developing closer relations with the European Union.

Relations between Armenia and Russia, its long-time security ally and largest trading partner within the EAEU, are currently strained. Tensions have risen since Azerbaijan regained control of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023, with Yerevan criticising Moscow over what it said was a failure to support Armenia during the conflict. Armenia has also moved to deepen ties with Western partners, including the EU and the United States, while freezing participation in some Russia-led security structures.

Speaking at an expanded session of the Eurasian Intergovernmental Council in Kyrgyzstan, Pashinyan said Armenia remained committed to the EAEU, but called for the bloc to better implement its founding principles.

“For the Republic of Armenia, strengthening cooperation with the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union continues to remain one of the priorities of foreign policy and foreign economic policy,” Pashinyan said, according to a statement from his office.

“At the same time, I would like to emphasise that Armenia consistently advocates adherence to the principles underlying the Eurasian Economic Union.”

Pashinyan said restrictions and administrative measures were preventing the EAEU’s single market from functioning fully, reducing business predictability and hindering integration.

“Certain restrictions and administrative measures continue to hinder the full functioning of the single market, reducing the predictability of business conditions and the effectiveness of integration processes,” he said.

He added that Armenia believed measures affecting access to the common market should be adopted only through agreed EAEU procedures.

“Ultimately, such problems cease to be the problems of an individual member state. They become the common problem of the entire union,” Pashinyan said.

The EAEU recently called on Armenia to hold a referendum on whether the country should pursue membership of the European Union. Pashinyan said Armenia had taken note of a May 29 statement by four EAEU leaders supporting such a vote.

Armenia adopted a law in 2025 launching the process of seeking EU membership, but Pashinyan said a referendum at this stage would be premature.

“When Armenia is qualitatively ready for EU membership in the future, this also does not mean that our country will automatically become an EU member,” he said, adding that EU member states and Armenian citizens would also need to approve any future accession.

“Without going through at least most of the listed stages, holding a referendum on the mentioned issue would be meaningless,” Pashinyan said.

He stressed that Armenia’s EU engagement did not currently conflict with its EAEU commitments.

“The Republic of Armenia proceeds from the principle that the Eurasian Economic Union should not be viewed as a territory of restrictions,” he said. “We are convinced that the interaction of the EAEU member states with third partners should not be perceived as a zero-sum game.”

Pashinyan also highlighted Armenia’s economic role in the bloc, saying the country transferred about $319mn to the EAEU’s general budget for import duties in 2025, while receiving about $175mn.

Trade with EAEU members reached about $8.2bn in 2025, including $5.0bn of imports and $3.2bn of Armenian exports, he said.


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Jerusalem’s Armenians are under attack, and the world is looking away – opini

Jerusalem Post
Aug 7, 2026

For decades, the Armenian community of East Jerusalem has endured harassment, intimidation, and discrimination by extremist haredi (ultra-Orthodox) and nationalist Jewish youths.

ByBEDROSS DER MATOSSIANAUGUST 7, 2026 21:31

Imagine Armenian youths walking daily past the Western Wall and routinely spitting on rabbis entering or leaving the site, desecrating Jewish holy places, or throwing stones at homes in the Jewish Quarter. How would the Israeli government, police, and public opinion react? Obviously, there would likely be swift arrests, prosecution, and strong condemnation.

That is precisely the double standard Jerusalem’s Armenians say they have lived with for years. The Wall Street Journal’s recent investigation into rising anti-Christian hostility in Jerusalem has now brought a sense of justified urgency and unprecedented international attention to what the Armenian community has long experienced firsthand.

The latest disturbing incident – in which six ultra-nationalist religious Jews spat on the sacred entrance of the Cathedral of St. James in the Armenian Quarter and threw stones at Armenian homes – once again highlights what many members of the Armenian community perceive as a climate of impunity in which such offenders operate.

For decades, the Armenian community of East Jerusalem has endured harassment, intimidation, and discrimination by extremist haredi (ultra-Orthodox) and nationalist Jewish youths. These incidents have included spitting on clergy, desecrating religious sites, verbal abuse, physical assaults, and other forms of intimidation.

Owing to the Armenian Quarter’s location adjacent to the Jewish Quarter, Armenians have become one of the most vulnerable Christian communities in Jerusalem’s Old City. The persecution they face includes repeated harassment, attacks on Armenian youths, desecration of churches and religious property, and other forms of religiously motivated hostility.

We should not generalize: these actions do not reflect the views of all Israelis. After several widely publicized incidents, many secular Israelis and civil society groups have shown solidarity with the Armenian community, condemned the attacks, and made clear that they disapprove of the attitudes and actions of the extremist individuals responsible.

Israel possesses legal protections for religious minorities through its Basic Laws, judicial decisions, and ordinary legislation. But none of these Basic Laws explicitly guarantees minority rights. Protection for minorities exists primarily through the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (1992), Supreme Court jurisprudence, and ordinary legislation.

The question is how effectively even this level of protection is implemented in practice.

For decades, following incidents in the Armenian Quarter, Israeli police have arrested suspects and taken them to the police station near the Armenian Quarter. Since much of the area is covered by surveillance cameras, the authorities are generally able to determine what occurred. But those responsible are usually released shortly afterward.

In many cases, they reportedly receive only warnings or temporary restrictions preventing them from entering the Old City or Jerusalem for a limited period. Following the most recent incident, the suspects were reportedly barred from entering Jerusalem for only 15 days.

It is becoming increasingly clear that this approach has failed to deter repeat offenses. Many perpetrators appear to believe that they face few meaningful consequences for their actions.

Adding to the concerns, Israel’s current political climate, characterized by the strong influence of nationalist and right-wing parties, has led many observers to worry that extremist settlers and ultra-nationalist groups feel increasingly emboldened.

Indeed, these are not merely isolated incidents involving a handful of individuals but rather part of a recurring pattern involving extremist religious and settler activists whose actions make life increasingly difficult for Jerusalem’s Armenian community.

Israel’s test

The Israeli government’s failure to adequately remedy this situation has understandably raised concerns within the Armenian community about its commitment to protecting vulnerable minorities, and the persistence of these attacks raises serious concerns about the adequacy of law enforcement and deterrence of what has become a sustained pattern of harassment, intimidation, dehumanization, and attacks against a historic religious minority.

When perpetrators consistently avoid accountability, the likelihood of repeated violence increases as the perception of impunity encourages further incidents.

Moreover, this is about more than the Armenian community. Even some of Israel’s closest friends – including prominent evangelical Christians in the United States – have begun questioning whether the country is doing enough to protect its Christian communities.

Israel prides itself on being the Middle East’s only liberal democracy and on safeguarding the holy places of the three great monotheistic faiths. That claim is weakened every time clergy are spat upon, churches vandalized, or worshipers intimidated with little consequence for the perpetrators.

So what should practically be done?

The Israeli government, and the police in particular, should adopt more effective measures to eliminate this phenomenon. Existing laws protecting public order, religious freedom, and against hate crimes should be enforced consistently and vigorously.

Where current penalties prove insufficient to deter repeat offenders, policymakers should consider strengthening legal sanctions. Meaningful criminal penalties – including imprisonment in serious cases – as well as financial compensation for victims where appropriate, would send a clear message that religiously motivated harassment will not be tolerated.

I also call upon the United Nations Human Rights Office (OHCHR), Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, B’Tselem, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, and other human rights organizations to investigate these recurring incidents, monitor developments closely, and advocate for stronger protection of Jerusalem’s Armenian community.

There is a responsibility on the part of the world’s media as well. If similar incidents occurred in cities such as Los Angeles, Toronto, or New York, they would likely receive extensive national and international media attention. Yet comparable incidents in Jerusalem’s Old City often receive relatively limited coverage.

Amid the war in Gaza, increasing settler violence in the West Bank, and broader regional tensions, the ongoing harassment of Jerusalem’s Armenian community has largely remained outside international public attention.

Israel has both a legal and moral responsibility to protect all communities under its jurisdiction, including religious and ethnic minorities. The current situation raises serious questions about whether sufficient protection is being provided to vulnerable groups in East Jerusalem. The answer is a resounding no.

Jerusalem remains one of the world’s most contested cities. The Armenian community in it faces a genuine existential challenge. Its population has steadily declined over the past several decades, raising concerns about its long-term future in the city.

Preserving this ancient community is essential not only for the Armenians but also for safeguarding Jerusalem’s unique religious, cultural, and historical diversity for future generations.

This is a test of whether Israel intends to uphold the principles of religious freedom and equal protection that it rightly says distinguish it from its neighbors.

The writer was born and raised in the Old City of Jerusalem. A Guggenheim Fellow, he is professor of Modern Middle East history and Hymen Rosenberg Professor in Judaic Studies at the University of Nebraska, Lincoln. He is also the Director of Genocide Research at the Zoryan Institute.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-904548

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Israel’s suspended Armenian Genocide vote is business as usual – this is why

Jerusalem Post
Aug 7, 2026

To anyone tracking the history of Israeli-Armenian relations, this sudden retreat was thoroughly predictable. The postponement was not a routine procedural pause but rather a decades-long pattern

BySTEPHAN PECHDIMALDJIAUGUST 7, 2026 21:33

When the Israeli cabinet unanimously approved a measure to formally recognize the Armenian Genocide in late June, it seemed, for a moment, that a long-overdue moral threshold had finally been crossed.

Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar framed the move as a matter of historical justice and a moral duty by claiming that “It’s never too late to do the right thing.” In many ways, it was a sentiment that resonates deeply for a nation founded in the wake of the Holocaust.

Yet, just weeks later, as parliament prepared for its summer recess ahead of national elections, the planned Knesset vote was abruptly suspended and shelved.

Officially, the delay was chalked up to a “sensitive diplomatic climate” and regional turbulence. Unofficially, it followed immediate and intense pushback from Azerbaijan, an energy and security partner, and a desire to avoid completely severing communication channels with Turkey.

To anyone tracking the history of Israeli-Armenian relations, this sudden retreat was thoroughly predictable. The postponement was not a routine procedural pause but rather a decades-long pattern in which genocide recognition advances when politically convenient and retreats the moment competing diplomatic interests reassert themselves.

A history of leverage, not conviction

For over 30 years, official recognition of the 1915 Ottoman campaign that claimed 1.5 million Armenian lives had been treated by successive Israeli administrations not as an immutable historical truth, but as a strategic bargaining chip.

Whenever relations with Ankara soured, whether over military actions in Gaza, naval blockades, or inflammatory rhetoric from Turkish leadership, proposals to recognize the genocide suddenly gained momentum in the Knesset. Recognition was wielded as a diplomatic stick to signal displeasure to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Conversely, whenever regional security priorities shifted, or when Baku expressed “deep disappointment” over the threat to its strategic alliance with Tel Aviv, the bills were quietly buried in committee or removed from the calendar altogether.

This transactional approach has drawn criticism from all sides, including from Armenia itself. When the cabinet initially green-lit the measure, Armenian leadership publicly declined to celebrate, noting with skepticism that historical memory was once again being weaponized for immediate geopolitical posturing rather than genuine moral reckoning.

Realpolitik vs moral consistency

The strategic calculus behind Israel’s hesitation is well understood in foreign policy circles. Azerbaijan supplies a significant portion of Israel’s oil imports and serves as a vital strategic partner on Iran’s northern border. Turkey remains a formidable regional power whose airspace, trade routes, and diplomatic channels cannot be easily written off permanently.

However, subjecting historical truth to realpolitik creates a profound moral hazard.

When state recognition of a mass atrocity hinges on real-time alliance management, it inadvertently validates the logic of denialism. It sends a message that the facts of 1915 are negotiable and subject to market conditions, military intelligence sharing, and pipeline agreements.

More than a century after the events of 1915, the historical consensus surrounding the Armenian Genocide is clear, documented by extensive archival evidence and survivor testimony. Over 30 nations, along with the United States Congress and the executive branch, have formally recognized it. 

For a state forged from the memory of genocide, treating historical truth as a cyclical bargaining chip erodes the very moral authority it relies upon.

The gap between symbolism and commitment

Recognition of the Armenian Genocide should not be viewed as a political issue or as taking sides in a regional dispute between neighbors. It is fundamentally a human rights issue and a question of historical truth.

The systematic murder and deportation of 1.5 million Armenians is a historical fact, and acknowledging it is about honoring the victims and survivors and reaffirming the principle that genocide should never be ignored or denied for political convenience.

If anything, the fact that recognition can be delayed or blocked because of diplomatic pressure demonstrates why this is a human rights issue. Human rights and historical truth should not be contingent on the strategic interests of the day or on the preferences of another government.

And ultimately, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu cannot simply point to political opposition or diplomatic pressure as the reason for inaction. As prime minister, he has the authority to officially and unequivocally recognize the Armenian Genocide himself.

If he truly believes recognition is the right thing to do, he does not need to wait for a Knesset vote. The fact that he has chosen not to do so suggests that the political and strategic considerations are not merely an obstacle, but rather are part of the reason for his reluctance.

The latest suspension in the Knesset reinforces a sobering reality in that symbolic gestures from executive bodies mean little if leadership lacks the political will to carry them through legislative ratification when pressure mounts.

If recognition only occurs as an act of retaliation against adversaries, it ceases to be an act of justice. True moral leadership requires affirming historical facts precisely when it is inconvenient and not merely when it scores points in a news cycle.

Until the vote is brought to the Knesset floor without qualification or strategic hesitation, the message to the world remains unchanged in that historical truth and justice will remain on hold until the next geopolitical window opens.

The writer is a communications strategist living in the San Francisco Bay Area. He is a first-generation Armenian American and grandson of survivors of the Armenian genocide. You can follow him on X at @spechdimaldji.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-904634

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The leader of Armenia’s Apostolic Church faces trial amid a feud with the gov

Associated Press
Aug 7, 2026

YEREVAN, Armenia (AP) — The head of the influential Armenian Apostolic Church appeared in court Friday for a trial on criminal charges as part of its latest confrontation with the government of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Catholicos Karekin II and six other senior clergymen are accused of defying a court order to reinstate a defrocked bishop. The case is widely seen as a part of long-simmering tensions between Pashinyan, who was reelected earlier this year, and the church, which has called for his ouster.

If convicted, Karekin and the other clerics could face up to two years in prison.

Relations between the powerful church and Pashinyan’s government have deteriorated rapidly since 2024, when tens of thousands of demonstrators, led by a high-ranking cleric, called for his ouster. They were angered by Armenia’s agreement to hand over control of several border villages to Azerbaijan and normalize relations with its neighbor after being locked for decades in territorial disputes.

Many clergy bitterly opposed the handover of the villages and criticized Pashinyan, who came to power in the South Caucasus nation amid a wave of hopeful, pro-democracy protests that swept Armenia in 2018. Some senior clerics have since faced a crackdown by the government.

The judge in the trial recuses himself

The first court hearing took place Friday in the central city of Vagharshapat, also known as Etchmiadzin, which is Armenia’s spiritual capital and the headquarters of the church.

Shortly after the hearing, Karekin’s lawyer Ara Zograbyan told reporters the judge in the case has recused himself.

“I welcome this move by the judge, because in effect he refused to become a part of this shameful proceeding,”Zograbyan said, adding that the case will be assigned to a new judge.

Hundreds of Karekin’s supporters gathered outside the courthouse in Vagharshapat, which is located about 18 kilometers (11 miles) west of Armenia’s capital, Yerevan. Members of opposition parties, clergy leaders and representatives of nongovernmental organizations also came for the hearing.

Samvel Karapetyan, head of the pro-Russian opposition party Strong Armenia, called the case against Karekin a “national disgrace.”

“It seemed that maybe the authorities would come to their senses and stop their attacks on the church, but they’re keeping at it,” local media quoted him as saying.

The case of a defrocked bishop led to the charges

The charges arose after the church in January defrocked Bishop Gevorg Saroyan, who had previously called for Karekin’s ouster. The church accused Saroyan of abuse of power. Saroyan contested the move in court, which sided with him and ordered his reinstatement.

The church refused, and Armenia’s Prosecutor General’s office launched the case against Karekin and the other clerics in February, accusing them of defying a court order and barring them from leaving the country.

Two other top clergymen were arrested last year. Archbishop Mikael Ajapahyan was convicted of calling for the overthrow of the government, and Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, who led the anti-government protests in 2024, is currently under house arrest awaiting trial on charges of attempting a coup, fomenting mass unrest and preparing a terrorist attack.

Earlier this year, an appellate court overturned Ajapahyan’s conviction and ordered a new trial.

Clerics denounce the case as an assault on church autonomy

During an evening service at the Etchmiadzin Cathedral, Karekin denounced the case against him.

“These days the authorities take steps to undermine the church’s authority, restrict its autonomy and subjugate it to their will,” he said, adding that the institution’s autonomy is at the core of Armenia’s prosperity.

Archbishop Natan Hovhannisyan, head of the Department of External Relations and Protocol of the church and one of the defendants, said the church is not an entity that can be “nationalized, expropriated and have a manager appointed.”

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Karmanau reported from Tallinn, Estonia.



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Armenian Catholicos Garegin II attends first court hearing in criminal case [+

JAM News
Aug 7, 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

A court in Armenia‘s Armavir region has begun hearing the criminal case against the Catholicos of All Armenians and six bishops who serve on the Supreme Spiritual Council. Garegin II attended the hearing in person.

Clergy members and politicians gathered outside the courthouse. Lawmakers from the opposition Armenia Alliance and I Have Honour Alliance left parliament during the afternoon and travelled to Etchmiadzin to show their support for the Catholicos. Dozens of worshippers also gathered outside, periodically chanting “Your Holiness” and singing traditional Armenian church hymns (sharakans).

Prosecutors accuse the Catholicos and the senior clergy of obstructing the enforcement of a court ruling.

Garegin II removed Bishop Gevorg Saroyan, head of the Masyatsotn Diocese, from his post. Saroyan is one of the senior clerics who joined Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s campaign to “reform the Church”. The bishop challenged his dismissal in court. The court ordered his temporary reinstatement as head of the diocese until it reaches a final decision in the case. However, before the court could rule on the merits, the Supreme Spiritual Council, led by the Catholicos, also defrocked him. The council argued that the courts have no jurisdiction over the Church’s internal affairs.

Lawyer Ara Zohrabyan says the Catholicos faces criminal prosecution for carrying out his “ecclesiastical and canonical duties”.

He argues that state interference in the Catholicos’s decisions violates the principle of Church autonomy, the constitutional relationship between the state and the Church, and freedom of religion.

“In this criminal case, the court will examine not only the charges against specific individuals, but also another fundamental question: whether the secular authorities can interfere in the internal life of the Church and criminalise the exercise of the canonical authority of the Catholicos of All Armenians,” the lawyer said.

The trial comes after tensions between the government and the Church steadily escalated.

About a year ago, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan called for the Catholicos to step down. He first argued that Garegin II could not lead the Church because he had broken his vow of celibacy and had a daughter. He later accused the Catholicos of having links to foreign intelligence services. The ruling Civil Contract party has also included the removal of the “de facto head of the Church” in its election manifesto.

Members of the ruling party accuse the Church of interfering in Armenia’s domestic and foreign policy. The parliamentary opposition rejects that claim. Opposition lawmakers argue that it is the government that is unlawfully interfering in the Church’s affairs.


  • Armenia’s new parliament holds first session as opposition, as expected, makes its presence felt
  • Pashinyan on Catholicos: ‘Ex-president Serzh Sargsyan also didn’t want to step down, but was forced to’
  • Pashinyan absent from Etchmiadzin protest calling for removal of Catholicos Karekin II

First hearing ends after 30 minutes as judge recuses himself

Shortly after the hearing began, Judge Hakob Manukyan announced that part of the proceedings would take place behind closed doors because they would involve “personal information”. He said the information concerned both himself and the Catholicos’s lawyer.

“A few minutes later, lawyer Ara Zohrabyan told journalists: “The judge has recused himself. He has withdrawn from hearing this case.”

According to Zohrabyan, the judge said he had once granted him his licence to practise law, which could “raise doubts about his impartiality”. Zohrabyan said he did not believe this constituted valid grounds for recusal.

“However, he refused to take part in this disgraceful trial. The very fact that the Catholicos is standing trial is deeply troubling. The case will now go to another judge.”

After the hearing, the Catholicos of All Armenians and his supporters headed to the cathedral to attend a church service and pray together.

Garegin II: “The authorities are trying to bring the Church under their control”

After the service, the Catholicos addressed those gathered outside the cathedral. He said the authorities were taking steps to undermine the Church’s authority, restrict its autonomy and bring it under their control.

“The authorities are persecuting the Church and the clergy. They have arrested and restricted the freedom of a number of clergymen, benefactors and other patriotic individuals through unlawful and fabricated criminal cases,” he said.

The Catholicos dismissed the charges against himself and the six clergymen as groundless.

“We remain steadfast in our faith and determination to defend our rights, which are guaranteed both by our country’s Constitution and by the fundamental principles of international law.”

Opposition declares a “day of shame”

Marianna Gakhramanyan, an MP from the opposition I Have Honour Alliance, said:

“Today is a day of shame. The Catholicos of All Armenians, our spiritual father and the head of our Church, is standing trial in Etchmiadzin. It is shameful and unprecedented. This is an attack not only on the independence of the Armenian Apostolic Church but also on Armenia’s Constitution, which clearly states that the political authorities have no right to interfere in the affairs of the Church and that the Church is separate from the state.”

“Who is defending the Church – us or you?” asks ruling party MP

Commenting on opposition lawmakers who came to support the Catholicos, Civil Contract MP Artur Hovhannisyan said:

“The Church has begun interfering in Armenia’s domestic and foreign policy.”

He also referred to the allegations that the Catholicos had violated his vow of celibacy:

“We are the ones standing with the Church. We are the ones defending the Church. You are defending clergymen who broke their vow of celibacy, who engage in politics and use religion and the Church to protect themselves from the consequences of breaking that vow and taking part in politics. Anyone who has broken the vow of celibacy should leave the Church.”

The ruling Civil Contract party’s election manifesto also outlines plans to reform the Church. Under the proposal, the “de facto head of the Church”, as Pashinyan’s team refers to the Catholicos, should leave office. The plan calls for the election of a locum tenens, the adoption of a new Church charter containing “mechanisms to preserve centuries-old traditions”, and, ultimately, the election of a new Catholicos.

Political analyst Tigran Grigoryan told Reuters:

“Pashinyan has come to see the Church as a political threat and as an institution capable of supporting the opposition and various political parties in their efforts to gain power.

“The case against the clergy fits into a broader pattern of selective justice pursued by Pashinyan’s government, under which leading opposition figures have been arrested and some of their property has been confiscated by the state.”

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First hearing held in historic criminal case against Catholicos Karekin II

OC Media
Aug 7, 2026

The trial of Catholicos Karekin II, the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church, began on Friday, marking the first time in Armenia’s modern history that criminal charges have been brought against the head of the Church. During the first preliminary hearing, the  judge examining the Catholicos’ case, Hakob Manukyan, recused himself due to a conflict of interest.

Karekin II and six other senior church officials are standing trial on charges of deliberately obstructing the enforcement of a lawful court decision through abuse of power.  If convicted, they can face up to two years in prison.

The case relates to the Church’s refusal to reinstate Bishop Gevorg Saroyan. Saroyan, a cleric who had publicly supported Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s efforts to reform the Church, was dismissed in January, but a court had already ordered his reinstatement.

Armenian Catholicos Karekin II to stand trial in historic first

The first preliminary hearing in the case began at 16:00 on Friday at the Armavir Court in Vagharshapat, where the headquarters of the Armenian Apostolic Church are located.

In Friday’s parliament session, the opposition called this ‘a shameful day’ and used the stage to talk about the criminal charges against Catholicos.

‘This violates not only the independence of the Armenian Apostolic Church, but also the Armenian Constitution’, Marianna Gahramanyan, an MP from the opposition Strong Armenia party, said.

Strong Armenia party leader Narek Karapetyan announced that their fellow MPs would leave the parliament and head to court to attend the hearing.

On Sunday, Karekin II was absent from the inauguration of Armenia’s new parliament, a break from his tradition of attending such inaugural sessions. It was later reported that he had not been invited. Parliamentary Speaker Ruben Rubinyan told reporters he did not recognise ‘any Catholicos at the moment’, referring to Karekin II instead by his birth name, Ketrich Nersisyan.

Explainer | How Pashinyan is working to topple Catholicos Karekin II

Tensions between Pashinyan’s government and the Church have continued to simmer since May 2025, when Pashinyan  criticised the Church’s leadership for failing to properly maintain churches across the country.

Pashinyan also claimed that Karekin II violated his vow of celibacy and fathered a daughter, which would make him ineligible for the post. He has alleged that Karekin II’s brother, Archbishop Yezras, head of Russian and Nakhichevan Diocese, has ties to ‘foreign intelligence services’, reportedly Russian, which pose a threat to Armenia’s security.

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A $500 million hotel, entertainment, and gaming complex is planned for constru

ARKA, Armenia
Aug 6, 2026
06.08.2026, 21:56

On August 6, Armenian Economy Minister Gevorg Papoyan met with representatives of Global Tribe Gaming, which plans to create a hotel, entertainment, gaming, and tourism complex in Yerevan in collaboration with the Dvin Hotel Complex and Seven Visions Resort & Places, the ministry’s press service reported.
YEREVAN, August 6. /ARKA/. On August 6, Armenian Economy Minister Gevorg Papoyan met with representatives of Global Tribe Gaming, which plans to create a hotel, entertainment, gaming, and tourism complex in Yerevan in collaboration with the Dvin Hotel Complex and Seven Visions Resort & Places, the ministry’s press service reported.

The total estimated investment in the program is approximately $500 million, of which $40 million is planned for the development of adjacent real estate, including the construction of an additional hotel tower. The program is expected to create approximately 1,000 new jobs.

During the meeting, issues related to the implementation of the investment program, as well as the tax regime, licensing, regulation of gambling activities, and the organization of payment systems necessary for the operation of the complex, were discussed.

#ECONOMY

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