July 8, 2026
On March 25 of this year, during a question-and-answer session with the Government in the National Assembly, Nikol Pashinyan announced that in 2020 they made a conscious sacrifice.
“We made a conscious sacrifice in 2020, as a result we gained statehood and independence. We were not the authors of all the sacrifices before this, they took us to the shore and sacrificed for their interests, for the first time we sacrificed for our interests, our state and identity, the future.
The guarantor is the one who put the rope around the neck of the calf and guarantees that he does not even have the right to decide when to go to the sacrifice, he does not have the right to go to the sacrifice for himself, he can go to the sacrifice only for the guarantor, when the guarantor says that it is time for you to be slaughtered, go and be slaughtered.” had said Nikol Pashinyan.
Weeks after Nikol Pashinyan’s announcement, members of the “Sons’ Call” NGO of parents of servicemen who died in the 2020 Artsakh 44-day war organized a protest near the General Prosecutor’s Office building. They submitted a crime report to the prosecutor’s office regarding Nikol Pashinyan’s statement.
The parents of the victimized boys collected signatures right near the Prosecutor’s Office building, and then submitted the relevant application to the department.
Today of 168.am in a conversation with lawyer Vahan Hovhannisyan said that the claim is already in the domain of the court, but they have not yet received a decision from the court, it is being examined by written procedure.
“Criminal proceedings were not initiated regarding the report of the crime we presented, we also appealed to the prosecutor, the decision was left in force by him. In other words, the legality to initiate proceedings was established, after which we applied to the court in accordance with the Code of Criminal Procedure and we are waiting for the court’s decision,” said the lawyer.
Vahan Hovhannisyan believes that Nikol Pashinyan must be summoned for questioning if criminal proceedings are initiated.
“With the report on not initiating criminal proceedings, the investigator commented on Nikol Pashinyan’s speech and put that comment as the basis of the report prepared by him. In other words, Nikol Pashinyan’s words were interpreted by the investigator, therefore, if criminal proceedings are initiated, the body implementing the proceedings must question Nikol Pashinyan in order to get that comment from him,” emphasized Vahan Hovhannisyan.
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The results of the Armenian elections. “is the glass half empty or half empty?”
July 8, 2026
According to the official results of the Armenian parliamentary elections held on June 7, three political forces entered the National Assembly. The “Civil Agreement” party received 49.7456% of the votes (726,819 votes), businessman Samvel Karapetyan’s “Strong Armenia” alliance received 23.2710% (340,060 votes), and former President Robert Kocharyan’s “Armenia” alliance received 9.9231% (144,983 votes). Businessman Gagik Tsarukyan’s “Prosperous Armenia” Party (PAP) was considered a possible participant in the new parliament at a certain stage of vote counting, but as a result, it received 58,287 votes (3.9893%) and could not overcome the 4% temporary threshold established by law.
In the newly elected parliament, the “Civil Agreement” party received 64 mandates, the “Strong Armenia” bloc – 29, and the “Armenia” bloc – 12 mandates.
so the ruling party has retained the parliamentary majority, but does not have the constitutional majority necessary to unilaterally make changes to the Mother Law of the country. On the other hand, a powerful opposition bloc consisting of 41 deputies was formed in the National Assembly, which can turn any legislative process into a tough political battle.aof the field.
At the same time, 7 of the 18 political forces that participated in the elections on June 19, including the “Strong Armenia” and “Armenia” blocs that entered the parliament, appealed to the Constitutional Court (SC) demanding to invalidate the election results or to schedule a second round of voting.
This is an unprecedented situation for the first time in the history of Armeniar: was created when so many political forces appealed to the CC to challenge the election results. According to the applicants, the conditions of an equal election contest were not observed.
During the pre-election campaign, those who directly disagreed with the decisions of the authorities were repressed. They continue even after the vote, and even against the representatives of the opposition forces, who were elected or may enter the parliament as a result of the elections. The pressure campaign continues today՝ up to the intention of the authorities to arrest them. Isn’t it?՞ that a significant number of voters voted for them.
Even the OSCE international observers announced that the pre-election campaign in Armenia was confrontational, that the parliamentary elections were accompanied by criminal prosecutions of opposition representatives and other factors that negatively affected the equality of the conditions of the pre-election struggle. The organization also noted that the pressure on public sector employees to force them to participate in the events of the ruling party, as well as socio-economic measures dedicated to the elections (increased pensions) raised questions about the equality of opportunities for campaign participants.
On the day of voting, there were quite a few violations and questionable results. On the eve of the elections we warned about possible manipulations by government structures, if the counting of votes leads to a disappointing result for them. For example, by canceling voting in certain precincts, they will try to prevent the third opposition force from overcoming the 4% barrier to enter parliament in order to take advantage of its votes and increase its own representation.
Our prediction came true. The CEC announced that the votes of only a few dozen voters were not enough for the PAP. After a selective recount at the opposition’s request, the CEC admitted serious violations and canceled the vote in three polling stations where PAP had good results. CEC also admitted that as a result the votes given to Tsarukyan’s party were credited to other organizations, mostly to CP. If PAP entered the parliament, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s party would not be able to appoint, for example, the head of the Central Bank and the members of the Supreme Court.
Candidate of Legal Sciences Arsen Tavadyan կարծիքով՝ After canceling the results in 3 precincts, the CEC should either hold re-elections in those precincts, or schedule new elections for the National Assembly.
At the same time, he refers The decision of the Venice Commission on a similar situation during the 2025 presidential elections in Romania was completely annulled by the Constitutional Court and new ones were appointed.
However, CEC, violating the Constitution, refused to hold re-elections. By invalidating the results without ordering a repeat vote as required by law, the CEC effectively changed the electoral implications of the vote while simultaneously depriving voters of those precincts from the mechanism of restoration of their voting results.
The opposition criticized such a decision, because Article 101 of the Election Code the article allows to correct the committed violations “by double voting in separate polling stations”. Nevertheless, CEC chairman Vahagn Hovakimyan (former CP member, Pashinyan’s close friend, who collaborated with him in his family daily “Haykakan Zhamanak”) stated that there are no legal grounds for canceling the results of the parliamentary elections on June 7, and that violations in individual precincts cannot be grounds for canceling the results of the elections, after which he again suggested the complainants to apply to the Constitutional Court.
The review of claims challenging the results of the parliamentary elections in the CC began on June 26 (the deadline for making a decision was July 4). It turned into a detailed electoral manipulation of the government disclosure.
For example, in 20% of polling stations are available discrepancies between the number of ballots and the number of voters, and in almost all precincts (98%-99%) the CP won with a larger (than average) margin. The process initiated by the opposition forces shows not only the crisis of confidence in the official results of the vote, but also the direct involvement of state institutions in ensuring the victory of the ruling CP party. The leader of the opposition “Armenia” bloc, former president Robert Kocharian to the RA Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan accused in the fact that, on his instructions, the CEC “stole 60,000 votes of citizens given in favor of the PAP during the elections”.
In general, the elections in Armenia showed that the society is deeply divided. Opinions among the voters were almost equally divided, if we do not take into account the votes collected by the ruling party at the expense of administrative resources.
The political science interpretation of the results of the parliamentary elections in Armenia through the prism of “opportunities” and “limitations” clearly reveals the two opposite sides of the “glass half full or half empty”.
On the one hand, the party of the current Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, has collected more votes. CP secured a majority in the National Assembly, 3/5 of the total number of deputies. This allows the party to pass laws and elect important officials. Moreover, the ruling party has not received a constitutional majority, in particular, it will not be able to change the Constitution. And here already problems arise for the current government.
The point is that the entire pre-election rhetoric of the CP was built under the slogan of achieving peace with Azerbaijan. However, official Baku demands to remove from the basic law of Armenia the provisions with reference to Nagorno Karabakh, which it interprets as an obstacle to the peace treaty.
For that, Pashinyan needs not only “his” cabinet of ministers. He needs legal instruments to manage the country’s strategic future, a mandate for a geopolitical turnaround: a new Constitution, a final solution to the Karabakh problem with Azerbaijan, a settlement with Turkey, and maintaining neutral relations with Russia in case of deepening the Western course.
Passing such decisions in the new parliament will be very difficult for Pashinyan. Under these conditions, the official Yerevan will have to continue the complex policy of “two seats”, balancing between the drift towards the EU and the obligations regarding the EAEU, while the high tension will be maintained inside the country. That is why the absence of the constitutional majority of the prime minister becomes not only an internal but also an external problem for him.
The Armenian mass media note that the opposition parties have passed the electoral threshold for a long time were a decisionIs it worth taking the parliamentary mandates, or is it necessary to give up them, following the example of our Georgian colleagues, in order to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the current state government? On the one hand, Pashinyan has already received congratulations from the USA, the European Union, Turkey, Ukraine and Kazakhstan, which seem to have already recognized the legitimacy of his government.
But if the opposition refused the mandates, then the CP, having no opposition in the parliament, can solve any issue without taking into account with anyone.. If the opposition is represented in the parliament, it will deprive Pashinyan of the constitutional majority. In that case, it can prevent the adoption of the new Constitution by joint actions in the National Assembly.
In this situation, it can be assumed that any radical step by the ruling party will inevitably cause a deep internal political crisis.
The relative success of Nikol Pashinyan in the elections was positively received in the USA, Europe, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Ukraine, as well as in a number of Central Asian countries.
The New York Times attention concentrates on the fact that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was close to receiving a mandate to promote peace negotiations with Azerbaijan, which were organized with the mediation of President Trump.
The final agreement has not yet been signed, as the countries have not agreed on the border that should emerge as a result of the settlement agreement. “For the final conclusion of the agreement, Azerbaijan insists that Armenia exclude its claims to the disputed region from its fundamental documents, which are mentioned in the Constitution of Armenia.
However, to make changes in the Constitution, a two-thirds majority of the votes in the Armenian Parliament is required, which, according to all, Pashinyan’s party will not achieve,” the newspaper reports. It reports that the Armenian government has called on the United States to continue its involvement in regional affairs and help Armenia and Azerbaijan reach a final agreement.
British The Guardian-ը notes, that the parliamentary elections were the first national elections since Armenia lost control of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 2023, a painful defeat that ended more than three decades of Armenian control over the disputed region.
According to the author of the article, Pashinyan managed to turn this issue into a political asset.
“Arguing that Armenia’s pursuit of Karabakh has led to the country being mired in perpetual conflict…, he presented that painful chapter as a necessary starting point for a safer and more prosperous future.” The newspaper considers Armenia’s economic growth, which is largely due to the inflow of Russian business and capital, to be another factor in Pashinyan’s success.
This has allowed him to make significant investments in the regions of Armenia, where his support remains strongest. At the same time, the newspaper notes that on the eve of the elections, the Armenian authorities arrested oppositionists, including members of Karapetyan’s party, on various suspicious charges. from bribery and financial crimes to calls to overthrow the government.
During the election campaign, Pashinyan sometimes behaved erratically, contrary to his previous statements, engaging in fierce public arguments with refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh, whom he accused of “fleeing” the region instead of staying and fighting. The author of the article notes that the EU largely ignores the criticism of Pashinyan, not hiding its support for the current Armenian leadership’s secret desire to stay away from Moscow.
At the same time, the main post-election problem in London is considered not the violation of democratic principles in Armenia, but the suspension of negotiations with Azerbaijan due to the complexity of the constitutional amendment, which Baku demands.
An international human rights activist, “Amsterdam
Macron, von der Leyen and Trump were quick to praise the unbalanced dictator Pashinyan. It is already becoming clear that the West is not interested in the fate of the Armenian people. their goal was only to attack Russia. Now they turn a blind eye to the obvious overthrow of democracy for their own geopolitical interests.”
Nikol Pashinyan’s victory in the parliamentary elections gives Ankara a chance to implement its plans. it is an opportunity to secure the new regional architecture of the South Caucasus under its auspices. On the eve of the NATO summit to be held in Turkey (Ankara, July 7-8), former Turkish ambassador and UN representative in Baku Ismail Alper Joshkun and former deputy of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey Garo Paylan are appearing came to the “Carnegie Center” website (recognized as undesirable in Russia) “Next steps on the road to peace after the elections in Armenia” program by article։
The authors of the article hint that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is preparing to use the NATO summit in Ankara, in addition to the main agenda, as an opportune moment to organize a quadrilateral meeting with US President Donald Trump, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, the purpose of which “should be to prevent the stagnation of the peace process and to create a political and economic base for its further advancement through the joint commitments of Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and interested international financial institutions.”
The latter is a new “road map” for Armenia without CSTO and EAEU.
Such an approach, if it happens, will clearly contradict Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan to the announcements During the working visit to Moscow and Kazan (June 16-17), “that the issues of the South Caucasus should be resolved by the countries of the region and close neighbors on the basis of dialogue and cooperation within the framework of the regional platform: 3 3”.
In this context, Fidan’s visit to Armenia a day after the publication of the final results of the parliamentary elections does not seem accidental. Especially considering the fact that, according to him, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan regularly holds consultations with Russian leader Vladimir Putin on regional issues.
It can be assumed that he came to “agree” with Russia on the new balance of interests in Transcaucasia. There is almost no information about the results, but I do not exclude that his task was to convince the Russian leadership to recognize the legitimacy of the Armenian elections, to find a compromise on this issue and to build cooperation with Ankara, taking into account the further deviation of Yerevan to the west, and taking into account the geography, conventionally in the “Turkish” direction.
Western and Turkish politicians directly call Armenia the “missing element” of the organization of Turkic states. (Armenia as the missing element of the Organization of Turkic States // AlphaNews. 26.11.2025. – URL: alphane ws.am/en/projects/armenia-as-the-missing-element-of-the-organization-of-turkic-states/ (date of access: 01.12.2025)։ Such judgments should be evaluated as a political order to expand the zone of Turkish control. Moreover, the obvious subordinate position of Armenia in the proposed geopolitical structure is outlined.
According to me, Azerbaijan’s supremacy with Turkey’s support in the conflict settlement process with Armenia was a practical confirmation of the Western project of reconstruction of the South Caucasus. The local project of such restructuring is the pro-Turkish regional architecture, which, by accepting, Armenia will inevitably lose its identity and, most importantly, its sovereignty.
Alexander Ananev
Retired senior adviser to the Russian Foreign Ministry
interaffairs.ru
Translation by Zhanna Avetisyan
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“Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan will form a power center”
Speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) Numan Kurtulmuş made remarks on the foreign policy agenda and Turkey’s vision of mediation during a live broadcast on TRT News in Şırnak.
Emphasizing that Turkey has become one of the most important centers of global diplomacy, Kurtulmuş pointed to the progress achieved in the process aimed at establishing lasting peace in the South Caucasus.
Kurtulmuş said that the border delimitation efforts and peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan are progressing positively, adding that Turkey supports the process with a constructive vision. Stating that the key to regional prosperity lies in a trilateral mechanism, the TBMM Speaker said:
“The basis for an agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the Caucasus has now reached a certain point. God willing, with Turkey’s participation, Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan will establish a center here and become a power. Turkey’s constructive vision is making major contributions to all of this.”
The Ankara-Yerevan track in normalization
The “trilateral vision” referred to by Kurtulmuş actually reflects the recent normalization process between Turkey and Armenia.
In the recent period of the Turkey-Armenia Normalization Process, steps have been taken such as Turkish Airlines launching direct flights to Yerevan, listing Armenia as the destination country for imports and exports, and reciprocal visits by businesspeople from both countries.
On the other hand, although the reopening of the Alican-Margara border crossing, which has been closed for 30 years, is repeatedly brought up, no concrete step has yet been taken in this direction. In particular, Pashinyan’s victory once again in the June 7 election in Armenia has increased hopes that the border crossing will be reopened.
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“Armenia’s Election and the Reordering of the South Caucasus: Pashinyan’s Pos
Armenia’s June 2026 parliamentary elections produced a consequential result for the South Caucasus. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party won about 49.8 percent of the vote and retained the ability to form the next government.[1] The outcome is notable because Pashinyan survived another major electoral test after Armenia’s military and geopolitical setbacks against Azerbaijan, including the 2020 war and Azerbaijan’s 2023 takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh, which displaced more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians.[2]
The vote indicates that a substantial segment of Armenian society has accepted, however reluctantly, Pashinyan’s argument that national security now depends less on maximalist territorial claims and more on recognised borders, regional connectivity, domestic reform, and diversified external partnerships. His victory is therefore a mandate for continuity, but not a blank cheque: Civil Contract can govern, yet it may lack the constitutional majority required for legal changes demanded by Azerbaijan as part of a final peace settlement.
Read More (download the PDF File)
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Armenian opposition leader Gagik Tsarukyan held in fraud probe as authorities
Armenian opposition leader Gagik Tsarukyan held in fraud probe as authorities seize exotic animals
Armenia has entered a new period of political and legal turbulence after billionaire businessman and opposition leader Gagik Tsarukyan was placed in pre-trial detention on allegations of large-scale fraud and money laundering. The high-profile case, which also involves the seizure of exotic animals from his private estate and government efforts to take control of some of his business assets, has become one of the most closely watched legal battles in the country in recent years.
An Armenian court ordered Tsarukyan to remain in custody for two months while investigators continue examining allegations that he orchestrated a multimillion-dollar commercial fraud involving Iranian companies. The businessman, who has long been one of Armenia’s wealthiest and most recognizable public figures, strongly denies all accusations, insisting the investigation is politically motivated and designed to weaken one of the country’s most prominent opposition figures.
The case marks a dramatic chapter in the career of a man who has built influence across politics, business, and sports. Tsarukyan has spent years cultivating an image as both a successful entrepreneur and a powerful political actor. His name has frequently appeared in international headlines not only because of his vast commercial empire but also due to his lavish lifestyle, including his proposal to build an enormous statue of Jesus Christ in Armenia and the collection of exotic animals housed at his private residence.
Authorities launched a sweeping operation that resulted in Tsarukyan’s arrest after conducting coordinated raids on his mansion and more than 70 locations linked to his business interests. Investigators searched a wide range of commercial properties, including logistics companies, sports facilities, industrial enterprises, a brandy factory, and the AraratCement plant, one of Armenia’s largest cement producers.
According to Armenia’s Investigative Committee, prosecutors believe Tsarukyan directed an organized criminal scheme between 2022 and 2024 involving freight transportation and logistics businesses operating between Armenia and Iran. Investigators allege that the network fraudulently obtained 52 vehicles, industrial equipment, and fuel shipments valued at more than $21 million from Iranian business partners.
Officials claim the imported assets were disguised through what they describe as fabricated commercial transactions designed to create the appearance of legitimate business activity. Investigators further allege that customs documentation was falsified to conceal the true nature of the imports before the property was unlawfully appropriated.
In addition to the broader fraud allegations, prosecutors accuse Tsarukyan of separately defrauding an Iranian businessman of approximately $900,000 during a fuel-related transaction.
Tsarukyan has categorically rejected every allegation. Speaking to journalists after questioning by investigators, he insisted that the case had no factual basis and described it as entirely fabricated. According to the businessman, it was actually his Iranian counterparts who owed him money rather than the reverse.
His legal team has echoed that position, arguing that prosecutors have failed to produce credible evidence. Defense lawyers contend that the charges are politically driven and represent an attempt by authorities to sideline one of Armenia’s most influential opposition leaders rather than pursue legitimate criminal accountability.
The legal proceedings come at a politically sensitive moment following a disappointing electoral performance for Tsarukyan’s Prosperous Armenia Party. Once one of the dominant political forces in Armenian politics, the party narrowly missed the electoral threshold required to secure parliamentary representation during last month’s national elections.
Its failure to return to parliament marked a significant decline in political influence after years of serving as a major opposition force.
Following the election, authorities imposed travel restrictions on Tsarukyan. He subsequently challenged the election outcome, arguing that the results should be invalidated. However, Armenia’s Constitutional Court rejected his appeal, clearing the way for the election results to stand. Only days later, investigators carried out the large-scale searches that ultimately resulted in his detention.
The criminal investigation has expanded well beyond allegations involving commercial fraud. Authorities have simultaneously launched a separate inquiry concerning wildlife and environmental violations connected to Tsarukyan’s private estate.
During searches of his property, investigators confiscated approximately 190 taxidermied animals believed to be linked to an illegal hunting investigation. Officials also removed three lions and one tiger that had been kept on the grounds of his residence, transferring the animals to the Yerevan Zoo.
The relocation quickly became controversial after one of the lionesses reportedly died following sedation during the transfer. The incident prompted widespread public discussion regarding both the conditions in which the animals had been kept and the procedures used during their relocation.
Representatives for Tsarukyan defended the facilities at his residence, arguing that the animals had received exceptional care and suggesting that the private enclosures exceeded the quality of those available at the municipal zoo. Armenian authorities subsequently announced an investigation into the lioness’s death to determine whether veterinary procedures were properly followed.
Meanwhile, prosecutors have intensified efforts targeting Tsarukyan’s broader financial holdings.
Shortly after the parliamentary election, a court ordered the confiscation of a valuable parcel of ski-resort land in Tsaghkadzor reportedly worth around $100 million. The property had belonged to the National Olympic Committee, an organization Tsarukyan has chaired for more than two decades.
The government has also announced plans to nationalize the AraratCement plant, arguing that irregularities occurred during the company’s privatization process in the early 2000s. Officials say they intend to review historical transactions connected to the acquisition of the industrial enterprise as part of broader efforts to recover assets believed to have been improperly transferred into private ownership.
These developments add to a lengthy history of legal disputes involving the businessman.
In 2020, Tsarukyan was detained over allegations of vote-buying connected to previous elections before later being released on bail. Separate civil proceedings seeking the forfeiture of assets owned by Tsarukyan and members of his family have also continued in recent years, with prosecutors alleging that certain properties may have been acquired through illicit means.
Supporters of the opposition leader argue that the latest investigation reflects increasing political pressure on government critics. They point to the timing of the criminal case following the recent election and the broad scope of the raids as evidence that authorities are pursuing political objectives rather than impartial justice.
Government officials reject those accusations, maintaining that the investigation is based solely on evidence gathered during a lengthy financial inquiry. Investigators insist that the allegations involve significant economic crimes affecting international commercial partners and that no individual is above the law regardless of political status or business influence.
Under Armenian law, Tsarukyan’s current two-month detention represents a preliminary measure while investigators continue collecting evidence. Prosecutors may later request an extension of the detention period if they believe additional time is necessary, although the court could alternatively replace detention with house arrest or other restrictive measures depending on the progress of the investigation.
The outcome of the case is expected to carry significant consequences not only for Tsarukyan personally but also for Armenia’s political landscape, business environment, and public confidence in the country’s judicial institutions. As investigators continue examining allegations spanning commercial fraud, customs violations, environmental offenses, and disputed assets, the proceedings are likely to remain at the center of national attention for months to come.
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Azerbaijan rabbi slams Israel’s Armenia genocide recognition
A top Sephardic faith leader said the move hurts ties with Baku without punishing Turkey, urging Jerusalem not to advance recognition further.
A top rabbi in Azerbaijan on Tuesday joined his government in criticizing Israel’s recent recognition of the Armenian Genocide.
Rabbi Zamir Isyaev, the chief Sephardic rabbi of Azerbaijan, told JNS that Israel’s recognition last month “doesn’t make any sense, does little to punish Turkey and threatens to harm relations with one of the Jewish state’s most valuable allies—Azerbaijan.”
Azerbaijan’s government rejected Israel’s recognition on June 29, a day after the Israeli Cabinet voted in favor of it.
“The distortion of the historical facts surrounding the events of 1915, and the reduction of a complex historical issue to a political decision without a sound legal or scholarly basis, are unacceptable,” Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry said. “We call on the Israeli government to reconsider this decision.”
Turkey also condemned the move, saying it was intended to distract from allegations of genocide directed at Israel, including by Ankara.
A statement approved by Israel’s Cabinet on June 28 said attempts to “deny, minimize or distort the truth about the Armenian Genocide” must be rejected. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar said that “based on the moral and historic duty, Israel will recognize the genocide perpetrated against the Armenian people in the final days of the Ottoman Empire.”
Turkey and Azerbaijan have long rejected characterizing the mass arrests, deportations and killings of Armenians in 1915 as genocide.
Azerbaijan shares close cultural and historical ties with Turkey and has fought a decades-long conflict with Armenia. The latest round of fighting ended in September 2023 with the dissolution of the Armenian-backed Republic of Artsakh.
Israel had long resisted recognizing the Armenian Genocide while it maintained close ties with Turkey. Relations have deteriorated sharply under Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, particularly following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel and the regional war that followed.
Erdoğan has repeatedly escalated his rhetoric against Israel.
In 2024, he said, “Just like we entered Karabakh, just like we entered Libya, we will act similarly exactly to them,” a remark widely interpreted as threatening military action against Israel.
Last year, during an Eid al-Fitr prayer service, Erdoğan prayed: “May Allah, for the sake of his name … destroy and devastate Zionist Israel.”
Addressing the U.N. General Assembly in 2024, he said, “Just as Hitler was stopped by the alliance of humanity 70 years ago, Netanyahu and his murder network must also be stopped by the alliance of humanity.”
Last month, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan described Israel as “a burden humanity can no longer bear.”
Isyaev said he understood Israel’s desire to respond to Erdoğan but argued that recognizing the Armenian Genocide was ineffective.
“The Azerbaijani government felt surprised and betrayed by this recognition, but it also failed to achieve anything,” he said.
“Many countries, including the U.S., have already recognized the ‘Armenian Genocide.’ Israel following suit does nothing to hurt Turkey. It did nothing for ties with Armenia, which rejected it. It only hurt Israel by straining relations with Azerbaijan and appearing to opportunistically take sides on what should be a moral issue.”
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan also reacted coolly to Israel’s decision.
“We see no need to respond because we believe that refraining from entering into the issue of the weaponization of the Armenian Genocide is in the interests of the Republic of Armenia,” Pashinyan told reporters in Yerevan on June 29.
Azerbaijan, a predominantly Muslim country bordering Iran, maintains close military and energy ties with Israel, supplying the Jewish state with a significant share of its crude oil imports. Armenia, a predominantly Christian country, has maintained friendly relations with Iran.
Isyaev said he believes bilateral ties will not suffer further “unless the issue is advanced and brought to a Knesset vote.”
He said he has written to Shas, the ultra-Orthodox Sephardic party in Netanyahu’s governing coalition, urging it to block any further declarations or legislation on the issue.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry did not respond by press time to a JNS request for comment on Isyaev’s criticism.
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Armenian Architect and Artist Giving Illustrated Talk at Watertown Library
The following announcement was provided by the Armenian Museum of America:
Join authors Rouben and Liz Simonian for an immersion into Art and Architecture, Geography and Genealogy through Rouben Simonian’s memoir of an Armenian architect’s legacy, “Uncharted Canvas: A Journey through Beirut, Brussels, and Beyond.”
The event will take place on Thursday, July 16 at 6:30 p.m. at the Watertown Free Public Library in collaboration with the Armenian Museum of America and the Hamazkayin Boston Chapter. The evening will include a slideshow of Rouben’s paintings. Signed books will be available for purchase with proceeds benefiting the Armenian Museum of America.
In his memoir, Rouben shares the inspiring story of his Armenian heritage and his transformative journey from childhood in Beirut to a successful architecture career in America. This heartfelt memoir explores themes of identity, resilience, and rediscovery.
A key moment in piecing together the missing parts of his father’s life as a Genocide survivor was remembering that his father was interviewed in the 1980’s for the oral history project at the Armenian Museum. Rouben was able to learn about those years in his father’s own voice.
Rouben Simonian grew up in Beirut and earned a degree in architecture from the Royal Academy of Arts in Brussels. After relocating to Memphis in 1971, he spent much of his corporate career designing hotels and airport facilities. In retirement, he enjoys cooking and a variety of creative arts. Rouben and Liz reside in Germantown, Tennessee.
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EU Ambassador Vassilis Maragos: Armenia can be at the heart of European develo
July 8 2026
EU Ambassador Vassilis Maragos: Armenia can be at the heart of European developments
Armenia is going through a pivotal moment in its modern history, seeking to redefine its geopolitical position, deepen ties with the European Union, and navigate growing regional and domestic challenges. For Vassilis Maragos, the Head of EU Delegation to Armenia, EU Ambassador, the significance of the moment goes beyond diplomacy.“Armenia sent an important message to Europe,” he said in an exclusive interview with three European media outlets.
– You recently said EU-Armenia relations are closer than ever before. Does this bring Armenia closer to a European future, at least in some sectors? And how does the EU plan to help Armenia strengthen its economy and reduce possible risks linked to its past dependence on Russia?
We launched a process of strengthening Armenia-EU relations in all their dimensions. That was a task given to us by the leaders of the EU Member States in the European Council. Based on that, we have been engaging with Armenia in trying to identify what we can do together. This has already led us to launch several flagship projects with Armenia in the last three years.
The main tool we have been using is the €270 million Resilience and Growth Plan. This was announced in April 2024 and is now close to implementation. The plan aims to strengthen Armenia’s resilience in the economic field, in the energy field, in society, and also to strengthen support for the private sector and infrastructure.
– What does that mean in practical terms for Armenia’s economy?
When it comes to trade and energy, I can cite some of our focus areas.
The first is support for the adoption of European standards for products, which allows Armenian products and Armenian produce to reach new markets.
One of the objectives of Armenia’s economic and trade policy is to diversify both investments and trade, and EU support focuses on both.
It is not that we are against a particular relationship. Of course, when it comes to Russia, which you mentioned, we cooperate with Armenia to prevent sanctions circumvention.
So this is really to make sure that the sanctions for dual-use goods and other goods covered by sanctions are respected, and Armenia is very committed to that. There may still be some challenges, but overall, I think it is a very important area of bilateral cooperation.
But Armenia wants to diversify its markets to make sure that there is no overdependence on a particular trade relationship, for instance. And here we are also helping them.
– Can you give a concrete example?
Last year alone, we advised more than 40 enterprises through technical assistance on how to export to other markets. These companies can increase their exports to the EU.
This shows that the potential is there, but that it also requires investment.
– What support is the EU providing to Armenia’s private sector?
Just recently, we signed a guarantee agreement together with the Vice-President of the European Investment Bank, Karl Nehammer.
We work with the banking sector in order to provide support to private businesses. The total amount of support for the private sector from the European Investment Bank over the last two years has been €330 million. More than 27,000 jobs have been created.
So there is a range of tools that are being used to support the competitiveness of the Armenian economy.
And of course, the final outcome also depends on the innovative spirit and entrepreneurial spirit of the Armenian people.
– Energy security remains one of Armenia’s key vulnerabilities. What is the EU doing in this area?
On energy, one of the main areas of focus in which we have been investing is interconnectivity, with a very important ongoing project, the Caucasus Transmission Network, with an overall investment of more than €500 million. This is to upgrade the electricity grid with Georgia, which will allow the export of renewable energy from Armenia.
There have been a lot of investments in this area to reach Georgia, because this is the only border which is open currently, as you know, towards the west.
And then, of course, other markets, in particular, the Black Sea Connectivity Submarine Electricity Cable, which Armenia is aspiring to participate in. It has not been built yet. It would connect the South Caucasus and the EU and has the potential to help achieving ambitious green targets, by enabling the export of green energy from the South Caucasus.
– Armenian officials often speak about normalisation with Turkey as strategically important. Does the EU consider the opening of borders and transport links between Armenia and Turkey a realistic prospect in the coming years?
Of course. Absolutely realistic.
– Does the EU have a role in that process?
The EU does not have a role in the bilateral negotiations between Turkey and Armenia. But the EU does have a very important role in facilitating broader cross-regional interconnectivity.
There will be further connectivity forums, in which Armenia is participating, as well as participation from other countries in the region.
So this is not only about Armenia. It is about connecting Armenia as a hub with the rest of the Middle Corridor. This creates interdependencies, but also more independence, if you like, when more partners are involved.
Certainly, opening the border between Armenia and Turkey would create more opportunities, including for local communities.
By the way, over the past few years, we have supported engagement between civil society organisations and chambers of commerce on both sides of the border. We are also ready to use our financial instruments to facilitate investments – not only in infrastructure, but also in private sector development.
One important deliverable from the EU-Armenia summit was the announcement that we are going to work on the construction of three border crossings. One is connected to Azerbaijan, in the south.
Two others relate to the Armenian-Turkish frontier. One is at Margara, where some infrastructure already exists, but we are ready to support its expansion.
The second one is Akhurik, which is expected to become a new border crossing between Kars and Gyumri. These are concrete projects that are now being developed with international financial institutions.
– Were the first-ever EU-Armenia Summit and EPC summit symbolically significant for Armenia’s international positioning?
Yes. We also had, for the first time, participation from Canada. That was another important signal.
I think that here we sent a message to the Armenian public, a message of solidarity and support.
But I believe also that the Armenian public and the Armenian participants have passed a message to Europe that Armenia is here, Armenia exists, Armenia can be at the heart of European developments.
And I’m very confident that when the political leaders discuss the issues which the citizens have in their mind, this is precisely what democracy is about.
Author: Olga Konsevych
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EU turning a blind eye to arrests of Armenian church leaders, letter says
Etchmiadzin Cathedral is the mother church of the Armenian Apostolic Church, located in the city of Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin), Armenia. | Getty Images/Domingo Leiva
The European Union has been accused of turning a blind eye to the Armenian government’s actions against the Armenian Apostolic Church.
Opposition leader Samvel Karapetyan, a businessman and Russian national who has been held in detention and is now under house arrest, instructed his legal representatives, Amsterdam & Partners LLP, to initiate legal action against the EU for its support for Armenia.
In a legal letter, the EU is accused of standing by Pashinyan’s government and presenting it as a democratic success story, despite ongoing concerns about its treatment of opposition figures and the Armenian Apostolic Church, which dates back to the fourth century.
Tensions between church and state in the country have increased since Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan came to power in 2018. Relations deteriorated even more sharply following Armenia’s defeat in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.
Several bishops have been arrested, while the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church, Catholicos Karekin II, has been barred from leaving the country. Critics have accused Pashinyan of acting like a Soviet-era dictator.
For his part, Pashinyan has said he is attempting to save the church from “anti-Christian” and “anti-state” elements. Senior church leaders have been accused of supporting the violent overthrow of a democratically elected government and of condoning calls for the assassination of government ministers.
In the letter, Karapetyan’s legal representatives questioned the validity of Armenia’s recent parliamentary election. Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia party received 23% of the vote, less than half the 49% achieved by Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party.
The election result has been challenged in the courts by Strong Armenia, although the party has said it has little faith in the independence of the courts.
Robert Amsterdam, managing partner of Amsterdam & Partners LLP, said, “The European Union has not acted as a neutral observer. It has chosen to align itself with a government that has overseen widespread arrests, targeted its critics, attacked the Church and weakened democratic safeguards.
“Brussels cannot claim to be a defender of democracy while ignoring these abuses and refusing to engage seriously with opposition voices. The EU’s actions have helped shield this government from accountability.”
In response to the claims, a spokesperson for the EU said, “When it comes to elections, the OSCE/ODIHR election observation mission has concluded in its preliminary findings that the elections in Armenia ‘offered voters a genuine choice among political alternatives in a well-run process’.
“The observers also reported that the legal framework provided a ‘sound basis for democratic elections’ and addressed several prior ODIHR recommendations.
“At the same time, OSCE/ODIHR identified a number of concerns, which we encourage the relevant stakeholders in Armenia to address.
“OSCE/ODIHR also highlighted the direct pressure from abroad in the form of escalating trade restrictions, security threats and hybrid operations by Russia.
“As already emphasized in the EU statement issued by the High Representative on 8 June on the outcome of parliamentary elections in Armenia, the EU calls on all political actors to respect the outcome of the vote, as well as make use of legal mechanisms to address any electoral complaints.”
This article was originally published at Christian Today
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The Politics of the Armenian Genocide
July 8 2026
Editorial: The Politics of the Armenian Genocide
More than a century after approximately 1.5 million Armenians were systematically massacred by the Ottoman Empire during World War I, Israel has decided to officially recognize those atrocities as genocide. Over three dozen countries — including the United States, France, Germany and Canada — have already done so. Despite broad agreement among historians that the Armenian genocide occurred, Israel remained one of the last Western democracies to withhold formal recognition.
Successive Israeli governments did so for reasons of national security, not historical disagreement. Turkey was Israel’s closest Muslim ally, while Azerbaijan became an increasingly indispensable strategic partner, supplying energy, purchasing Israeli weapons and providing Israel with an intelligence foothold on Iran’s border. Recognizing the Armenian genocide threatened those relationships, so diplomacy consistently prevailed over history.
Since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack, however, relations between Israel and Turkey have collapsed. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has embraced Hamas, accused Israel of genocide, severed economic ties and repeatedly compared Israeli leaders to Nazis. With little left to lose, Israel’s cabinet unanimously approved recognition of the Armenian genocide, subject to final approval by the Knesset.
The obvious conclusion is that Israel is using history in its confrontation with Turkey. That may make political sense, but it raises an important moral question. If recognizing a genocide is the right thing to do, should governments wait until doing so becomes politically convenient?
Israel is hardly alone. The United States delayed official recognition of the Armenian genocide for decades before finally acting in 2021, after relations with Turkey had sharply deteriorated. Other governments have followed similar paths. Historical truth has too often been acknowledged only after the diplomatic costs became acceptable.
That should trouble us.
A genocide either occurred or it did not. Recognition should depend upon historical evidence, not the current state of international alliances. When governments acknowledge crimes against humanity only after strategic circumstances change, they invite skepticism about whether they are honoring history or exploiting it.
Yet imperfect motives do not necessarily produce an imperfect result. Israel should have recognized the Armenian genocide years ago, when doing so required genuine political courage. That it waited until recognition no longer carried significant diplomatic cost diminishes the courage the decision reflects. It does not diminish the historical truth the decision finally acknowledges.
Nor does recognition alter the legal standard by which future allegations of genocide — including those directed at Israel — must be judged. Every such accusation must stand or fall on its own evidence under international law. Recognizing one genocide neither proves nor disproves another.
The practical consequences of Israel’s decision will likely be modest. Turkey and Azerbaijan are unlikely to alter their policies, and nothing can change what happened more than a century ago. But recognition has never been about rewriting history. It is about preventing its erasure. Nations that refuse to acknowledge crimes against humanity lend comfort to denial and diminish their own moral authority.
That is why timing matters. Israel has finally reached the right destination. One can only wish it — and many other nations — had arrived there when doing so demanded conviction rather than convenience.
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