Category: News

Pezeshkian, Pashinyan Reaffirm Strong Iran-Armenia Ties

Adrine Hakobian
Tasnim, Iran
July 3 2026

TEHRAN (Tasnim) – Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan reaffirmed their commitment to expanding bilateral relations and safeguarding them from external interference during a meeting in Tehran.

The Iranian president and the Armenian prime minister met on Friday on the sidelines of the funeral and farewell ceremonies for the martyred Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei.

Pashinyan conveyed the condolences and sympathy of the Armenian government and people over the martyrdom of Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei.

Pezeshkian thanked the Armenian prime minister for attending the ceremonies and for the messages of condolence from Yerevan, describing them as a reflection of the deep historical ties and friendly relations between the two neighboring countries.

He said relations between Tehran and Yerevan have always been based on mutual respect, good neighborliness, and shared interests, adding that the two countries have successfully expanded cooperation in various fields over the years.

The Iranian president also expressed appreciation for Armenia’s cooperation and support during the recent US-Israeli war of aggression against Iran and the difficult circumstances faced by the Iranian people, describing Yerevan’s responsible approach as a valuable contribution to stronger bilateral ties and regional stability.

Pezeshkian voiced hope that negotiations on a comprehensive cooperation treaty between Iran and Armenia would soon be finalized and signed, saying the strategic document would open new horizons for bilateral relations and advance the mutual interests of both countries. He stressed the importance of strengthening customs, transportation, transit infrastructure, and economic exchanges.

He further emphasized that relations between Iran and Armenia should remain free from external interference and be guided solely by the common will of the two nations. Experience, he said, has shown that the involvement of extra-regional powers has failed to resolve regional issues and has instead contributed to greater instability.

Reaffirming Iran’s regional policy, Pezeshkian said countries in the region possess the capacity to resolve their own problems through dialogue, cooperation, and mutual respect. He also reiterated Iran’s commitment to respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and internationally recognized borders of all countries, stressing that Tehran supports political and diplomatic solutions to disputes.

Referring to recent regional developments, the Iranian president described the Zionist regime as the principal source of instability in West Asia, saying its continued aggression against Lebanon, Gaza, Syria, and Iran poses a serious threat to regional peace and security.

For his part, Pashinyan expressed his deep condolences to the Iranian government and people, saying it was important for him to travel to Tehran during this period of mourning to personally convey Armenia’s sympathy.

The Armenian prime minister recalled his two meetings with the martyred Leader of the Islamic Revolution, describing both as cordial, constructive, and based on mutual respect. He said news of Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei’s martyrdom deeply saddened both the Armenian people and government.

Pashinyan stressed that Armenia has consistently sought not only to avoid taking any action against Iran’s interests but also to stand alongside the Islamic Republic within the framework of good-neighborly relations.

He described current Iran-Armenia relations as being at their highest level since Armenia’s independence, citing expanding cooperation in political, economic, trade, infrastructure, and regional affairs.

The Armenian premier also reaffirmed that Iran’s security is of special importance to Armenia, pledging that his country has not participated and will not participate in any plan or initiative directed against Iran’s interests or security.

He added that Armenia conducts its foreign relations transparently and remains ready to discuss any concerns raised by its Iranian friends.

Pashinyan concluded by emphasizing that relations between Iran and Armenia are built on trust, friendship, and mutual respect, pledging that under no circumstances would his government allow those ties to be undermined.

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Turkish Press: Armenia’s Rubinyan to quit Türkiye normalization role if elect

Liana Toganian
Turkey Today
July 3 2026

Armenia’s Rubinyan to quit Türkiye normalization role if elected parliament speaker

Armenian National Assembly Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan said Friday that he would no longer serve as Armenia’s special representative in normalization talks with Türkiye if elected speaker of parliament, according to local media reports.

Speaking to reporters, Rubinyan said the two positions would not be compatible.

“Since I have been nominated for the position of speaker of the National Assembly, it is obvious that if I am elected, I will no longer continue to serve as Armenia’s special representative in the negotiations with Türkiye,” he said.

Asked about his successor, Rubinyan said the decision “has not yet been determined” and will naturally be made by “the prime minister and the government.”

Rubinyan was nominated as the ruling Civil Contract party’s candidate for speaker of the newly elected National Assembly following a closed secret ballot by the party’s governing board.

He currently serves as deputy speaker of the National Assembly and has represented Armenia in the normalization process with Türkiye since 2021.

Türkiye and Armenia have no formal diplomatic relations, and their land border has been closed since 1993.

The two countries have pursued normalization talks in recent years, with special representatives meeting to discuss reopening the border and restoring diplomatic ties.

Pashinyan calls for energy links with Türkiye, Azerbaijan

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Thursday called for expanding energy connectivity with neighboring Türkiye and Azerbaijan, saying deeper regional integration could strengthen energy security and support the green transition.

Speaking alongside European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at a news conference in Yerevan, Pashinyan said Armenia also wanted to participate in the Black Sea submarine electricity cable project and deepen cooperation with the EU on digitalization.

“I consider it important to expand energy interconnectivity, including the construction of power transmission lines and interconnectivity with neighbouring Türkiye and Azerbaijan, which can contribute both to energy security and to the green transition,” he said.

Von der Leyen arrived in Armenia on Thursday as part of a regional tour that also included Azerbaijan, where she held talks with President Ilham Aliyev.

Armenia seeks deeper EU ties

Pashinyan described the EU as “one of Armenia’s most trusted partners” and said the two sides discussed ways to diversify Armenia’s economy, trade and exports.

He thanked the EU for providing 52 million euros, or about $61 million, in budget support and expressed hope that Brussels would continue assisting Armenia’s efforts to diversify its trade and export markets.

The Armenian prime minister ruled out any abrupt reversal in the country’s efforts to deepen ties with the EU, referring to Armenia’s 2013 decision to abandon plans to sign an Association Agreement with the bloc and instead join the Eurasian Economic Union.

“Yes, I exclude it. It is impossible,” Pashinyan said when asked whether a similar policy reversal could happen again.

Pashinyan said he hoped Armenia would secure visa-free travel with the EU by 2029.

“A lot depends on us, and in many cases we should be asking ourselves these questions, not the EU,” he said.

Commenting on a phone conversation earlier this week with Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, Pashinyan said the call took place at his initiative.

He said the two officials agreed to hold more detailed discussions on bilateral issues in the near future.

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The borders that maps cannot draw

Ani Tigranian
Agos – Armenian Press Turkey
July 3 2026
The issue was not only about the economy. When people from Karabakh spoke, they were immediately recognized by their accent. Although they seemed to speak the same language, the marks left by years and different histories became apparent in the very first sentence. Language does not always bring people closer; sometimes it reminds them who belongs and who does not. Perhaps, for many people from Karabakh, the feeling of alienation had not begun when they crossed the border. It continued even after they had crossed it.
Maral Dink

If someone asks what the fastest way to understand a country is, one of the first answers that would come to mind would be taxi drivers. States explain themselves through official statements, politicians through speeches, and television through headlines. Their world is the world of macro-politics, grand decisions, and cold border lines. Countries, however, speak through taxis. Beneath those grand narratives, people are left alone with their own small sorrows, and it is often behind the steering wheel that they whisper the real story.

In recent years, I have frequently come across taxi drivers from Karabakh in Yerevan. Realizing from my accent that I am not from there, they ask, “Where are you from?” I reply, “I’m from Istanbul.” “I’m from Karabakh too. So both you and I are living far from home,” they answer. Every time, the same objection crosses my mind. I chose to live here. In fact, I do not even feel like I am living in exile. They, on the other hand, were forced to leave the place where they used to live. Then I ask, “How are you? Have you gotten used to living here?”

Most of the time, I receive a similar answer: “People here don’t like us.”

The first time I heard this, I was surprised. Apparently, the sentence did not make much sense. The people of Karabakh were Armenian, and so were the people of Armenia. So, who did not like whom?

I do not know how widespread this feeling is. Perhaps it was simply something shared by the people I happened to meet. But over the years, in different taxis and from different people, I heard similar sentences. Gradually, I began to reflect on what they meant.

Perhaps the issue was less about who liked whom than about how displaced people saw themselves in their new lives. Sometimes it is impossible to understand an entire society, but when the same sentence is repeated over and over by different voices, one cannot help but follow where it leads.

 

Solidarity and disappointment

By Ender Özkahraman

In the autumn of 2023, tens of thousands of people arriving from Karabakh became part of Armenia’s everyday life within just a few days. The city changed. More people were looking for housing. Rents increased. Schools became more crowded. For the first time, people began hitting with one another’s lives on the same buses, in the same supermarket queues, and in the same apartment buildings.

The issue was not only about the economy. When people from Karabakh spoke, they were immediately recognized by their accent. Although they seemed to speak the same language, the marks left by years and different histories became apparent in the very first sentence. Language does not always bring people closer; sometimes it reminds them who belongs and who does not. Perhaps, for many people from Karabakh, the feeling of alienation had not begun when they crossed the border. It continued even after they had crossed it.

But that was not the whole story. I remember the first days after the people of Karabakh arrived. I saw those who opened their homes, organized aid campaigns, and tried to find jobs for the newcomers. Everyone was doing whatever they could in a remarkable display of solidarity. Perhaps that is why the expressions of resentment I hear today strike me even more deeply. It seems that solidarity and alienation can coexist in the same city.

 

Alienation twice

Sometimes a person is alienated twice: once in the place they left behind, and once again in the new home they expected would welcome them. As I listened, I realized that at the center of the Karabakh story stood the same ancient question: What remains when a person loses his/her home?

From outside, what happened may appear to some as nothing more than a story of relocation. Armenians of Karabakh came to Armenia—that is, to their own state. But home is also our childhood, our street, our neighbors, the cemetery where our loved ones are buried. When people lose their home, they lose not only a place but also the continuity of their lives.

As Thomas de Waal, one of the leading scholars of Karabakh issue, has argued for years, the Karabakh issue has never been only about territory; it has always been about the places to which people belong. Because Karabakh was never simply a question of who would possess which land. It was a question of where people felt they belonged, which place they called home, and what they truly lost when they lost it.

 

Name of the loss

Moreover, the memory awaiting them in the place they arrived was not a single one. The people of Karabakh had lost their homes. Thousands of families in Armenia had lost their children.

After the 2020 war, Karabakh was no longer merely the name of a place. It had become the name of a loss that had touched almost everyone’s life in one way or another. There were very few people who did not know someone who had lost a son, a brother, a student, or a neighbor. The war had ended on the battlefield, but its consequences had settled into everyday life. In many homes there was an empty chair; in many families, an unfinished life.

For three years after the 2020 war, uncertainty continued. Karabakh lived under a blockade that lasted for months. Negotiations were held; hope and disappointment followed one another. Finally, in the autumn of 2023, nearly the entire Armenian population of the region left Karabakh.

 

May no one die again

I got very close to a mother who lost her son in the 2020 war. I did not observe her grief from afar; I witnessed her passing through it.

It was in the months after the war had ended. Those were the days when peace and the opening of the borders were being discussed. Imagining myself in the place of this woman, who spent fifty days going from one morgue to another to identify her son’s burned body, was deeply painful. I found it unbearably difficult that peace was being discussed so soon after the war, especially for those who had lost children they had sent to fulfill compulsory military service.

One day, I asked her hesitantly, “They are talking about a peace agreement. What do you think?”

Her answer surprised me: “Let peace come and let the border be opened. Let them open, so that no one dies ever again.”

Then she added: “Besides, my son did not die for his own country; he died for Karabakh.”

 

Two wounds of the same war

The complaint of the taxi driver from Karabakh—”People here don’t like us”—and the words of this mother were, in fact, part of the same story. Both were wounded. One was mourning the child she had lost whereas the other was mourning the home he had lost. The problem was that whenever one spoke of a home, the other remembered a graveyard. That is why people who had lived through the same war sometimes found it difficult to hear one another. Wars do not only take away land but also shatter a society’s shared memory.

Perhaps one of the greatest challenges Armenia faces today is enabling people who have paid different prices in the same war to hear one another again.

Neither the home lost by the taxi driver from Karabakh nor the son lost by the grieving mother appears on any map. Maps can show where people live, but they cannot show what people have lost. Maps divide countries. The borders that divide people, however, cannot be drawn on maps.


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When was the painting of Mount Ararat removed from Armenian president’s office

Emil Lazarian
Panorama Armenia
July 3 2026

Outgoing Armenian National Assembly Speaker Alen Simonyan paid a farewell visit to President Vahagn Khachaturyan on Thursday.

Social media users noticed that the photographs accompanying the official statement about the meeting no longer showed the painting of Mount Ararat that had previously hung on the wall of the president’s office.

A review of official reports and photographs from meetings held at the presidential residence indicates that the painting has, in fact, been absent for quite some time.

The last publicly available image showing the painting of the twin peaks of Sis and Masis (Mount Ararat) at the president’s office dates back to October 14, 2025, when Khachaturyan met with Her Majesty Queen Mathilde of Belgium.

A large photograph of Mount Ararat had also been displayed in another reception room, where Khachaturyan typically meets with foreign ambassadors accredited to Armenia, Armenian diplomats and other officials. It was in this room that Alen Simonyan met with the president. The photograph is no longer displayed there either.

When was the painting removed? Who authorized its removal? Are there currently any rooms within the presidential residence where an image of the biblical mountain is displayed?

Panorama.am attempted to reach out to the president’s office for comment. However, repeated phone calls to its Public Relations Department went unanswered.

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Israel’s Armenian Genocide recognition a ‘childish mistake,’ expert claims

Karapet Navasardian
Jerusalem Post
July 2 2026

The foreign policy expert calls the decision a ‘childish mistake,’ while leaders of Azerbaijan’s Jewish communities urge Israeli lawmakers to oppose the move.

ByJERUSALEM POST STAFFJULY 2, 2026 21:38

Israel’s decision to recognize the Armenian Genocide has drawn criticism from Azerbaijan’s Jewish community as well as Israeli foreign policy experts.

Prof. Efraim Inbar, president of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS) and an expert on Israeli-Turkish relations, described the decision in an interview with Kol Barama Radio on Thursday as “a childish and petty mistake” that could carry diplomatic consequences for Israel.

According to Inbar, the decision appears to be an attempt to “hit the Turks,” but could instead harm Azerbaijan, which he described as a “strategic asset” and a country that maintains a deep strategic partnership with Israel.

Inbar argued that foreign policy should not be driven by historical revenge but by present-day national interests. If Israel wishes to confront Turkey, he said, it should do so “quietly and wisely,” rather than through symbolic political gestures that risk alienating moderate actors and undermining strategic partnerships.

According to sources familiar with the matter, Azerbaijan’s ambassador to Israel left the country after Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar announced plans to advance recognition of the Armenian Genocide. The reason for his departure has not been officially disclosed, and it has not been officially confirmed whether he was called back to Baku for consultations.

Azerbaijan Jewish communities ask Knesset not to recognize the Armenian Genocide

At the same time, the leaders of Azerbaijan’s three Jewish communities appealed to members of the Knesset not to support initiatives recognizing the Armenian Genocide. The letter was signed by Milikh Yevdayev, chairman of the Mountain Jewish Community of Baku, Alexander Sharovsky, chairman of the Ashkenazi Jewish Community of Baku, and Rabbi Zamir Isayev, chairman of the Sephardic Jewish Community of Baku.

In their letter, the community leaders argued that complex historical issues should be examined by historians and experts rather than decided through political resolutions. They warned that such a move could complicate the peace process in the South Caucasus at a sensitive time, as efforts continue to advance a peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Rabbi Isayev reiterated that message in an interview with JNews, saying that “historical issues should not become political decisions.” He argued that such determinations risk turning historical disputes into diplomatic tools rather than leaving them to professional historical research and academic debate.

The criticism from Prof. Inbar and Azerbaijan’s Jewish community leaders follows Azerbaijan’s official condemnation of the Israeli government’s decision. Baku said the move would harm bilateral relations with Israel and called on Jerusalem to reconsider its decision.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan also stopped short of welcoming Israel’s decision, saying Armenia opposes efforts by third countries to turn the issue of the Armenian Genocide into a political tool against Turkey.

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EU deploys peace dividends and trade liberalisation to bolster Armenia

Emil Lazarian
European Interest
July 3 2026
ByGiacomo Fracassi
July 3, 2026

The European Union is deploying a powerful dual strategy of economic liberalisation and direct community investment to bolster Armenia’s stability and prosperity.

Central to this approach are the Autonomous Trade Measures and a substantial €20 million Peace Dividends initiative designed to create tangible benefits from regional stability. The moves are part of Armenia’s broader closeness to the EU, exemplified by the recent re-election of Nikol Pashinyan as Prime Minister. Pashinyan met in Yerevan with the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and the Commissioner for Enlargement, Marta Kos. Von der Leyen said that “the EU is stepping up, with €52 million and proposed tariff-free access for 80% of Armenia’s exports to the EU. Armenia can count on us.”

The Autonomous Trade Measures represent a significant economic lifeline, liberalising approximately 80% of Armenian exports to the EU market. This strategic move directly addresses trade restrictions Armenia has faced elsewhere, particularly following recent Russian trade limitations. The measures cover nearly 99% of Armenia’s fresh fruit, vegetables, and plant exports to Russia and over 91% of beverages and spirits, providing immediate relief to affected sectors. To ensure rapid market diversification, the European Commission will deploy experts to Armenia by mid-July to work directly with producers and exporters, helping them navigate EU standards and identify new opportunities.

Simultaneously, the €20 million Peace Dividends program aims to ensure that communities experience tangible benefits of peace in their everyday lives. This investment will support local communities in both Armenia and Azerbaijan by improving healthcare, demining, developing skills, and supporting local businesses. By creating concrete economic opportunities and safer living conditions, these dividends aim to foster a lasting culture of peace in the South Caucasus region.

This comprehensive approach, combining market access with grassroots peacebuilding, demonstrates the EU’s commitment to creating sustainable stability through both top-level economic policy and bottom-up community investment.

https://www.europeaninterest.eu/eu-deploys-peace-dividends-and-trade-liberalisation-to-bolster-armenia/

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EU chief visits Yerevan with pledge to ‘open doors’ for Armenian exports

Ara Felekian
JAM News
July 2 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

The delegation led by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has arrived in Armenia. Her previous visit to Yerevan took place two months ago, when she attended the European Political Community summit and the first Armenia-EU summit.

This time, however, von der Leyen came to express support for Armenia, which has come under economic pressure from Russia.

Since May, Russia has banned imports of Armenian fruit, vegetables, fish products, alcohol and many other goods, citing their alleged failure to meet Russian quality standards. In response to the Russian restrictions, the European Union moved quickly and decided to support Armenia.

“I am here today to state clearly: if Russia closes its market to Armenian products, the European Union will open the doors of its consumer market of 450 million people to them,” Ursula von der Leyen said.

The European Commission president also congratulated Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and the people of Armenia on the election result.

“They chose democracy, peace and closer ties with Europe. Not everyone welcomes our growing partnership. We fully understand that Russia is trying to pressure Armenia to prevent it from moving closer to the European Union. We will not allow that. We will support you in this regard.”

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said the European Union was one of Armenia’s most reliable partners.

He said his earlier remark that “Armenia and the European Union have become closer than ever before” was becoming more of a reality with each passing day, not only in political relations but also in practical economic cooperation.

During a private meeting and subsequent talks involving the wider delegations, the two sides discussed the diversification of Armenia’s economy and the implementation of EU support mechanisms.

Financial assistance and preferential trade measures

The Armenian prime minister expressed gratitude for the European Union’s budget support package worth 52 million euros, which has been allocated to help diversify export markets for Armenian products.

He also announced the EU’s intention to introduce autonomous trade measures for Armenia, which would provide significant preferential terms for Armenian exports. Pashinyan said he expected the measures to come into force across all EU member states in the near future.

According to the prime minister, Armenia will become the first country that is neither an EU candidate nor part of the bloc’s free trade area to benefit from this support mechanism.

Pressure from Russia on Armenia ahead of elections: economy as tool of influence

Experts say the pressure is temporary, but Armenia’s dependence on the Russian market has made it possible and highlights the need to diversify economic ties.

Support for democracy

“Armenia continues to move forward on the path of democracy, reforms, peace and closer cooperation with Europe. I have come to tell you that you can count on us,” the European Commission president said.

She stressed that the EU was ready to take action to support Armenia as it continued to face economic pressure from Russia.

Ursula von der Leyen announced that Armenia would soon receive an additional 18 million euros in assistance to strengthen and diversify its trade.

“The funding could, for example, help establish an export promotion agency to boost the export potential of Armenian businesses,” she said.

She also outlined the proposed autonomous trade measures for Armenia.

“These measures will liberalise around 80% of Armenian exports to the European Union. This means that 80% of your trade with us will now be duty-free. The measure will open Europe’s doors to almost 99% of Armenia’s fresh agricultural produce, vegetables, fruit and plant-based products that were previously exported to Russia. It will also open the EU single market to more than 90% of your exports of beverages and alcoholic products.“

Von der Leyen noted that imports of Armenian flowers into the EU had increased in recent months, describing this as “a wonderful symbol” of a new chapter in Armenia-EU economic partnership.

“And this is only the beginning. In mid-July, we will send experts to Armenia to work directly with your producers, businesses and exporters, helping them take full advantage of all the opportunities offered by our privileged partnership with the European Union.“

Pashinyan: ‘Eurasian Economic Union must make clear whether it still exists’

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan says that without the free movement of goods, services, labour and capital, the EAEU does not exist. His remarks come amid Russian trade restrictions on Armenia

EU support over potential gas supply disruptions

The first question Armenian journalists put to the European Commission president was how the EU could help Armenia if Russian gas supplies to the country were disrupted.

Ursula von der Leyen said Armenia needed a strategic, multi-layered and comprehensive approach to energy.

“Just as we are helping Armenia diversify its trade, making the country more resilient and strengthening its economy, we also want to help diversify its energy supplies.“

She said the EU had extensive experience in this area, noting that the bloc had already dealt with similar challenges in Ukraine and Moldova, as well as within the European Union itself.

Opinion: ‘Russia ‘blackmails’ Armenia with threat of gas price hikes’

Armenian experts say Yerevan could turn to alternatives, such as importing gas from Kazakhstan. They add that Russia would also incur losses if it raises prices.

Visa liberalisation

“Armenia is the only partner country currently engaged in an active dialogue with the European Union on visa liberalisation. That in itself reflects the strength of our partnership,” the European Commission president said.

She recalled that the first progress report on Armenia’s Visa Liberalisation Action Plan was submitted in April 2026, adding that a new EU assessment mission would visit the country this autumn.

“Armenia is on the right track and is making every effort. We know you are committed to this agenda, and we are grateful for that. The progress achieved so far is very impressive. We know how important this is for the Armenian people.“

Von der Leyen stressed that visa-free travel would become possible only after Armenia had met all the necessary conditions, but did not give a specific timeframe.

Unlike von der Leyen, Pashinyan said he expected visa liberalisation to be achieved by 2029, while noting that much depended on Armenia itself.

“In many cases, we should be asking ourselves, rather than the European Union, how prepared we are and how effectively we are implementing our reform programme.”

‘Main obstacle to Armenia’s EU integration is frozen EU-Georgia dialogue’ – Pashinyan

Speaking in the European Parliament, Armenia’s prime minister addressed not only the possibility of EU membership but also the peace process with Azerbaijan, the upcoming June elections and the domestic political situation.

‘Historic opportunity’ for Armenia-EU relations

Pashinyan said the European Union had long been Armenia’s main partner in implementing democratic reforms, noting that this cooperation had begun well before the 2018 revolution that brought his government to power.

“The question is how effectively and sincerely this programme was implemented. Now, after the elections, I believe we have an important opportunity to relaunch Armenia’s democratic reform agenda.”

The prime minister said previous governments had been unable to devote full attention to the reform process because Armenia had repeatedly faced major challenges, including the Covid-19 pandemic, the war and its post-war consequences.

According to Pashinyan, the new level of relations with the EU presents Armenia with a historic opportunity. Reiterating his long-standing position on EU membership, he said it was more important for Armenia to fully, genuinely and comprehensively meet EU standards. He described this as his government’s strategic objective, while noting that accession itself remained a political issue dependent on many factors.

“If we succeed in becoming a member of the European Union, it will be a tremendous achievement. But even if, for some reason, the EU decides not to enlarge any further, we will still benefit, because we will have become a country that fully meets EU standards.”

The prime minister said new opportunities were emerging across the region and that Armenia was transforming from a “dead end of conflict” into a “crossroads of peace”. He added that the European Union had consistently supported Yerevan’s efforts.

“Looking back, we can see how remarkably fast Armenia-EU relations have developed in recent years. There are no signs that this momentum will slow, and I am very pleased about that.”

First Armenia–EU summit in Yerevan adopts 44-point joint declaration

The sides also initialled a cooperation agreement on border management. Letters of intent on cooperation were handed to six Armenian companies.

‘We are not seeking crisis in relations with Russia’

Pashinyan insisted that Armenia would not reverse its course towards closer ties with the European Union, as it did in September 2013, when then-president Serzh Sargsyan abandoned plans to sign an Association Agreement with the EU after talks with Vladimir Putin. Armenia subsequently joined the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union, then known as the Customs Union.

“That is impossible, especially now that the people of Armenia have clearly expressed their support for the policies we are pursuing, particularly our balanced and measured foreign policy,” he said.

The prime minister stressed that Armenia had never sought, and did not intend in future, to create a crisis in its relations with Russia.

“We act in the interests of our country. Of course, we do not ignore the interests of our international partners. But at the same time, we cannot place the interests of any of our partners above the interests of Armenia,” Pashinyan said.

https://jam-news.net/eu-chief-vows-to-support-armenia/

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Top EU official visits Armenia and offers economic support to help counter Rus

Ekmekjian Janet
Associated Press
July 2 2026

By  AVET DEMOURIAN
Updated 2:07 PM EDT, July 2, 2026

 1

YEREVAN, Armenia (AP) — European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen visited Armenia on Thursday, promising to provide a 18-million euro ($20.5-million) aid package and the elimination of import duties on most Armenian farm products to support the South Caucasus nation’s push for closer ties with the European Union and pivot away from longtime ally Moscow.

Last month, the party of Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan extended its hold on power in a parliamentary election that was widely seen as a vote on its geopolitical future. Weeks before the vote, Moscow introduced a slew of trade sanctions, imposing import bans on Armenian flowers, brandy, wine, fruits and more.

Von der Leyen said “Armenia is still facing significant economic pressure from Russia,” describing it as “nothing short of economic coercion.”

“But rest assured: when pressure mounts on our partners, the EU steps up,” she added.

Von der Leyen said that Armenia will soon receive an additional 18-million euro to help strengthen and diversify its trade, the final installment of the 52-million euro ($59.4-million) support package the EU pledged in early June.

On top of that, she announced that the EU will offer tariff-free access to almost 80% of the Armenian exports to the bloc, saying the move would help “re-route products that currently still rely heavily on the Russian market.”

Pashinyan thanked the EU for its support and noted the need to quickly resolve technical issues to open the EU doors for Armenian farm products as the country entered the harvesting season.

Russia, which has a military base in Armenia, has warned that Yerevan’s Western shift could have severe political and economic consequences. President Vladimir Putin has compared Armenia’s course to that of Ukraine in what observers have described as thinly veiled threats and suggested that Russia’s war with Ukraine was rooted in its bid to sign an association deal with the EU.

Relations between Moscow and Armenia soured as Azerbaijan retook control of the Karabakh region. The mountainous area had been controlled for decades by ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia, part of a long conflict between the neighboring countries.Armenia accused Russian peacekeepers deployed to the region of failing to stop Azerbaijan’s onslaught. Moscow, busy with the war in Ukraine, has rejected the accusations.

In August 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump hosted Pashinyan and Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev to sign a deal aimed at ending their decades-long conflict and including provisions for the creation of a new transit corridor from Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhchivan.

Von der Leyen traveled to Armenia a day after her trip to Azerbaijan, where she announced a new 200-million euro ($228.6-million) Global Gateway package. She said that with its financial partners, the EU aims to mobilize up to 2 billion euros ($2.3 billion) for strategic transport, energy, and digital projects all across the South Caucasus.

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EU to liberalize trade with Armenia, 80% of exports will not be subject to dut

Garnik Tadevosian
Commersant, Georgia
July 2 2026

The European Union intends to introduce autonomous trade measures for Armenia that will allow for the liberalization of around 80% of Armenian exports, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said.

“I know Armenia is still facing significant economic pressure from Russia. But rest assured: when pressure mounts on our partners, the EU steps up. And I have some announcements here too,” von der Leyen said when announcing two measures at a joint briefing with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in Yerevan on Thursday.

Armenia will receive the remaining 18 million euros from a 52 million euro aid package aimed at strengthening and diversifying trade in the near future, she said.

“The funding can help establish an export promotion agency. Second, we are presenting a proposal for Autonomous Trade Measures. They will liberalise almost 80% of Armenian exports to the EU. That means 80% of your trade with us will now be tariff-free,” von der Leyen said.

On account of this, those goods that are now largely oriented towards the Russian market will be sent to the single market of the European Union, she said.

“This measure will open the European doors to almost 99% of Armenia’s fresh fruits, vegetables, and plants that used to be exported to Russia. And it will open the door of the European Union Single Market to more than 90% of your exports of beverages and spirits,” she said.

“And this is only the beginning. With these new measures in place, you will have the means to diversify – and to diversify fast. In mid-July, we will deploy experts to Armenia to work directly with your producers, your businesses, and your exporters and help them seize all the opportunities that a privileged partnership with the EU can offer,” von der Leyen said.

https://commersant.ge/en/news/worl/eu-to-liberalize-trade-with-armenia-80-of-exports-will-not-be-subject-to-duties-european-commission-head

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Analysis / Armenian Genocide: New Israeli Card in Geopolitical Contest with Tu

Frangulian Shushan
ABNA
July 4 2026

The age-old strategy of “divide and rule” has long been a staple of diplomacy, particularly wielded by colonial powers to expand their spheres of influence. And in today’s era, this tactic is alive and well, just as it was in the days of empire.

ABNA24 – The age-old strategy of “divide and rule” has long been a staple of diplomacy, particularly wielded by colonial powers to expand their spheres of influence. And in today’s era, this tactic is alive and well, just as it was in the days of empire. The Israeli cabinet’s recent decision to recognize the Armenian genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1923 fits squarely into that playbook. To view this merely as a historical, moral, or human-rights gesture would be naive.

The regime’s foreign ministry has hailed the move as “historic,” and Israeli officials are framing it as a stand for historical truth and justice for the victims. But the timing of the decision, the regional upheavals of recent months, and Armenia’s notably tepid response all point to a different reality: Tel Aviv is weaponizing the Armenian genocide file as a geopolitical bargaining chip and a tool for settling regional scores.

Though the cabinet greenlit the plan only days ago, and it still needs final Knesset approval to become official policy, the political will to go down this road had been taking shape for months. The clearest signal came back in late August 2025, when Benjamin Netanyahu broke new ground by explicitly labeling the massacres of Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks under the Ottoman Empire as genocide.

Growing confrontation with Turkey: When history is weaponized

This latest decision by Tel Aviv should be seen as the next link in a chain of upheavals triggered by the collapse of Israeli-Turkish relations after the Gaza war, and the emergence of a new geopolitical order stretching from the Eastern Mediterranean and the Levant all the way to the South Caucasus. In this new order, even historical grievances are being repurposed as tools in security and political rivalries.

Over the decades, the two countries’ relationship had seen its share of ups and downs, but never fully ruptured. That changed after the Gaza war, pushing ties into uncharted territory. The Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan did not just accuse Tel Aviv of committing genocide in Gaza, he branded the regime a “terrorist state.” Ankara went on to claim it had halted a significant portion of its economic and trade ties with the Israeli regime and closed its airspace to Israeli aircraft.

In recent months, the Turkish leader and his AK Party officials have repeatedly framed Zionist ideology as a threat to Turkey’s national security. Erdoğan even declared that the fight against Zionism is not just about defending Palestine, it is part of a broader struggle for the survival of the Turkish nation.

Into this volatile mix steps the Armenian genocide file, now effectively weaponized as a historical and political pressure lever for Israel against Turkey. It is an issue Ankara has been hypersensitive about for over a century, treating any formal recognition by foreign governments as a hostile act.

Turkey’s Foreign Ministry fired back swiftly, accusing Israel of using the Armenian genocide recognition to whitewash its genocide against the people of Gaza. Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz echoed that line, calling the cabinet’s move a desperate attempt to cover up its own crimes.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar has insisted the decision is not “retaliatory” against Turkey. But coming at a moment of peak tensions between the two sides, and given the blunt language Israeli officials have been using about Turkish policy, the political calculus behind this move leaves little room for doubt.

Seen through this lens, Tel Aviv is sending Ankara a clear and unmistakable message: just as Turkey wields the Gaza file and genocide allegations against Israel on the international stage, Israel can just as easily turn Turkey’s most sensitive historical wound into a political pressure point of its own.

Boosting Israeli foothold in Caucasus and Central Asia 

The second dimension of this decision lies in the geopolitical contests playing out across the South Caucasus, and Israel’s calculated push to expand its footprint there.

In recent years, Tel Aviv has been pursuing a two-pronged strategy: on one hand, breaking out of its regional isolation through normalization deals with neighboring states; on the other, reinforcing its security posture by building influence along the geopolitical periphery of the Islamic Republic, which it views as the single greatest existential threat. Within that framework, Israeli regime has trained its sights on Central Asia and the Caucasus, looking to open new channels of engagement.

The developments of the past few years, particularly since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, have turned the South Caucasus into one of the most contested arenas for regional and extra-regional powers. Russia, Turkey, Iran, the United States, the EU, and Israel are all jockeying to lock in their positions.

Yet the hostile dynamic between Azerbaijan and Armenia, coupled with Baku’s strategic alliance with Ankara, makes this recognition move a delicate and potentially disruptive gambit within Israel’s existing regional alliances.

Over the past two decades, Tel Aviv has built a deep strategic partnership with Azerbaijan, including military, intelligence, and energy cooperation that has become a cornerstone of Israel’s regional policy. But the Israelis know that relying solely on the Baku axis won’t secure a lasting presence in the Caucasus. Opening parallel channels with Armenia could give Tel Aviv far greater geopolitical flexibility, especially as Yerevan gradually drifts away from Russia and actively scouts for new security and political partners.

Seen in this light, recognizing the Armenian genocide may well be part of a broader Israeli effort to pry open doors in Yerevan, strengthen its hand in the emerging calculus of the Caucasus, and perhaps even extend its reach into Central Asia down the line.

Grouping in Palestinian case

Another likely objective behind this decision is Israel’s attempt to claw its way out of the international isolation it now faces over Gaza.

Tel Aviv is currently reeling under a avalanche of global accusations that include war crimes, genocide, you name it. Governments, human rights organizations, UN rapporteurs, and perhaps most critically, world public opinion, especially in the West, have leveled unprecedented criticism against Israel.

In such climate, recognizing the Armenian genocide could be a bid to rehabilitate Israel’s moral image: to cast the regime as a champion of genocide victims, a nation that refuses to stay silent in the face of historical atrocities.

But there may be a deeper geopolitical calculus at play here, one tied to the Israeli right’s long-standing ambition to bury the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative once and for all. That initiative, it’s worth recalling, promised the creation of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Netanyahu-led hardline cabinet is determined to erase even the faintest trace of that blueprint. And one of the most effective ways to entrench that erasure is to secure international legitimacy for moving Israel’s capital from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, a move already greenlit by the US during Trump’s first term. So, by formally recognizing the Armenian genocide, and by extension, drawing closer to Yerevan, Israel may well be laying the groundwork for a similar push: leveraging that moral and political capital to eventually gain broader acceptance for Al-Quds (Jerusalem) as its capital.

When Yerevan reads Israel’s mind

Perhaps the most telling sign that this decision is politically driven lies in Armenia’s conspicuously tepid response.

Contrary to Yerevan’s usual practice of enthusiastically welcoming foreign recognition of the Armenian genocide, this time Armenian officials have held back. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had even warned earlier, explicitly, that the issue must not be turned into a “geopolitical bargaining chip.”

This Armenian position is driven in several hard realities.

First, Armenia knows full well that Israel has been one of Azerbaijan’s key arms suppliers in recent years. A significant chunk of Baku’s military edge in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War was built on Israeli technology and equipment.

Second, Yerevan sees the timing of this move as driven less by historical or moral conviction and more by the escalating rift between Israel and Turkey.

Third, Pashinyan’s government has been pursuing a normalization track with Turkey over the past few years. With the recent breakthroughs between Baku and Yerevan, the prospect of reopening borders and restoring diplomatic ties between Armenia and Turkey is more tangible than ever. The last thing Yerevan wants is for the genocide file to be dragged back into the arena of regional power rivalries.

And fourth, from the perspective of a large swath of Armenia’s political class, a country accused of committing widespread atrocities against civilians in Gaza simply lacks the moral standing to pose as a defender of genocide victims.

Regional consequences for Tel Aviv

This decision by the Israeli cabinet carries implications that reach far beyond bilateral tensions between Tel Aviv and Ankara.

First, it is likely to escalate political and diplomatic friction between the two sides, though history suggests Ankara tends not to fully sever ties even with countries that have formally recognized the Armenian genocide.

Second, it could upset the delicate balance in the South Caucasus and complicate Israel’s relationship with Azerbaijan, especially if Baku interprets the move as Tel Aviv backpedaling on its longstanding strategic alignment.

Third, this episode underscores a broader trend: in the emerging regional order, historical grievances are no longer relics of the past, they have become live ammunition in geopolitical rivalries.

Ultimately, the Israeli cabinet’s recognition of the Armenian genocide is less a historical or moral statement than a reflection of the profound geopolitical shifts reshaping a region that stretches from the South Caucasus to the Eastern Mediterranean.

That is why, today more than ever, the Armenian genocide case is not merely a historical question, it is a strategic battleground, woven into the very fabric of a reordering region where even the historical memory of nations is now fair game in geopolitical competitions.

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