Central Election Commission approved initiative, with organizers now required to collect 200,000 signatures to trigger a nationwide referendum
YEREVAN, Armenia (MNTV) — Armenia’s Central Election Commission (CEC) has registered a citizen-initiated referendum seeking amendments to the country’s Constitution, approving a civic initiative that now moves to the signature collection stage, Iravunk reported.
The initiative was submitted in early July by the ‘Eurasian Alliance’ civic group, a 53-member organization formed by representatives of the Alliance Party of former lawmaker Tigran Urikhanyan. The group’s proposed legislation was notarized before being filed with the CEC for registration.
According to the proposal, the constitutional amendment is intended to “neutralize and prevent the economic and social risks and crisis” that organizers say could arise from the March 26, 2025, law launching Armenia’s European Union accession process. The initiative argues that the customs regimes of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) are incompatible.
The draft amendment proposes enshrining in the Constitution a prohibition on Armenia signing interstate treaties that directly contradict international agreements already in force and previously concluded by the country.
The report said lengthy discussions took place between the CEC and the initiative’s organizers before the commission approved the application at an extraordinary session on July 16, the final day permitted under the legal deadline.
Under CEC regulations, organizers must collect 200,000 signatures within 60 days for the referendum to proceed. If the threshold is met, a nationwide vote will be scheduled. According to the commission’s decision, the official signature collection campaign will begin on Aug. 3.
The report said the referendum, if held, would effectively ask Armenian voters to determine whether the country should continue its European Union accession process or retain its orientation toward the Eurasian Economic Union.
The report also referred to remarks that it said were made by Russian President Vladimir Putin during a meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in April, in which he urged Armenia to hold a referendum on its strategic direction. It added that leaders of EAEU member states had also called for the issue to be resolved through a nationwide vote.
Commenting on the initiative, Armenian journalist and blogger Roman Baghdasaryan said he did not believe it would gain sufficient public support.
“He will not collect 200,000 signatures,” Baghdasaryan said, referring to Urikhanyan. “And even if he does, it still won’t make any difference.”
Baghdasaryan said Armenia’s Constitution would ultimately be amended through the broader constitutional reform process. He noted that the justice minister has said a draft of the new Constitution, including its principal amendments, is expected to be published by the end of the year.
Analyst and publicist Ishkhan Verdyan said a referendum on Armenia’s geopolitical orientation could produce an outcome different from what its organizers expect.
He argued that if Armenian citizens were asked to choose between closer integration with the European Union and continued alignment with the EAEU, a majority would likely favor the European path.
Verdyan also said such a referendum could overlap with the government’s broader constitutional reform agenda, including possible amendments to provisions that neighboring countries have interpreted as containing territorial claims, and could serve as a model for future constitutional referendums.
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‘Unsolved crimes are being passed off as suicides’: Armenian soldier’s death s
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Nagorno-Karabakh and the Conflict That Never Ended
Nagorno-Karabakh contains a lot of history within its small area. Although the region is officially part of Azerbaijan, it has connections with Armenian traditions and identity. That duality has fueled competing claims to the region for generations. During years of Soviet control, the tension remained, but it was buried under Moscow’s tight control. Nevertheless, after the USSR collapsed, the conflict and pressure which had existed beneath the surface emerged. The conflict that intensified during the Soviet Union’s collapse continued for more than three decades. Azerbaijan’s return to full control in 2023 ended the separatist administration, but mass displacement and unresolved relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan ensured that the conflict’s consequences did not disappear.
The Historical Roots of Conflict
Dadivank is an Armenian monastery in Azerbaijan’s Kalbajar District. Much of it was built between the 9th and 13th centuries.
Nagorno-Karabakh sits in the South Caucasus, where decades of land and identity conflict have left their mark. At almost 1,700 square miles, most of the world recognizes it as part of Azerbaijan. Until the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive, most residents were ethnically Armenian. The region, known to Armenians as Artsakh, has long been associated with Armenian political, religious, and cultural history. It was incorporated into Armenian kingdoms during parts of antiquity and later contained a substantial Armenian population, although Armenian and Azerbaijani historians dispute aspects of its earlier political and ethnic history.
Despite the Armenian presence, it was often under foreign rule. At different points, the territory was controlled by Persian and Caucasian Albanian powers. Armenian noble clans, called meliks, managed to keep control in the highlands, using the Armenian language, with some local self-rule, even as real power belonged to Persian rulers and, later, to the Russians.
In the early nineteenth century, the balance of power shifted following the Russo-Persian Wars. Russia defeated Persia and annexed much of the South Caucasus, including the area around Nagorno-Karabakh. While control changed hands, the area’s mixed ethnic composition and historical claims remained, laying the groundwork for future disputes. When the Russian Empire fell apart, it left a power gap all across the South Caucasus. Armenia, along with Azerbaijan, emerged as independent states and clashed over territories, Nagorno-Karabakh being one of them.
Life Under the Soviets
Shusha’s Armenian quarters after conflict of 1920. Via Wikimedia Commons / Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute.
When the Red Army moved into the South Caucasus in the 1920s, Soviet rule brought changes to the region. It brought an end to the brief independence of the First Republic of Armenia and the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. Both countries asserted their rights over Nagorno-Karabakh before their absorption into the Soviet Union. Soviet authorities placed the predominantly Armenian region within the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic and established the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast in 1923. The decision remained deeply contested, with Armenians repeatedly seeking the region’s transfer to Soviet Armenia and Azerbaijani authorities defending its position within their republic.
In his article “Nationalities Problem in USSR: Discord over Nagorno-Karabakh”, P. L. Dash argues that the Soviet decision in 1923 to keep the region within Azerbaijan was shaped less by ethnic identity than by administrative and economic considerations, since transport links and infrastructure tied it closely to Azerbaijani territory, even though the population was largely Armenian.
On paper, the directive looked simple, but in reality, it was the opposite. Many children studied in Armenian schools, parents worshipped in Armenian churches, people talked in Armenian out on the sidewalks, but their bureaucratic superiors were Azerbaijani. Soviet officials from Moscow, along with Azerbaijan’s Communist Party, kept a tight grip on Nagorno-Karabakh’s political scene. Public demonstrations were forbidden, and security agencies monitored political actions and prevented any kind of public dialogue about the region’s position in places like schools and media outlets.
In the 1960s and 1970s, the Soviets strengthened Azerbaijan’s control by running the area’s economy and administration through Baku, Azerbaijan’s capital. They built new roads and industry to pull the region tighter into Azerbaijan’s sphere. Even though Moscow’s strict security stopped protests, ethnic Armenian dissatisfaction was rising. To many Armenians, it felt like Azerbaijani officials were erasing Armenian representation in the regional government. To Azerbaijanis, these policies were efforts to strengthen territorial integration and economic development within the Azerbaijani Soviet republic.
Circumstances changed in the 1980s. Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev brought reforms which relaxed restrictions throughout the USSR. When Moscow’s control got weaker, public protests started emerging, and soon, violence broke out, and the hidden conflict that had existed for years was exposed.
First War (1988-1994): The Soviet Collapse and Ethnic Conflict
Armenian soldiers in Karabakh, 1994, wearing Soviet Army combat helmets. Armdesant, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons
In 1988, crowds filled the streets of Stepanakert, the largest city in Nagorno-Karabakh, demanding changes to the region’s political status. There was a sizeable portion that wanted to break free from Azerbaijan and tie their future to Armenia. News caught fire, and Yerevan, the Armenian capital, quickly threw its weight behind the movement. If you asked Azerbaijanis, the events weren’t just street protests; it was a legitimate threat to their own existence. People in Sumgait began attacking Armenians, leaving hundreds injured and dozens killed in what became known as the Sumgait pogrom.
Then, in 1990, things in Baku just got worse as protests and anti-Armenian violence broke out all over the city. Many hurried to escape, as families slipped away during the night, grabbing whatever they could carry with them. Once the Soviet Union fell apart in 1991, with it went any barriers stopping outright conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.
Arms were removed from Soviet military storage, and both Armenian and Azerbaijani sides started to form their own armed units. Fighting extended over Nagorno-Karabakh and nearby territories as battles for control of towns and supply lines started to break out. In “State at War, State in War: The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and State-Making in Armenia, 1991-1995,” Taline Papazian says that after 1988, insecurity and violence drove Armenians to create self-defense organizations as an answer to pogroms and other attacks; later, these groups became integrated into one centralized national army.
By 1992-1993, these formations had changed from militias into structured units fighting coordinated battles for land, while authorities allocated resources toward the Defense Ministry. Both sides experienced major casualties. However, both adjusted the figures to support their political narrative. Armenian sources often emphasized battlefield successes or highlighted their ability to withstand larger Azerbaijani forces.
On the other hand, Azerbaijani leaders emphasized the extent of the territory they had lost and the destruction inflicted on their towns and villages. By 1993, Armenian troops held the advantage, with swift offensives that let them take over not just Nagorno-Karabakh but also Azerbaijani regions like Kelbajar and Fuzuli. These advances forced large numbers of Azerbaijani civilians to flee, placing additional strain on the country as its government struggled to respond.
A ceasefire came into effect in 1994, but this was not the result of a genuine willingness to make peace. Instead, both sides were simply exhausted by the fighting. Russia helped broker the ceasefire through negotiations. Armenia and its allies in Nagorno-Karabakh retained control of Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding territories. Azerbaijan was left with the pain of losing and faced the challenge of hundreds of thousands of displaced people. The fighting had largely stopped; however, there was little belief that the dispute was truly over, and the possibility of renewed conflict was still present.
The Frozen Conflict
An abandoned armored vehicle in Nagorno-Karabakh, 2015. Via Shutterstock / Sebastian Kastelier
The 1994 truce might have stopped the fighting, but in reality, the conflict never went away. Armenian-backed forces remained in control of Nagorno-Karabakh and seven surrounding Azerbaijani districts. The region’s Armenian authorities declared the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic in 1991. The unrecognized entity, later commonly called the Republic of Artsakh, developed its own institutions and armed forces with extensive political, economic, and military support from Armenia.
Together, Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding Azerbaijani districts under Armenian control amounted to roughly 13 to 14 percent of Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territory. Even with the ceasefire, with opposing forces positioned close to one another along the line of contact, the risk of more conflict was always present.
No side was willing to compromise, but mediation was conducted by the OSCE Minsk Group, an international body established to find a resolution to the conflict. Armenia and Azerbaijan had polarizing ideas regarding the area’s status and what would happen with the adjacent regions, so peace negotiations dragged on.
Russia, France, and the US threw themselves into the effort to steer the mediation, with a plan that outlined Armenia giving up Azerbaijani territory near Nagorno-Karabakh. At the same time, Nagorno-Karabakh would be granted autonomy and later have a say in figuring out its own future status. The proposal also dealt with allowing refugees to return to their homes and placing foreign peacekeepers on the ground. However, disagreements over sovereignty ultimately prevented the two sides from reaching a lasting agreement.
The two sides remained highly militarized. Elizabeth Fuller, in her work “Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict,” says that Armenian and Azerbaijani troops kept their positions across a tense frontline, with both sides refusing to surrender any land, while Azerbaijan invested more and more of its energy income into modernizing and reinforcing its military. On the other hand, Armenia, with its smaller economy, was increasingly dependent on Russian arms and security guarantees. The difference between their militaries was getting larger and larger.
In April 2016, the biggest battle since the 1994 ceasefire took place after Azerbaijan launched a major offensive along the line of contact. Over 200 people died during four days of intense fighting. Azerbaijan managed to regain territory for the first time in decades, signaling a shift in the balance of power and showing the conflict was far from resolved. Although a ceasefire was restored, the fighting showed both sides that another, much larger war was getting more likely.
The Second War (2020): Azerbaijan’s Military Offensive
Russian peacekeepers assisting ethnic Armenian refugees evacuating Stepanakert. By Mil.ru, CC BY 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons.
Just a few years later, fighting started again. Azerbaijan launched an attack on 27 September 2020. This wasn’t a brief skirmish but a large-scale military campaign. The results of years of military investment became obvious. Azerbaijan deployed Turkish unmanned aircraft, mainly Bayraktar TB2s, operated nearly non-stop. Israeli loitering munitions were also used. In the first stage of the attack, numerous Armenian tanks and heavy guns were destroyed.
The fighting stretched on for forty-four days. Azerbaijan pushed through the south, taking Jabrayil and Fuzuli. Then Zangilan and Qubadli fell. Each week brought another former district under their control. By early November, troops had reached Shusha. The city sat above the main road to Stepanakert. Its loss broke Armenian defenses and left the capital exposed. Casualties were steep. Armenian authorities reported more than 3,700 Armenian and Nagorno-Karabakh military deaths, while Azerbaijan claimed nearly 3,000 on their side. Rockets and missiles hammered Stepanakert, Ganja, and Barda.
As the conflict raged, thousands of Armenians fled the area, swelling the numbers who’d already been uprooted in previous years. Then, Russia once again stepped in to broker a ceasefire and bring an end to the fighting. The ceasefire agreement required Armenia to return the territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan took back most of the territories it had lost years prior.
Nearly 2,000 Russian peacekeepers were deployed to secure the Lachin corridor and also to observe the ceasefire. The 2020 war finished not as a stalemate but with an obvious Azerbaijani military success. The ceasefire reflected the military situation on the ground rather than the outcome of negotiations, requiring Armenia to cede territory and marking a clear shift in the balance of power. The six-week conflict altered the map once again. Azerbaijan saw it as a major victory, regaining the districts they had once lost. Armenia experienced political unrest domestically and had to face the reality of a major defeat.
A Shifting Balance and the 2023 Offensive
After the 2020 war, Azerbaijan was stronger than at any point since its independence. The army had modern weapons and funding from oil and gas. On the other hand, Armenia was divided. The territorial loss resulted in demonstrations in Yerevan, and the army found it difficult to recover from its previous defeat. Even as Russia maintained peacekeepers within the region, their responsibilities were restricted, mainly including checkpoint operations and road patrols.
In December 2022, groups calling themselves environmental activists stopped traffic on the road, although Armenia, together with many analysts, claimed there was actually support from the Azerbaijani state. What looked temporary dragged on, developing into a severe humanitarian crisis. Because of the blockade, by the middle of 2023, stores in Stepanakert lacked food and medicine. Azerbaijan’s growing military advantage reduced its incentive to compromise, making a negotiated resolution increasingly difficult despite the presence of Russian peacekeepers.
Nothing about the Russian peacekeepers could prevent the balance of power from moving more and more toward Baku. In the years following the war, this reality influenced events locally. Azerbaijan used its advantage by controlling territory and key transport routes. The Lachin Corridor was the only roadway linking Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia. Azerbaijan progressively restricted movement along the Lachin Corridor and established a checkpoint there in April 2023. Russian peacekeepers proved unable or unwilling to restore normal access. In February 2023, the International Court of Justice ordered Azerbaijan to take all measures at its disposal to ensure the unimpeded movement of people, vehicles, and cargo in both directions, but severe shortages continued inside Nagorno-Karabakh.
Then, on 19 September 2023, Azerbaijan launched another military offensive. This time, drones and artillery targeted the positions of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian forces before Azerbaijani ground troops advanced from multiple directions. Within a day, the de facto region’s defenses collapsed, and its authorities agreed to a ceasefire and the disbandment of their armed forces. By the end of the month, Azerbaijan had re-established full control over Nagorno-Karabakh.
Aftermath and Ongoing Peace Efforts
Azerbaijani soldiers and Russian peacekeepers at a checkpoint in Kalbajar District. Via Mil.ru, CC BY 4.0 / Wikimedia Commons.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees says the military action in September 2023 caused Armenians to flee at a shocking rate, with more than 100,000 finding their way into Armenia in only days. Villages and towns were emptied, some entirely deserted. For many families, this was another forced exile inside of a cycle that dated back decades.
The consequences of the 2023 offensive have also put a fresh focus on the cultural heritage in the region. Some organizations and observers have mentioned that Armenian monuments and other historical locations were damaged, while discussions about their protection are still ongoing. These events amplified concerns about what will happen to Armenian cultural heritage in the area now that control has changed. But Azerbaijan maintains it is restoring and protecting cultural sites while rejecting allegations of deliberate destruction and emphasizing its preservation efforts.
Although Azerbaijan had restored control over Nagorno-Karabakh, relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan remained unsettled. In March 2025, the two governments announced that they had completed negotiations over the text of a peace agreement. Their foreign ministers initialled the document in Washington, D.C., on August 8, 2025, while the countries’ leaders signed a separate joint declaration supporting further normalization.
The initialling represented a major diplomatic breakthrough, but it was not the same as the treaty taking full legal effect. The two governments acknowledged that further steps were required for formal signature and ratification. As of mid-2026, Azerbaijan remained in control of Nagorno-Karabakh, while more than 100,000 Armenians displaced in September 2023 continued rebuilding their lives in Armenia. The question of whether Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh will ever return remains unanswered. The conflict might no longer lie on the battlefield, but its legacy continues through displaced communities and the challenge of building a lasting peace in a region shaped by decades of division.
In Conclusion
The history of Nagorno-Karabakh shows how disputes over territory and identity can shape generations. Even during periods of calm, tensions between Armenians and Azerbaijanis remained unresolved. Each new wave of violence reinforced past grievances, making a lasting political settlement harder and harder to achieve.
Over more than three decades, the conflict developed from competing historical claims into repeated wars that displaced hundreds of thousands of people and reshaped the political landscape of the South Caucasus. The wars of 2020 and 2023 restored Azerbaijani control over Nagorno-Karabakh, but they didn’t resolve the humanitarian consequences of the conflict or the questions surrounding the future of those who were forced to leave. Although large-scale fighting has ended, the legacy of the conflict continues to influence the relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
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Tennis: Avanesyan outlasts Putintseva in Hamburg, makes Armenian history
July 23, 2026
Avanesyan outlasts Putintseva in Hamburg, makes Armenian history
Qualifier Elina Avanesyan defeated No. 7 seed Yulia Putintseva for the first time in three meetings in a 2-hour, 11-minute three-setter in the MSC Hamburg Ladies Open second round, advancing to her first tour-level quarterfinal since Merida 2025. Avanesyan joined Armenian compatriot Alina Charaeva in the last eight, marking the first time that two Armenians have reached the quarterfinals of a WTA Tour main draw.
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Is Gyumri Safe? Crime Rates & Safety Report [+Links to other cities in Armenia
* Based on Research & Crime Data
Armenia : Safety by City
- Dilijan
- Gyumri
- Tsaghkadzor
- Vagharshapat
- Yerevan
Armenia – safety as a country
Gyumri is Armenia’s second-largest city, located in the country’s mountainous northwest near the borders with Georgia and Turkey.
Sitting roughly 1,500 meters above sea level, it has cold, snowy winters, mild summers, and a personality completely different from Yerevan.
Gyumri is known for dark volcanic-stone architecture, traditional crafts, dry humor, historic churches, and the beautifully preserved Kumayri district.
The city was devastated by the 1988 Spitak earthquake, and reminders of that tragedy remain visible beside restored streets and lively cultural spaces.
Today, Gyumri is becoming one of Armenia’s most interesting city-break destinations, with museums, cafes, galleries, local food, and far fewer tourists than the capital.
It is generally safe, affordable, and welcoming, though earthquakes, winter weather, poor sidewalks, and regional tensions require awareness.
Warnings & Dangers in Gyumri
OVERALL RISK:LOW
Gyumri is generally a low-risk destination for tourists. Violent crime is uncommon, central areas feel relaxed, and visitors are usually welcomed warmly. The main concerns are slippery winter streets, road safety, occasional petty theft, poorly lit outer areas, and Armenia’s wider regional tensions. Most travelers should feel comfortable using ordinary precautions.
TRANSPORT & TAXIS RISK:MEDIUM
Transport risk is medium because driving standards can be unpredictable and winter roads may become snowy or icy. Registered taxis and ride-hailing apps are usually inexpensive and safe. Avoid unmarked cars, confirm app details before entering, and be cautious when crossing roads. Trains and minibuses are useful but may lack modern comfort.
PICKPOCKETS RISK:LOW
Pickpocketing is not a major problem in Gyumri, but it can occur around markets, crowded minibuses, festivals, railway platforms, and busy public squares. Keep wallets out of back pockets and use a zipped bag. Phones should not be left unattended on cafe tables, although organized tourist-targeted theft is relatively uncommon.
NATURAL DISASTERS RISK:MEDIUM
Gyumri lies in an active earthquake zone and was heavily damaged during the catastrophic 1988 Spitak earthquake. Modern construction and preparedness have improved, but seismic risk remains. Winter also brings snow, ice, extreme cold, and difficult roads. Travelers should learn basic earthquake procedures and check weather conditions before regional journeys.
MUGGING RISK:LOW
Muggings are uncommon in Gyumri, especially around Vardanants Square, central hotels, restaurants, and cultural attractions. Risk increases slightly on dark streets, near transport areas late at night, and in quiet industrial districts. Avoid displaying expensive electronics, carry limited cash, and use a taxi rather than walking through unfamiliar areas after midnight.
TERRORISM RISK:LOW
The terrorism risk in Gyumri itself is low. However, Armenia’s wider security situation is affected by regional tensions and the possibility of renewed conflict near the Azerbaijani border. Gyumri is far from the main restricted eastern border areas, but travelers should avoid military sites, demonstrations, and sensitive infrastructure while following official instructions.
SCAMS RISK:LOW
Scams are relatively uncommon because Gyumri receives fewer international tourists than major European capitals. Possible problems include inflated street-taxi fares, informal tour offers, currency confusion, and unclear accommodation charges. Use ride apps, confirm prices before accepting services, and exchange money through banks or established exchange offices rather than strangers.
WOMEN TRAVELERS RISK:LOW
Gyumri is generally safe for women travelers, including solo visitors. The city is conservative but welcoming, and central areas are comfortable during normal hours. Unwanted attention can occur, while some taxi drivers may behave inappropriately. Use reputable ride apps, avoid isolated nighttime walks, and dress modestly when entering churches or traditional communities.
TAP WATER RISK:LOW
Tap water in Gyumri is generally considered safe, and public drinking fountains are common throughout Armenia. However, plumbing quality can vary in older buildings, guesthouses, and earthquake-era housing. Ask your accommodation about its water supply. Bottled or filtered water is inexpensive for travelers with sensitive stomachs or concerns about old pipes.
Safest Places to Visit in Gyumri
Vardanants Square
Vardanants Square is the safest and easiest starting point for exploring Gyumri.
Major churches, government buildings, hotels, restaurants, and pedestrian activity surround it.
The square remains lively into the evening, especially during warmer months, and is a practical landmark for navigating the city.
Kumayri Historic District
Kumayri contains Gyumri’s most attractive 19th-century streets, with black volcanic-stone houses, carved balconies, workshops, museums, and cafes.
The district is safe and walkable during the day and early evening.
Uneven paving and damaged sidewalks are bigger concerns than crime, so comfortable shoes are essential.
Black Fortress
The Black Fortress, or Sev Berd, is one of Gyumri’s most distinctive attractions.
The restored circular fortress hosts concerts and cultural events and sits near the Mother Armenia monument.
The visitor area is generally safe, though the uphill route can be quiet.
Use a taxi after dark or during severe winter weather.
Central Park and Mother Armenia
The park and monument area offers broad views across Gyumri and the surrounding mountains.
It is popular with families and local walkers during daylight.
Paths may become icy in winter, and quieter sections should not be used as nighttime shortcuts.
Visit during the day and remain on established paths.
Gyumri’s Museums
The Dzitoghtsyan Museum of National Architecture, Mher Mkrtchyan Museum, and Aslamazyan Sisters Gallery are safe, central, and excellent introductions to local history and art.
Museum staff can also provide reliable directions and cultural advice, making these attractions especially comfortable for solo visitors.
Places to Avoid in Gyumri
Abandoned and Earthquake-Damaged Buildings
Gyumri still contains neglected, unstable, or partially ruined structures associated with the 1988 earthquake and subsequent economic hardship.
Do not enter abandoned buildings, climb damaged staircases, or explore fenced construction sites.
Falling masonry, broken floors, exposed metal, and stray animals present greater dangers than crime.
Railway Station Area Late at Night
Gyumri Railway Station is architecturally impressive and useful for travel to Yerevan, but surrounding streets become quiet after late arrivals.
Petty theft and unwanted taxi approaches are possible when travelers stand outside with luggage.
Arrange a taxi through an app or accommodation rather than walking a long distance after dark.
Outer Industrial Roads
Industrial sections and outer residential roads offer few attractions and may have poor lighting, damaged sidewalks, roaming dogs, and limited public transportation.
These are not official no-go areas, but tourists have little reason to explore them at night.
Use direct transportation when visiting businesses or accommodations outside the center.
Military Facilities
Gyumri contains active military infrastructure and guarded facilities.
Visitors should not photograph bases, soldiers, checkpoints, aircraft, security vehicles, or restricted airport areas.
Avoid lingering near gates and barriers, even when no warning sign is visible.
Innocent photography can attract serious attention from security personnel.
Roads Toward the Turkish Border
The Turkish land border near Gyumri is generally closed to ordinary travelers, and surrounding areas can contain guarded infrastructure or restricted roads.
Do not attempt informal crossings or explore remote border tracks.
Travelers continuing to Turkey normally need to route through Georgia or use an available flight.
Safety Tips for Traveling to Gyumri
- Prepare properly for winter. Gyumri is one of Armenia’s coldest major cities. Temperatures can remain below freezing, snow may stay on the ground, and sidewalks become dangerously icy. Bring insulated clothing, gloves, a warm hat, waterproof boots, and footwear with strong grip. Walk slowly and avoid steep or untreated paths after snowfall.
- Learn basic earthquake safety. Earthquakes cannot be predicted, but simple preparation helps. Identify safe places away from windows, know your accommodation’s exits, and keep shoes and essential items accessible at night. During shaking, drop, cover, and hold on. Do not run onto streets where glass, stone, or facade pieces may fall.
- Use ride-hailing apps for taxis. App-based taxis provide a recorded route, driver information, and a clear fare. This reduces overcharging and makes nighttime travel easier. Avoid entering random cars whose drivers approach outside stations or tourist sites. Check the license plate before entering and share trip details when traveling alone.
- Watch for damaged sidewalks and open hazards. Central Gyumri is highly walkable, but paving can be uneven, cracked, icy, or interrupted by construction. Open utility covers and poorly marked drops may also appear. Avoid staring at your phone while walking, especially at night. A small flashlight can be useful on darker residential streets.
- Avoid photographing military or security sites. Gyumri has a visible military presence. Never photograph bases, checkpoints, soldiers, aircraft, guarded buildings, bridges, or restricted parts of Shirak Airport. Put your camera away whenever barriers or security personnel are present. Ask permission before photographing people, markets, or private homes.
- Carry small amounts of Armenian dram. Cards are increasingly accepted in hotels, restaurants, and supermarkets, but cash remains useful for markets, minibuses, small cafes, and rural trips. Carry smaller notes and divide your money between secure locations. Use bank ATMs and decline any unfamiliar person offering a special street exchange rate.
- Stay central on your first visit. Accommodation near Vardanants Square or the Kumayri district provides easier access to restaurants, museums, transport, and active streets. Cheap rooms on the outskirts may require nighttime taxis and involve poor sidewalks. A central location makes Gyumri safer, simpler, and more enjoyable without adding much to the cost.
- Use caution around stray dogs. Free-roaming dogs can appear in parks, industrial areas, residential streets, and around rubbish containers. Most avoid people, but packs may behave defensively. Do not run, shout, or attempt to pet unfamiliar animals. Move away calmly and seek medical attention immediately after any bite or scratch.
- Check road conditions before day trips. Journeys to Marmashen Monastery, Harichavank, Lake Arpi, and mountain villages can be affected by snow, fog, potholes, and limited roadside assistance. Travel during daylight, use an experienced driver, and carry water and warm clothing. Winter weather can turn a short regional trip into a much longer journey.
- Stay away from political and border tensions. Gyumri is distant from Armenia’s most sensitive Azerbaijani border areas, but national security conditions can change. Avoid demonstrations, military discussions with strangers, and travel close to restricted borders. Check current conditions before traveling across Armenia, particularly toward Tavush, Gegharkunik, or Syunik.
So… How Safe Is Gyumri Really?
Gyumri is one of the safer and more relaxed urban destinations in the South Caucasus.
Serious crime against tourists is uncommon, local hospitality is strong, and the compact center can be explored comfortably on foot.
Visitors are more likely to struggle with winter ice, broken pavement, confusing minibuses, or language barriers than robbery or violence.
The city’s most important safety issue is its environment.
Gyumri lies in a highly seismic region and still carries visible scars from the 1988 earthquake, which devastated northern Armenia.
Travelers should not become frightened by this history, but they should choose properly maintained accommodation and understand basic earthquake procedures.
Regional politics also matter.
Gyumri is in northwestern Armenia and is not close to the restricted Azerbaijani frontier, but Armenia’s security situation can shift.
Travel near the eastern border requires far more caution than an ordinary visit to Gyumri.
For solo travelers, families, couples, and women traveling independently, the city is generally manageable.
Central neighborhoods remain active, taxis are affordable, and tourist scams are limited.
Winter visitors face the greatest practical difficulty because temperatures, snow, and ice can complicate walking and road travel.
My honest assessment is that Gyumri has a low crime risk and medium natural-disaster risk.
Stay centrally, avoid sensitive sites, use reliable transportation, and prepare for the season.
With those precautions, Gyumri is a safe, character-filled city that deserves far more attention.
How Does Gyumri Compare?
| Gyumri | 87 |
| Dilijan | 90 |
| Tsaghkadzor | 89 |
| Vagharshapat | 88 |
| Yerevan | 70 |
| New Iberia | 74 |
| LinWood | 78 |
| Decatur | 75 |
| Vail | 86 |
| Eugene | 52 |
| Brookings | 80 |
Useful Information
Visas
Citizens of many countries, including numerous European and North American nations, can enter Armenia without a visa for up to 180 days within one year. Other eligible travelers can apply online. A 21-day electronic visitor visa costs about US$8, while a 120-day visa costs about US$39 and usually takes up to three working days.
Currency
Gyumri uses the Armenian dram. Cards are accepted at many hotels, restaurants, supermarkets, and modern cafes, but cash remains important for markets, minibuses, smaller shops, and rural excursions. Use bank ATMs or established exchange offices. U.S. dollars and euros are commonly exchanged, but daily purchases should be made in dram.
Weather
Gyumri has warm, dry summers and long, freezing winters. January temperatures commonly remain below 0°C, while snow and ice may persist for weeks. Summer days are usually comfortable, but evenings can be cool because of the city’s elevation. Pack layers year-round, with serious winter clothing from November through March.
Airports
Shirak International Airport is approximately 7 kilometers from central Gyumri, usually around 10 to 15 minutes by taxi. Its international schedule is more limited than Yerevan’s. Many travelers fly into Zvartnots International Airport near Yerevan and continue to Gyumri by train, private driver, minibus, or rental car.
Travel Insurance
Travel insurance is recommended for Gyumri, particularly during winter or when exploring rural Shirak Province. Choose coverage for medical care, trip delays, lost luggage, road accidents, earthquakes, and emergency evacuation. Travelers planning hiking, skiing, or remote excursions should confirm that mountain activities and weather-related disruptions are included.
Armenia – Safety by City
| Dilijan | 90 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Gyumri | 87 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Tsaghkadzor | 89 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Vagharshapat | 88 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Yerevan | 70
Warnings & Dangers in GyumriOVERALL RISK:LOWGyumri is generally a low-risk destination for tourists. Violent crime is uncommon, central areas feel relaxed, and visitors are usually welcomed warmly. The main concerns are slippery winter streets, road safety, occasional petty theft, poorly lit outer areas, and Armenia’s wider regional tensions. Most travelers should feel comfortable using ordinary precautions. TRANSPORT & TAXIS RISK:MEDIUMTransport risk is medium because driving standards can be unpredictable and winter roads may become snowy or icy. Registered taxis and ride-hailing apps are usually inexpensive and safe. Avoid unmarked cars, confirm app details before entering, and be cautious when crossing roads. Trains and minibuses are useful but may lack modern comfort. PICKPOCKETS RISK:LOWPickpocketing is not a major problem in Gyumri, but it can occur around markets, crowded minibuses, festivals, railway platforms, and busy public squares. Keep wallets out of back pockets and use a zipped bag. Phones should not be left unattended on cafe tables, although organized tourist-targeted theft is relatively uncommon. NATURAL DISASTERS RISK:MEDIUMGyumri lies in an active earthquake zone and was heavily damaged during the catastrophic 1988 Spitak earthquake. Modern construction and preparedness have improved, but seismic risk remains. Winter also brings snow, ice, extreme cold, and difficult roads. Travelers should learn basic earthquake procedures and check weather conditions before regional journeys. MUGGING RISK:LOWMuggings are uncommon in Gyumri, especially around Vardanants Square, central hotels, restaurants, and cultural attractions. Risk increases slightly on dark streets, near transport areas late at night, and in quiet industrial districts. Avoid displaying expensive electronics, carry limited cash, and use a taxi rather than walking through unfamiliar areas after midnight. TERRORISM RISK:LOWThe terrorism risk in Gyumri itself is low. However, Armenia’s wider security situation is affected by regional tensions and the possibility of renewed conflict near the Azerbaijani border. Gyumri is far from the main restricted eastern border areas, but travelers should avoid military sites, demonstrations, and sensitive infrastructure while following official instructions. SCAMS RISK:LOWScams are relatively uncommon because Gyumri receives fewer international tourists than major European capitals. Possible problems include inflated street-taxi fares, informal tour offers, currency confusion, and unclear accommodation charges. Use ride apps, confirm prices before accepting services, and exchange money through banks or established exchange offices rather than strangers. WOMEN TRAVELERS RISK:LOWGyumri is generally safe for women travelers, including solo visitors. The city is conservative but welcoming, and central areas are comfortable during normal hours. Unwanted attention can occur, while some taxi drivers may behave inappropriately. Use reputable ride apps, avoid isolated nighttime walks, and dress modestly when entering churches or traditional communities. TAP WATER RISK:LOWTap water in Gyumri is generally considered safe, and public drinking fountains are common throughout Armenia. However, plumbing quality can vary in older buildings, guesthouses, and earthquake-era housing. Ask your accommodation about its water supply. Bottled or filtered water is inexpensive for travelers with sensitive stomachs or concerns about old pipes. Safest Places to Visit in GyumriVardanants Square Vardanants Square is the safest and easiest starting point for exploring Gyumri. Major churches, government buildings, hotels, restaurants, and pedestrian activity surround it. The square remains lively into the evening, especially during warmer months, and is a practical landmark for navigating the city. Kumayri Historic District Kumayri contains Gyumri’s most attractive 19th-century streets, with black volcanic-stone houses, carved balconies, workshops, museums, and cafes. The district is safe and walkable during the day and early evening. Uneven paving and damaged sidewalks are bigger concerns than crime, so comfortable shoes are essential. Black Fortress The Black Fortress, or Sev Berd, is one of Gyumri’s most distinctive attractions. The restored circular fortress hosts concerts and cultural events and sits near the Mother Armenia monument. The visitor area is generally safe, though the uphill route can be quiet. Use a taxi after dark or during severe winter weather. Central Park and Mother Armenia The park and monument area offers broad views across Gyumri and the surrounding mountains. It is popular with families and local walkers during daylight. Paths may become icy in winter, and quieter sections should not be used as nighttime shortcuts. Visit during the day and remain on established paths. Gyumri’s Museums The Dzitoghtsyan Museum of National Architecture, Mher Mkrtchyan Museum, and Aslamazyan Sisters Gallery are safe, central, and excellent introductions to local history and art. Museum staff can also provide reliable directions and cultural advice, making these attractions especially comfortable for solo visitors. Places to Avoid in GyumriAbandoned and Earthquake-Damaged Buildings Gyumri still contains neglected, unstable, or partially ruined structures associated with the 1988 earthquake and subsequent economic hardship. Do not enter abandoned buildings, climb damaged staircases, or explore fenced construction sites. Falling masonry, broken floors, exposed metal, and stray animals present greater dangers than crime. Railway Station Area Late at Night Gyumri Railway Station is architecturally impressive and useful for travel to Yerevan, but surrounding streets become quiet after late arrivals. Petty theft and unwanted taxi approaches are possible when travelers stand outside with luggage. Arrange a taxi through an app or accommodation rather than walking a long distance after dark. Outer Industrial Roads Industrial sections and outer residential roads offer few attractions and may have poor lighting, damaged sidewalks, roaming dogs, and limited public transportation. These are not official no-go areas, but tourists have little reason to explore them at night. Use direct transportation when visiting businesses or accommodations outside the center. Military Facilities Gyumri contains active military infrastructure and guarded facilities. Visitors should not photograph bases, soldiers, checkpoints, aircraft, security vehicles, or restricted airport areas. Avoid lingering near gates and barriers, even when no warning sign is visible. Innocent photography can attract serious attention from security personnel. Roads Toward the Turkish Border The Turkish land border near Gyumri is generally closed to ordinary travelers, and surrounding areas can contain guarded infrastructure or restricted roads. Do not attempt informal crossings or explore remote border tracks. Travelers continuing to Turkey normally need to route through Georgia or use an available flight. Safety Tips for Traveling to Gyumri
So… How Safe Is Gyumri Really?Gyumri is one of the safer and more relaxed urban destinations in the South Caucasus. Serious crime against tourists is uncommon, local hospitality is strong, and the compact center can be explored comfortably on foot. Visitors are more likely to struggle with winter ice, broken pavement, confusing minibuses, or language barriers than robbery or violence. The city’s most important safety issue is its environment. Gyumri lies in a highly seismic region and still carries visible scars from the 1988 earthquake, which devastated northern Armenia. Travelers should not become frightened by this history, but they should choose properly maintained accommodation and understand basic earthquake procedures. Regional politics also matter. Gyumri is in northwestern Armenia and is not close to the restricted Azerbaijani frontier, but Armenia’s security situation can shift. Travel near the eastern border requires far more caution than an ordinary visit to Gyumri. For solo travelers, families, couples, and women traveling independently, the city is generally manageable. Central neighborhoods remain active, taxis are affordable, and tourist scams are limited. Winter visitors face the greatest practical difficulty because temperatures, snow, and ice can complicate walking and road travel. My honest assessment is that Gyumri has a low crime risk and medium natural-disaster risk. Stay centrally, avoid sensitive sites, use reliable transportation, and prepare for the season. With those precautions, Gyumri is a safe, character-filled city that deserves far more attention. How Does Gyumri Compare?
Useful InformationVisasCitizens of many countries, including numerous European and North American nations, can enter Armenia without a visa for up to 180 days within one year. Other eligible travelers can apply online. A 21-day electronic visitor visa costs about US$8, while a 120-day visa costs about US$39 and usually takes up to three working days. CurrencyGyumri uses the Armenian dram. Cards are accepted at many hotels, restaurants, supermarkets, and modern cafes, but cash remains important for markets, minibuses, smaller shops, and rural excursions. Use bank ATMs or established exchange offices. U.S. dollars and euros are commonly exchanged, but daily purchases should be made in dram. WeatherGyumri has warm, dry summers and long, freezing winters. January temperatures commonly remain below 0°C, while snow and ice may persist for weeks. Summer days are usually comfortable, but evenings can be cool because of the city’s elevation. Pack layers year-round, with serious winter clothing from November through March. AirportsShirak International Airport is approximately 7 kilometers from central Gyumri, usually around 10 to 15 minutes by taxi. Its international schedule is more limited than Yerevan’s. Many travelers fly into Zvartnots International Airport near Yerevan and continue to Gyumri by train, private driver, minibus, or rental car. Travel InsuranceTravel insurance is recommended for Gyumri, particularly during winter or when exploring rural Shirak Province. Choose coverage for medical care, trip delays, lost luggage, road accidents, earthquakes, and emergency evacuation. Travelers planning hiking, skiing, or remote excursions should confirm that mountain activities and weather-related disruptions are included. Armenia – Safety by City
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CHECK OTHER CITIES IN ARMENIA AT THE FOLLOWING LINKS:
Vagharshapat: https://www.travelsafe-abroad.com/armenia/vagharshapat/https://www.travelsafe-abroad.com/armenia/vagharshapat/
Tsaghkadzor: st1yle=”font-size:20px;margin:0px;padding-bottom:22px”>Dilijan: https://www.travelsafe-abroad.com/armenia/dilijan/https://www.travelsafe-abroad.com/armenia/dilijan/
Yerevan: https://www.travelsafe-abroad.com/armenia/yerevan/https://www.travelsafe-abroad.com/armenia/yerevan/
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3,000-Year-Old Tomb in Armenia Reveals Elite Burial With Bronze Weapons, Sacri
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Participants in a social media discussion placed the “We Are Our Mountains” mo
If Azerbaijani authorities decide to remove the “We Are Our Mountains” monument in Karabakh, this could impact peace talks with Armenia, which are in their final stages, participants in a social media discussion indicated.
As reported by the “Caucasian Knot,” on June 22, the Office of the Cultural Heritage Ombudsman and the Nagorno-Karabakh Culture and Tourism Development Agency stated that the information about Azerbaijanis demolishing the “We Are Our Mountains” monument in Stepanakert has not been confirmed. The image showing the demolition process was generated using artificial intelligence. Official Baku and the Armenian opposition have extracted political benefits from the unsubstantiated publication about the monument’s demolition in Stepanakert, Armenian political scientists believe. On June 26, Baku-based analysts pointed out Azerbaijan’s right to decide the monument’s fate. They noted that the “We Are Our Mountains” monument was erected in Karabakh when it was part of the Azerbaijan SSR.
In previous discussions of the “We Are Our Mountains” monument, commentators predominantly took radical positions. On June 27, two posts on this topic were published on the “Caucasian Knot” Facebook page*. The discussions in the comments were notable for the fact that the number of comments themselves several times increased. Users with moderate views joined the discussion.
Commentators recalled the ongoing peace agreement process.
A post about analysts’ assertion of Azerbaijan’s right to decide the fate of the “We Are Our Mountains” monument was published on June 27 on the Caucasian Knot Facebook page*, which has approximately 162,000 subscribers. As of 1:00 PM Moscow time on June 29, the post had garnered 216 likes and 462 comments. Most of the comments emphasized Azerbaijan’s right to decide for itself whether to remove the monument. However, some users pointed out that demolition during the peace agreement process would be inappropriate.
“[Azerbaijan] has the right to demolish it. But there’s one thing. If we’re now at the stage of a peace treaty [with Armenia] and have a prospect of peaceful coexistence and good-neighborly relations with Armenians, then this shouldn’t be done. This isn’t just a monument for Armenians, but something sacred and holy. This would make us look unfavorable in the eyes of all Armenians, and perhaps not only Armenians, but others as well. We could bring in Azerbaijani sculptors and restore this monument, changing it slightly. Add an Azerbaijani flavor. Keep the title “We and Our Mountains,” include the names of the Azerbaijani sculptors, and the date,” believes Gorhmaz Abdullayev.
“If the monument was built when the territory was Azerbaijani, and the budget was also Azerbaijani, the architect dedicated the structure to the local “If it’s a monument to the long-lived, then why demolish it? The climate there is excellent, there are and will be long-lived people. But there’s a chance that as long as this monument stands there, some will think it’s Armenian territory and there will be confrontation,” wrote Rob Mai.
“The monument should be demolished, and symbols of the heroism of the Azerbaijani soldier should be erected in its place. But this is strictly my opinion. The final decision is up to the country’s leadership, not the readers,” noted Samir Samirov.
“I really like this monument. It’s a kind of symbol of modern Azerbaijani Karabakh with its long-lived people, a kind of sign of respect to all the grandparents,” wrote Dmitry Michiev.
“I like it too. And I don’t associate it with any particular nation, but with Caucasian long-lived people in general. “An unusual and authentic monument for Karabakh,” replied Larisa Grigorieva.
“Azerbaijan has the right to demolish the monument… But do we always exercise our rights? And what are we talking about rights to? Demolishing a monument doesn’t require much courage,” pointed out Aydin Akhund.
The “We Are Our Mountains” monument is one of the symbols of Artsakh and the entire Armenian cultural heritage of the region. The monument was built in 1967 at the entrance to the city of Stepanakert. Its authors are sculptor and People’s Artist of the Armenian SSR Sarkis Baghdasaryan and architect Yuri Hakobyan, according to the Armenian Museum’s website.
Another post about the “We Are Our Mountains” monument was published on the Caucasian Knot Facebook page* also on June 27. As of 1:00 PM Moscow time on June 29, this post had garnered 560 likes and 945 comments. Most of the authors took a radical stance, demanding the monument’s removal. However, some commenters expressed a moderate view.
“We Are Our Mountains” is a monument to the peaceful labor and longevity of the people who have lived on this land for centuries. Stones and sculptures do not wage war or participate in politics. “Let’s preserve culture to prove that we strive for lasting peace, not destruction,” wrote Կարեն Մարդանյան.
“I believe that among the two nations, there will still be adequate people who will stand up for peace. We must learn to live on. The destruction of monuments is weakness,” noted Shushanik Avetisyan.
“This monument was created in 1967 with funds from the Azerbaijan SSR and was dedicated to the longevity of the people of Karabakh. It symbolized the people who lived on this land, and not the monument’s belonging exclusively to one nation. “Karabakh has always been a land where representatives of different nationalities have lived for many generations, and historical facts should not be replaced by political interpretations,” said Akif Mirsiyaboglu.
Cases of destruction of monuments and memorials are regularly recorded in Karabakh.
Historians and activists have repeatedly reported the destruction of historical buildings and memorial structures in Karabakh. This applies to medieval sites, 20th-century sites, and Soviet-era sites.
For example, in November 2020, Azerbaijan accused the Armenian side of desecrating and destroying Muslim cemeteries and mosques. In particular, according to a statement by the Azerbaijani authorities, the Mamar Mosque in the Gubadli region was turned into a pigsty. – an 18th-century monument.
In December 2025, a video of destruction inside the Yerits Mankants Monastery appeared on Azerbaijani social media, and satellite images also show the destruction of the Holy Savior Monastery, both dating back to the 17th century.
According to the Caucasus Heritage Watch organization, based on satellite images, the memorial to the 100th anniversary of the 1915 Armenian Genocide, erected in Stepanakert, was destroyed.
On May 4, 2025, activists of Artsakh Monuments stated that the Azerbaijani authorities destroyed monuments to those killed during the Great Patriotic War in the village of Vank, a khachkar and a stele in Memory of the heroes of the Karabakh conflict.
On May 12, 2024, the Foundation for the Study of Armenian Architecture reported, citing satellite images of the area, that the Surb Hambardzum Church in Karabakh had been completely destroyed. The church was built in the 1990s and therefore is not a historical monument protected by Azerbaijani law, Baku objected.
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Source: Caucasian Knot
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The Central Election Commission of Armenia handed mandates to the elected memb
The first session of the Armenian parliament of the ninth convocation, formed as a result of the June elections, is scheduled for August 2.
As reported by “Caucasian Knot”, seven parties challenged the final decision of the Central Election Commission regarding the parliamentary elections held on June 7 in the Constitutional Court of Armenia, but the court upheld the CEC’s decision on the voting results. After that, the blocs “Strong Armenia” and “Armenia”, the parties “Prosperous Armenia”, “Armenian National Congress”, and “National-Democratic Pole” declared the illegitimacy of the authorities and their plans to seek its removal. At the same time, “Strong Armenia” agreed to work in parliament.
According to the decision of the Central Election Commission, taking into account the mandates of national minorities, “Civil Contract” has 64 mandates, the Karapetyan bloc has 29, and the “Armenia” bloc received 12 mandates. “Prosperous Armenia” was unable to overcome the four percent barrier and enter parliament according to the CEC’s decision. A reference titled “2026 Elections to the National Assembly (Parliament) of Armenia” has been published on “Caucasian Knot”.
The Central Election Commission of Armenia today registered the members of the National Assembly elected as a result of the extraordinary parliamentary elections on June 7.
During the CEC meeting, the applications of candidates for deputies who withdrew, refusing their mandates, were considered. Thus, in the list of “Civil Contract”, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan, Health Minister Anait Avanesyan, Defense Minister Suren Papikyan, Economy Minister Gevorg Papoyan, Justice Minister Srbuhi Galyan, Minister of Labor and Social Affairs Arsen Torosyan, the speaker of the previous parliament Alen Simonyan, as well as Tigran Avinyan, Mkhitar Ayrapetyan, and others refused their mandates. A total of 27 representatives of the ruling party refused mandates, and the next 64 candidates on the list received mandates, reports Armenia Today.
In the “Strong Armenia” bloc, Goar Meloyan, Avetis Arakelyan, Lilia Shushanyan, Artur Danielyan, Alexander Sarkisyan, Taron Toflikyan, Arshavir Khachatryan, David Ayvazyan, Robert Dilbaryan, Ovanes Eghanyan, and Semen Babayan refused their mandates, reports Arminfo.
In the “Armenia” bloc, only the leader of the political force, the second president of Armenia Robert Kocharyan, refused the deputy mandate.
Following the meeting, the chairman of the CEC of Armenia Vaagn Ohanyan announced that the first session of the newly elected parliament of Armenia of the ninth convocation will begin at 10:00 on August 2.
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Source: Caucasian Knot
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The lawsuit of the Karabakh oppositionist against Nikol Pashinyan has been acc
As reported by “Caucasian Knot”, Karabakh activist Artur Osipyan was detained on May 18 in Yerevan after a dispute with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who was conducting an election campaign. The court sent Osipyan to pre-trial detention for two months. In the isolation facility, the activist declared a hunger strike demanding public apologies from Nikol Pashinyan for insults and slander against him and all refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh. On June 10, Osipyan was released on a travel ban, and he ended his hunger strike at home. On June 18, Osipyan filed a lawsuit in court.
The general jurisdiction court in Yerevan has accepted the lawsuit of Artur Osipyan against Nikol Pashinyan. The oppositionist himself announced this on July 21 on his Facebook page*, reminding that he demands a refutation of slanderous statements and public apologies from Pashinyan.
The activist published an official document on his page – the court’s decision to accept his lawsuit against the defendant Nikol Pashinyan. Osipyan also noted that he considers his criminal prosecution to be a “manifestation of selective justice,” as the Investigative Committee did not initiate a case against the Prime Minister based on his statement.
“The fact that the prosecutor’s office and the Investigative Committee see a crime in one case under the same circumstances, but not in another, is already a serious problem in itself. In the more coarse statements of Nikol Pashinyan, they do not see a violation of the law, while in my case, where there is no violation of the law, the prosecutor’s office makes a completely different decision,” – quoted Osipyan’s words by the publication Aravot.am.
The activist noted that all circumstances of his conflict with the Prime Minister are recorded on video, his own publications are publicly available, and a number of human rights organizations confirm the absence of legal violations on his part.
Artur Osipyan is prohibited from leaving Armenia under the terms of the preventive measure: he remains under a travel ban, but the previously applied measure of bail was lifted following the first court session, said the activist’s lawyer David Ovanisyan.
“The investigative body promptly sent the criminal case to court, and it is currently at the stage of judicial proceedings. The first court session has already taken place, and the second is expected in September,” – he told the correspondent of the “Caucasian Knot”.
Artur Osipyan is charged under three articles, including public calls for violence and hooliganism. The defender reminded that the oppositionist was deprived of freedom for 24 days and spent all this time on a hunger strike.
“The judicial process is still ongoing, and we cannot definitively say what results to expect. We hope to achieve justice, but in such politically charged cases, it would be wrong to talk about any expectations. Similar cases are usually sent to court only after several months, but in this case, the case was submitted to court within one month. Given this, I believe it is not worth expecting any miracles,” – noted lawyer Ovanisyan.
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Source: Caucasian Knot
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The Minister of Economy of Armenia reported on a new market for flower sales.
Flowers from Armenia can be sold in the markets of the EU, Central Asian countries, Arab states, and neighboring countries, said Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. On the domestic market, flowers are hard to sell even at the lowest prices, and there is no information about supplies to Europe, farmers countered.
Armenian flowers have entered the market of the United Arab Emirates, particularly in Dubai, the Minister of Economy of Armenia Gevorg Papoyan reported today on his Facebook page.*
“Special thanks to the economic advisor of the Embassy of the Republic of Armenia in the UAE, Aik Mkhtaryan, for making this project possible,” he wrote.
The volumes of flower supplies to the UAE were not specified in the report.
The Armenian government will pay exporters of agricultural products about $8.6 million as compensation, reports Hayk Media. According to the Ministry of Economy, over 780 tons of peppers, 200 tons of tomatoes, 109 tons of strawberries, 3,000 tons of apricots, 1,400 tons of cherries, 1.5 million liters of mineral water, and 230,000 liters of wine were exported from the country in June. Armenia also exported fruits to 15 countries, flowers to 25, and vegetables to 8 countries, the publication states.
The World Bank warned of risks to the Armenian economy due to Russian import restrictions.
The Armenian economy continues to show results above expectations; however, recent events in relations with Russia raise concerns and force the government to support exporters, according to the July review of the World Bank Armenia Monthly Economic Update, quoted by the Arka agency.
“If the restrictions persist and expand without mitigation measures being taken, the negative impact may extend beyond trade and affect economic growth, prices, and social conditions,” the review states.
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Source: Caucasian Knot
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