Category: News

DR. KEVORK HAGOPJIAN, ESQ.

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article is an expansion of the author’s presentation at the Diaspora Conference held from March 14 to 15 in Los Angeles. It develops the legal and analytical framework introduced during that talk into a more complete treatment based on international human rights law, minority rights doctrine, and diaspora advocacy practice.

The Starting Point: Diaspora Communities Are Minorities Before the Law Recognizes Them as Such
There is a foundational truth that diaspora advocacy too rarely begins with, and it is worth stating plainly: every diaspora community, without exception, is a minority in its country of residence. This is not primarily a legal characterization, it is a demographic, social, and political fact that precedes and conditions every legal question that follows. Whether we speak of the Armenian diaspora in USA or Russia, the Kurdish diaspora in Germany, or the Congolese diaspora in Belgium, the structural reality is identical: these communities constitute numerical minorities within sovereign states whose dominant legal, cultural, and political frameworks were not designed with their particular identities, memories, or nation-building aspirations in mind.

The doctrinal problem is real. International law does not protect every numerical minority automatically. The Human Rights Committee and regional bodies have developed criteria that go beyond numbers: a minority must constitute a distinct group with shared characteristics — ethnicity, language, religion — and must have a degree of collective self-identification as a group. More critically, some legal systems distinguish between national minorities — communities with a historic territorial connection to the state — and new minorities formed through migration, which is precisely what most diaspora communities are.

This matters enormously, because international human rights law does not create minority status – it recognizes and responds to it. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), arguably the most foundational text in minority rights law, obliges states not to deny persons belonging to ethnic, religious, or linguistic minorities “the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, or to use their own language.” The provision is deceptively simple. Its operational power depends entirely on whether diaspora communities understand themselves as rights-holders within this framework, and whether they possess the legal architecture to enforce it.

The argument advanced here is this: diaspora communities engaged in nation-building, understood broadly to mean the preservation, transmission, and political affirmation of a distinct collective identity, cannot rely on moral appeals alone. They must build enforceable legal agendas. The alternative is perpetual commemoration without consequence: a politics of memory that moves no court, binds no government, and protects no institution.

The Conceptual Architecture: What a Legal Agenda Actually Means
The term “legal agenda” is often misunderstood in diaspora contexts. It is not a list of symbolic resolutions. It is not a sequence of commemoration events accompanied by parliamentary statements. A legal agenda, properly understood, is a strategic map that identifies forums, standing, remedies, and evidence — and that connects the moral claims of a community to the enforceable mechanisms of domestic and international law.

This distinction between moral claim and legal claim is the intellectual frontier that most diaspora communities have not yet fully crossed. Moral claims are expressed in the grammar of justice: “What was done to us was wrong.” Legal claims are expressed in the grammar of procedure: “Here is the forum with jurisdiction, here is the party with standing, here is the available remedy, and here is the evidentiary record that supports it.” Both grammars are necessary. But without the second, the first remains politically powerful and legally inert.

A mature diaspora legal agenda must therefore operate simultaneously on three interconnected levels: local, regional, and international. Each level has its own logic, its own tools, and its own relationship to the broader project of community self-determination.

The Local Level: Enforceable Rights in the Countries of Residence
The most immediate legal battleground for diaspora communities is the domestic legal system of the country in which they live. Here, the community is simultaneously a political constituency, a cultural institution, a taxpayer, and — critically — a bearer of minority rights under both domestic law and international treaty obligations that bind the host state.

At this level, the legal agenda encompasses several distinct but interrelated domains.

The right to exist and the right to identity form the absolute foundation — logically and legally prior to every other claim. A diaspora community that cannot assert its right to exist as a distinct collective, and its right to maintain and transmit a coherent identity across generations, has no stable ground from which to pursue any other legal objective. These rights are not abstract. They are recognized in the 1992 UN Declaration on Minority Rights, which affirms that states shall protect the existence of minorities and actively create conditions for the promotion of their identity. At the local level, this translates into concrete legal demands: the right to organize as a community, to name oneself, to be counted and recognized in public institutions, to transmit language, memory, and culture to the next generation, and to resist assimilationist pressures that — whether by design or neglect — erode the conditions of collective survival. When a diaspora community’s schools are defunded, its language excluded from public life, its history omitted from curricula, or its institutions subjected to discriminatory administrative treatment, it is not merely suffering an inconvenience. It is experiencing a legal violation of its right to exist and to remain itself.

Anti-discrimination and civil rights protection form the essential floor of day-to-day legal protection. Hate crimes targeting diaspora members, discrimination in employment and education, incitement on the basis of ethnic or religious identity — these are not merely social problems. They are legally actionable violations in virtually every liberal democratic legal system, and in many cases they engage state obligations under instruments such as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) or the European Convention on Human Rights. Yet diaspora communities frequently lack the legal infrastructure — the clinics, the reporting mechanisms, the practitioner networks, the litigation partnerships — to translate violations into claims. The gap between the right and its remedy is largely institutional, not doctrinal.

Cultural, linguistic, and religious rights represent a third and equally important dimension. The protection of churches, schools, cultural centers, and heritage language programs is not merely a matter of community preference — it engages positive obligations that states have assumed under minority rights frameworks. The UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (1992), though non-binding, authoritatively elaborates the content of Article 27 ICCPR and has been progressively incorporated into regional human rights jurisprudence. Diaspora communities that understand these instruments can use them to resist the closure of community institutions, to advocate for heritage language education in public schools, and to challenge discriminatory treatment of nonprofit community organizations.

Public policy engagement completes the local picture. A diaspora legal agenda that is limited to reactive litigation is structurally incomplete. Diaspora communities should be legally literate actors in the policy processes that shape education curricula, refugee and asylum policy, municipal procurement rules, and public investment accountability. These are not peripheral concerns. They are precisely the sites where the conditions for minority cultural survival are determined — or eroded — through administrative decision-making that is rarely contested because it is rarely recognized as a legal battleground at all.

Underlying this entire dimension of local engagement is a right that diaspora communities rarely invoke explicitly but should: the right to participate in the political, economic, and cultural life of the state as a distinct minority. This right, recognized in Article 2 of the 1992 UN Declaration on Minority Rights and reinforced by the broader non-discrimination framework of the ICCPR, is not merely a prohibition on exclusion. It is an affirmative entitlement — one that obliges states to create conditions in which minority communities can participate meaningfully, not simply formally. For diaspora communities, this means that their absence from policy consultations, their underrepresentation in public institutions, and their marginalization from economic decision-making are not only political problems. They are legally cognizable failures of state obligation that can and should be named, documented, and contested as such.

The Regional Level: Coordination as Legal Multiplier
Diaspora communities are geographically dispersed but legally convergent. The Armenian communities of France, the United States, and Argentina face structurally similar challenges in distinct legal systems. The same is true of Kurdish communities across Europe, or Tamil communities in Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. This structural similarity is an underexploited strategic asset.

A regional legal agenda transforms the isolation of individual community advocacy into a coordinated legal force. Its primary instruments are comparative legal mapping, model legislation, and coalition infrastructure.

Comparative legal mapping means that diaspora lawyers, academics, and policy bodies systematically identify which jurisdictions offer the strongest legal tools for particular problems. Which states have the most robust universal jurisdiction mechanisms for atrocity crimes? Which legal systems have the most developed jurisprudence on cultural heritage protection? Where have minority education rights been most effectively litigated? The answers to these questions allow diaspora communities to concentrate strategic effort in the most favorable forums rather than dispersing resources across systems that offer weaker prospects.

Model legislation is perhaps the most powerful regional instrument. When one diaspora community succeeds in securing the passage of genocide education legislation — as the Armenian diaspora has done, with varying depth, in jurisdictions including France, Argentina, and several U.S. states — that legislative text becomes a template that can be adapted and introduced across other jurisdictions by other diaspora communities. The legal success does not remain local. It becomes a regional standard, progressively hardening into an international norm. This is exactly how minority rights law develops: through the accumulation of domestic precedents that eventually crystallize into binding international standards.

Coalition infrastructure between diaspora bar associations, university legal centers, human rights NGOs, and parliamentary networks ensures that this model-building is institutionalized rather than episodic. The real transformation in diaspora legal capacity happens when advocacy is translated into memoranda, legislative proposals, formal complaints, committee hearings, and sustained legal partnerships — not when it remains in the register of cultural diplomacy.

The International Level: From Memory Politics to Legal Strategy
It is at the international level that the gap between the rhetoric of diaspora communities and their legal practice is most consequential — and most correctable.

The international legal architecture available to diaspora communities is substantial, though it requires selectivity, discipline, and patience to use effectively.

Strategic litigation is the most visible instrument, but it is also the most frequently misunderstood. The instinct of diaspora communities facing historical or ongoing injustice is to file as many cases as possible in as many forums as possible. This instinct, though morally understandable, is legally counterproductive. Strategic litigation means doing the opposite: identifying two or three cases with strong facts, favorable jurisdiction, and significant precedential potential, and pursuing them with full resources over the long term. The European Court of Human Rights, UN treaty monitoring bodies, domestic courts with extraterritorial jurisdiction, and international administrative sanction frameworks are the primary forums for this work. Each has distinct admissibility requirements, procedural timelines, and remedial powers that must be understood before litigation is initiated.

A concrete illustration: the Armenian community’s engagement with the European Court of Human Rights in cases involving denial of the Armenian Genocide — most notably Perincek v. Switzerland (2015) — demonstrates both the potential and the complexity of this terrain. The Grand Chamber’s ruling, which held that Switzerland had violated the freedom of _expression_ of a Turkish politician convicted for denying the genocide, was experienced by much of the Armenian diaspora as a defeat. But a careful legal reading reveals a more nuanced picture: the judgment did not deny the historical reality of the genocide; it addressed the proportionality of criminal sanction in a specific national context. The lesson is not that international litigation is futile. It is that litigation must be prepared with rigorous legal analysis, not moral confidence alone.

Documentation and evidence preservation is the indispensable foundation of any international legal agenda, yet it is chronically underfunded and institutionally fragile in most diaspora communities. No serious claim before any international forum is sustainable without a documented evidentiary record. This means investing in evidence collection protocols, witness statement preservation, property and heritage loss archives, open-source investigation capacity, and expert reports that meet international evidentiary standards. The destruction of Armenian churches and cemeteries in territories under Azerbaijani control in recent years — systematically documented by satellite imagery analysis and on-the-ground reporting — illustrates both what responsible documentation looks like and how politically consequential it can be when it is done rigorously.

Minority rights and collective rights frameworks deserve particular emphasis at the international level, precisely because diaspora communities often default to the genocide framework as their primary legal instrument — and in doing so, inadvertently narrow their legal options. The framework of minority rights law, as developed through Article 27 ICCPR, the 1992 UN Declaration, the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities of the Council of Europe, and the evolving jurisprudence of UN treaty bodies, offers a broader and in many cases more tractable set of legal claims. Religious freedom protections under Article 18 ICCPR, refugee and statelessness law, women’s and children’s rights frameworks as applied in displacement contexts — all of these provide legal entry points that do not require establishing the most serious category of international crime. Diaspora communities that master this full spectrum of legal tools are substantially better positioned than those that rely on a single framework.

The Homeland Axis: Legal Relations Between Diaspora and Armenia
The three levels examined above position the diaspora in relation to host states, regional systems, and international forums. They do not address what is equally essential: the legal relationship between diaspora communities and Armenia itself. This is not a relationship of solidarity or cultural affinity — it is a regulatory interface, a space where multiple legal systems intersect, creating both a strategic opportunity that neither the diaspora nor Armenia has fully institutionalized.

The diaspora’s dual legal situatedness — simultaneously subject to host state law and connected to Armenia’s regulatory environment through investment, property, remittances, and (hopefully) political engagement — is not a complication to be managed. It is a comparative advantage. Diaspora lawyers, financial professionals, and policy experts who understand both systems are natural intermediaries for deepening bilateral economic, financial, energy, and technology relations. Investment protection agreements, double taxation treaties, and trade facilitation instruments between Armenia and host states directly shape whether diaspora economic engagement is legally viable. These are not matters to leave to government negotiators alone. Diaspora legal communities should actively advocate for treaty provisions that reflect their specific interests — simplified investment registration, and dispute resolution mechanisms accessible to non-resident investors.

Dual citizenship deserves particular attention as one of the most underestimated and underutilized legal instruments available to the diaspora. Too often acquired as a gesture of identity rather than a deliberate legal choice, it is in fact a status with substantial operational consequence. A dual citizen is not a foreign investor in Armenia — they are a rights-holder with standing in Armenian legal processes: to own property, access courts, participate in regulatory consultations, and engage the state apparatus on terms unavailable to non-citizens. At the bilateral level, a diaspora member who simultaneously holds French and Armenian citizenship, for instance, sits at the legal intersection of two sovereign systems — a position that could be used to facilitate regulatory dialogue and advocate in both directions, but for which almost no institutional framework currently exists.

The diaspora and Armenia are, ultimately, two incomplete actors who are stronger together. A mature legal agenda builds the bilateral architecture that makes that complementarity durable — not episodic.

The Seven Pillars of an Institutionalized Legal Agenda
Three levels of engagement — local, regional, international — are analytically useful, but they remain inert without institutional infrastructure to sustain them. That infrastructure is not built through goodwill or periodic mobilization. It is built through deliberate choices about what a community invests in, maintains, and passes on.

Seven such investments are essential. Legal research and policy analysis must be continuous, not reactive — producing legislative proposals, comparative studies, and legal opinions before crises demand them. Rapid response capacity means that when a crisis does occur, the lawyers, tools, and expert networks are already in place rather than improvised under pressure. Strategic litigation requires a disciplined docket: fewer cases, better chosen, pursued with full resources and a clear theory of legal impact. Legislative advocacy means drafting laws, not only endorsing them — actively shaping the text of sanctions mechanisms, oversight instruments, and minority protection statutes across jurisdictions. Documentation and archives must meet evidentiary standards from the outset, because a record assembled after the fact rarely serves the purposes that a record built in real time can. Legal education and capacity building ensures that the agenda outlasts the individuals currently driving it — which is the only meaningful test of institutional seriousness. And coalition building with other minority, displaced, and indigenous communities is not peripheral solidarity work; it is how minority rights law has always advanced, through convergent advocacy that no single community could have produced alone.
These seven investments share a common logic, and that logic connects directly to the deeper mindset shift that any serious legal agenda requires.

Conclusion
Diaspora communities invest enormous energy in cultural preservation, political recognition, and homeland solidarity — and rightly so. But none of these efforts is self-sustaining without the legal infrastructure to protect it. The existence, continuity, and long-term productivity of a diaspora community are not guaranteed by history, identity, or moral legitimacy alone. They depend on enforceable rights, protected institutions, and legal mechanisms that function even when political winds shift, when host state governments change, or when the individuals who built the community are no longer there to defend it. A diaspora that secures its schools, its organizations, its cultural presence, its economic agency, and its political voice through law is a diaspora that does not have to rebuild itself from scratch with every generation. That is not a legal argument. It is an argument for sustainability and growth— and it deserves to be treated with the same seriousness as any other priority on the diaspora agenda.

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NEW YORK CITY — The 111th Commemoration of the Armenian Genocide will take place in Times Square, New York, at the intersection of 7th Ave and 46th St on Sunday, April 26. This annual event is sponsored by the Knights and Daughters of Vartan and co-sponsored by a cohort of leading Armenian-American organizations, including the Armenian Assembly of America, Armenian Bar Association, Armenian Democratic Liberal Party, Armenian General Benevolent Union, Armenian National Committee of America, Armenian National Council of America, Armenian Missionary Association of America and the Tekeyan Cultural Association.

Bringing together community leaders, advocates, and members of the public, the event continues to be one of the most visible and widely attended commemorations in a landmark city. The program, taking place from 1:30 to 4 p.m., will include remarks from elected officials who support Armenian-American issues and have consistently advocated for the affirmation of the Armenian Genocide in the U.S., as well as scholars and cultural musical performances.

The event will remember the 1.5 million Armenian lives lost during the first genocide of the 20th century and will call for recognition from the Turkish government, which continues to deny this crucial piece of history to this day. Genocide recognition is an important step in the eradication of genocide. As Armenians face further injustice in Artsakh, we come together again to call to action the leaders who join us and prevent genocide from ever occurring again. 

“Our New York community has come together to commemorate and recognize the Armenian Genocide through this impactful platform,” said committee chair Haig Gulian. “Once again, we gather in the heart of NYC to fight for global recognition of the Armenian Genocide and work towards a world free of the crime of genocide.” 

Led by masters of ceremonies Chantelle Nasri, Nairi Diratsouian, and Lucine Beylerian, the event will include prayers from clergy members representing the Prelacy, Diocese, Catholic and Evangelical Armenian churches. The event will also include remarks from Genocide prevention scholar Dr. Henry Theriault and Director of the Krikor and Clara Zohrab Information Center, Dr. Jesse Arlen. 

Alongside remarks from elected representatives, academic scholars, and religious leaders, Homenetmen Scouts will be in attendance, as well as Armenian Students from the Holy Martyrs Day School and Language School, who will sing the American and Armenian National Anthems. Armfolk Group, an international dance and music group from Armenia, and classical soprano vocalist Karina Vartanian.

Genocide prevention scholar Dr. Henry Theriault, associate vice president for academic affairs at Worcester State University, is set to deliver remarks on genocide prevention. Dr. Theriault has committed much of his work to genocide education as Vice-Chair of the Board of Directors of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research and as a Past President (2017-2021) of the International Association of Genocide Scholars. 

Dr. Jesse Arlen, director of the Krikor and Clara Zohrab Information Center at the Diocese of the Armenian Church of America (Eastern) and a research fellow at Fordham University’s Orthodox Christian Studies Center, will deliver remarks. 

All are invited to attend this meaningful commemoration in solidarity and remembrance. The event will serve as a tribute to martyrs, in addition to being a powerful call to action to ensure such atrocities are never forgotten or repeated. Donations to help defray the costs of the Armenian Genocide commemoration in Times Square may be made here.

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BY MARIE ROSE ABOUSEFIAN, PHD

For many years now, the world has been watching sometimes with partial protests, but mostly with indifferent silence the genocides and wars unleashed by Israel with the support of America: in Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen, Iran, Syria, and across the Middle East.

The all-powerful Israeli fist has paralyzed the world’s senses, and the terror is so overwhelming and immediate that it seems each country, by remaining neutral, is trying to avoid meeting the same destruction.

Lately, the whole world witnessed the brutality with which Israel once again subjected the peaceful population of Lebanon to massacre, in the same manner as in Gaza, sparing neither children, nor women, nor the elderly, nor the young. As if that were not enough, it reduced the country’s infrastructure to dust and, still unsatisfied, declares its intention to level it completely to the ground.

Lebanon is bleeding dry, like Gaza, while Israel celebrates its victory and prepares for even greater blows. And America, as always, remains silent, concealing its participation and its similar crimes committed in Iran and elsewhere.

Is this truly the greatest achievement of humanity in the 21st century? On the one hand, humansreach the moon and return, on the other, under that very same moon, an entire human life is annihilated.

After looting vast lands and the wealth of nations, displacing peoples, distorting their human and national identity, and erasing their image, are they still not satisfied? Do they now seek to destroy entirely both their past and present, the whole of civilization, as declared by the President of the United States, who has proclaimed himself the master of this planet?

But why does all this affect me so deeply? Why does it surprise me, when for eight long years our own country has been held hostage by a nonentity who does not serve its nation but the enemy, an enemy whose primary aim is likewise to erase us as a nation entirely from the face of the earth?

Living in this reality, I should not be surprised by the world’s silence, because we too, with bowed heads, continue to watch the dismantling of our country while preparing for elections. We allow the current anti-national authorities to impose their candidates, to alter electoral laws for their own benefit, to roam from village to village, district to district, church to church, house to house, intimidating people, making false promises to secure their votes, and force themselves upon the nation.

Amid this global turmoil, observing the heroic resistance of our neighboring country Iran against the self-proclaimed “invincible” America in a war imposed upon it, does our people reflect on how it surrendered its own country with such indifference? 

Does it think about its fragile survival and the preservation of its territorial integrity? Or does it still believe the false justifications and promises of the current incapable authorities?

With both admiration and envy, I watch how in neighboring Iran, amid internal unrest stirred by foreign forces, in the heat of war, under a rain of bombs, not only all political forces, but also the state leadership, military, and diplomatic corps, defend every inch of their vast, multiethnic country with unwavering devotion. Not one of their “commanders” says that snow-covered Mount Damavand is unnecessary, or that the Zagros Mountains are not theirs. On the contrary, they are ready to die for those mountains and deserts. United, they defend their country. No one says, “Give up Hormuz so we can live in peace”, as our people once said about Artsakh. It is a painful reminder, isn’t it? It is a reality, testified by Yerablur, where our 5,000 heroes who fought alone now rest.

Not only politicians, but also intellectuals, play their part in explaining to the Iranian people whom they are defending their country against. Among them, the most prominent is Professor Mohammad Marandi, whom I had the opportunity to meet years ago at a conference in Paris. I was impressed by his knowledge, his balanced thinking, and his familiarity with Armenian literature.

Professor Marandi, though Iranian by nationality, was born, educated, and received his professorship in English Literature in the United States. He has taught at renowned universities, yet he left that path to lecture at Tehran University, dedicating his time and energy to revealing to his people the true purpose of the American Israeli war imposed upon their country. Through his interviews, he exposes the essence of American expansionist ideology and its long-standing efforts to destabilize Iran.

For years, as his country has remained a target of war, he has worked tirelessly to inform his people especially those easily swayed by foreign, particularly American, propaganda about the true intentions of those seeking to destroy their nation, and the consequences of believing such propaganda, joining internal traitors, and surrendering the country to genocidal forces.

It pains me that despite having many professors, doctors, and intellectuals, we have not had our own Marandi, someone who would reveal to our foreign influenced society the dangers of American-Turkish policies that have gradually brought our country to the brink of collapse.

I appeal to my colleagues, to those in the arts, literature, history, and to our intellectuals who have remained silent for far too long, who still tolerate the current ruler, a clownish tyrant who wears our mutilated map as a badge and distributes it everywhere like a peddler. They must emerge from their shells, first reject that badge an open humiliation for our country, and make it clear that no one should accept it. They must explain how the dangerous the so-called “TRIPP”is for our national interests, and how self-sacrifice for foreign agendas leads only to ruin.

They must unite with other candidates, go among the people, speak with them, reveal what has happened in our country, and make them understand that the coming elections are not ordinary elections about pensions or prices, or about living comfortably. This is a matter of the country’s very existence, of having a homeland at all, of survival itself.

They must ensure that people neither accept bribes nor give in to fear of losing income or employment, for all of that can be restored under new leadership if only the country is saved.

I am also certain that American, Turkish, and European intermediaries will use every means to re-elect this obedient servant of their interests. That is why unity is essential. The people must feel they are not alone, and that these elections cannot be falsified as before.

We have a great mission: to save our collapsing country from the current authorities, to secure the release of our captives, and not to sign a single document with the enemy. This obliges us all, to reject them, to refuse to follow their herd, whether in churches or on the streets.

Our endangered region compels us to unite and struggle at any costs to save our country.

When there are death and destruction in the world, we cannot entrust our fate to those who create that destruction, or those who serve them.

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