Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov reaffirmed on Friday President Vladimir Putin’s plans to discuss Armenia’s continued membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) at an upcoming summit of the leaders of the Russian-led trade bloc.
Following two European summits held in Yerevan last week, Putin said that the Armenian government should choose “as soon as possible” between seeking to join the European Union or remaining part of the EEU. He indicated that he will bring up the matter at the EU summit scheduled to take place in Astana, Kazakhstan on May 28-29, less than two weeks before Armenia’s parliamentary elections.
Pashinian effectively dismissed that demand. Citing the ongoing election campaign, he also announced that he will not attend the summit. Lavrov described Pashinian’s decision as “unfortunate.”
“Now, I believe, there will be an optimal chance to discuss the emerging issues arising from the European Union’s insistence on drawing Armenia into its orbit, including at the cost of ending the benefits Armenia enjoys through the Eurasian Economic Union,” he told reporters, pointing to the Astana summit.
Pashinian’s government enacted a year ago a law that commits it to striving for Armenia’s accession to the EU. The government reaffirmed that objective when it hosted a European Political Community summit and a separate meeting with the EU’s two top officials on May 4-5. But it remains reluctant to set possible dates for formally applying for EU membership and leaving the EEU.
A senior Russian Foreign Ministry official said on Tuesday that the Armenian leadership cannot continue to “view EEU membership as a temporary measure for the duration of the search for or the process of joining an alternative alliance.” Pashinian insisted on Thursday that his foreign policy is not anti-Russian.
“If I had pursued a policy opposed to the EEU, the EEU would have been paralyzed today because decisions in that bloc are made by consensus and no decision can be made if I am against that decision,” he told journalists.
Critics say that even if Pashinian blocks Russia and other EEU member states from ousting Armenia from the bloc, Moscow will still be in a position to impose crippling economic sanctions on Yerevan. Armenia is heavily dependent on Russia for trade and energy, a fact regularly emphasized by Putin and other Russian officials.
—
Pashinian Steps Up Attacks On Key Opposition Challengers
- Anush Mkrtchian
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has branded Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetian a “foreign spy” and pledged to send former President Robert Kocharian back to prison, drawing strongly worded responses from both election challengers.
Pashinian raged at Karapetian on Friday as he recalled the latter’s claims that he will allow a mass influx of Azerbaijanis into Armenia in case of winning the upcoming parliamentary elections.
“You are also a brainless spy because you don’t understand what you are doing,” he said during a campaign trip to the western Armavir province. “You are trying to make the issue of the return of 300,000 Azerbaijanis a political agenda in Armenia. And I say: brainless spies should not get votes.”
Karapetian’s nephew and right-hand man Narek responded by accusing Pashinian and his political team of serving Turkey.
“The Turkish mustache is visible behind each of them,” he told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service as he and other leading members of Karapetian’s Strong Armenia bloc campaigned in the Gegharkunik province.
Samvel Karapetian mainly lived in Russia until being arrested and indicted in Armenia last June. He is unable to physically attend his bloc’s campaign meetings because of remaining under house arrest on what he sees as politically motivated charges.
“Together we will put an end to evil. Change is coming, victory is coming, a strong Armenia is coming,” the 60-year-old tycoon said in a video message to Gegharkunik residents released during a Strong Armenia rally held later in the day.
Pashinian traded insults Kocharian after declaring on Thursday that the 71-year-old ex-president must “serve time” because of his role in a 2008 post-election unrest in Yerevan. Kocharian called him a “moron” hours later. The premier was quick to respond in kind.
Three opposition groups led by Kocharian, Karapetian and another wealthy businessman, Gagik Tsarukian, are widely seen as the ruling Civil Contract party’s main election challengers. During the ongoing election campaign, they have claimed that Pashinian, if reelected, will bow to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s repeated demands for Yerevan to ensure the return of Azerbaijanis who lived in Soviet Armenia until the late 1980s.
Pashinian attacked Tsarukian on the campaign trail on Tuesday by insulting and pledging to jail the opposition leader’s fugitive son.
—
RFE/RL – College Students ‘Forced To Attend Pashinian Rallies’
- Robert Zargarian
An opposition party running in Armenia’s June 7 parliamentary elections said on Friday that college students in the Armavir province were ordered to attend a campaign rally held there by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian.
The Wings of Unity party’s leader, Arman Tatoyan, publicized purported audios of such instructions at a news conference in Yerevan. They apparently feature Lusine Grigorian, an Armavir-based activist of the ruling Civil Contract party who teaches at a regional state college.
“Dear guys, tomorrow at five o’clock we have to gather in the square, this applies to both of your groups,” Grigorian can be heard telling her students.
“I have been instructed to say this and I am instructing you, guys,” she says. “Don’t let it happen that I go and stand in the square and see that neither of my two groups is there. Look, I have to look my superiors in eye and you must look me in the eye.”
“I don’t know why, but it has been instructed to make sure that there are as many of you out there as possible,” she says in another recording.
Grigorian denied any wrongdoing when she was contacted by RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.
“I didn’t give anyone any instructions, it’s a slander. People are trying to get me in trouble for political motives,” she said, refusing to comment further.
Tatoyan did not say when the audios were recorded. He portrayed them as further proof of Pashinian and his party abusing their government levers for electoral purposes. Pashinian campaigned in Armavir on Friday. He ended his campaign trip with a rally held in the provincial capital of the same name.
The recordings were released two days after teachers and students of several public schools in the neighboring Aragatsotn province interrupted classes to attend Pashinian’s campaign rallies. An Armenian election-monitoring group said that they were illegally forced to do so by school principals and local government officials.
Responding to the resulting uproar, the premier said on Thursday he has told four principals to tender their resignations and wait for the findings of an “internal inquiry.” Scores of other schoolchildren were present at his campaign meetings in Armavir held during school classes.
The Office of the Prosecutor-General told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service it will look into the Armavir recordings only if Tatoyan appeals to it “in a manner defined by the law.”
“Had the opposition done such a thing, they would have immediately taken measures and arrested everyone,” complained Tatoyan.
The opposition leader, who served as the country’s human rights ombudsman from 2016-2022, has repeatedly accused the ruling party of abusing its administrative resources since the official start of the election campaign. The Hayastan alliance, a larger opposition group led by former President Robert Kocharian, made similar allegations on Friday.
“There are reports that employees of state and local government bodies are being forced to vote for the ruling party in the June 7 elections under threat of dismissal,” Hayastan said, urging them to call a special hotline opened by it.
No Civil Contract members or supporters have been prosecuted on relevant charges to date. Law-enforcement authorities have arrested dozens of opposition activists and supporters on charges of buying votes or paying people to attend opposition rallies. Virtually all of them are linked to billionaire Samvel Karapetian’s Strong Armenia alliance widely regarded as Pashinian’s number one election challenger.
The Anti-Corruption Committee reported on Friday more such arrests condemned by Strong Armenia as politically motivated.
—
Upcoming Parliamentary Elections in Armenia Face Significant Polarization and
As Armenia prepares for its pivotal parliamentary elections on June 7, concerns are mounting regarding social polarisation, rampant hate speech, and aggressive media hostility among competing political factions. The context of these elections is particularly significant, given Armenia’s continued recovery and ongoing tensions after the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The landscape of foreign relations, particularly with Azerbaijan and Türkiye, has escalated the stakes for these elections, making the discourse increasingly heated as both domestic and external factors exert pressure on the political climate.
Despite facing these challenges, Armenia remains committed to holding genuinely competitive elections. The electoral process is notably more open than in many of its regional counterparts, such as Russia. However, the crux of the issue lies not in the competitiveness of the elections, but in the quality of political discourse. Current political debates are heavily influenced by allegiance to or opposition to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, potentially reducing a complex electoral process to mere endorsements of individual leaders instead of robust discussions on policy matters.
As the election day approaches, the threat of disinformation looms large, potentially undermining the electoral integrity. This disinformation is not limited to the campaign period but extends into the voting day and subsequent events, posing a significant risk of exacerbating societal polarization. The constant dissemination of divisive narratives could create an unstable pre-election environment, leading to chaotic post-election scenarios.
Armenia’s substantial diaspora, while a valuable resource, presents its own challenges, as disinformation can easily cross borders and re-enter the national conversation through social media. In this light, it is worth acknowledging that Armenia has made strides in enhancing its capabilities to counter external disinformation threats compared to a decade ago, yet gaps remain in the integration of its defensive measures against hybrid interference.
Recognizing these pressing issues, the European Union recently established the EU Partnership Mission to Armenia (EUPM) to enhance the country’s resilience against hybrid threats. The mission, initiated at Armenia’s request, aims to provide strategic guidance and bolster capacities across various government sectors to combat disinformation, cyber threats, and illicit financial influences in the political arena. The cornerstone objectives of the EUPM include safeguarding against foreign information manipulation and ensuring cohesive communication strategies across government institutions.
As election preparations continue, it is evident that the mission will need to address significant institutional gaps. Effective communication tools are essential to mitigate information voids, ensuring timely updates from authorities that prevent the rapid spread of disinformation. Moreover, collaboration with technology firms is essential for early detection of coordinated misinformation efforts.
The elections are poised to be competitive yet fraught with challenges. As of April 23, the Central Election Commission has registered 19 entities, comprising 17 political parties and 2 electoral unions. However, the real competition appears to be centered more around personalities than substantive political programs, risking a reduction in meaningful debate on future policies.
The opposition, which should theoretically thrive in this competitive landscape, faces its own difficulties in unifying disparate factions into a cohesive front. The ruling party’s standing is further solidified by ongoing public discontent regarding Pashinyan’s governance, despite the multi-faceted internal and external frustrations.
While Armenia has made notable improvements in electoral administration since 2018—demonstrating enhanced transparency and more reliable vote counting—public confidence in institutions remains fragile. This distrust persists, as many voters suspect that external influences or elite collusion skew political outcomes, even when election processes function correctly.
Ultimately, the looming challenge is not simply whether votes will be accurately counted. The greater concern rests with the acceptance of the election results amidst a society fraught with internal divisions and external pressures. Even well-administered elections risk igniting protests and unrest if the results are perceived as illegitimate, underscoring the need for a comprehensive strategy to ensure electoral integrity and promote societal cohesion.
—
The Economist reflects on Armenia PM Pashinyan’s shortcomings: Lot more monol
In 2023, Armenia lost a decades-long intermittent war against neighboring Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. Since then Nikol Pashinyan, Armenia’s prime minister, has been trying to wrest a diplomatic victory from the jaws of military defeat. Let down by Russia, Armenia’s longtime patron, he is pivoting to America and Europe and working on a peace treaty with Azerbaijan, The Economist writes.
Many Armenians do not like Pashinyan. The walls of Armenian capital Yerevan are covered with images of fallen soldiers, reminiscent of his failures during the war.
The Economist recalls that on May 4-5, Armenia hosted a summit of the European Political Community, during which protesters outside waved Nagorno-Karabakh flags. Some refugees from the region wanted the bodies of their deceased relatives to be transferred to Armenia, others called on Azerbaijan to release the Armenian prisoners of war.
Some protesters believe Armenia’s pro-Western turn will backfire. It is turning Armenia into an arena for geopolitical games, one protester said.
Armenia’s Nationalist politicians are also expressing discontent, The Economist added. The Russian Armenian businessman Samvel Karapetyan, who heads one of the most prominent opposition group in Armenia, is under house arrest for calling for the overthrow of the government—but he denies the charges. Karapetyan has accused the Armenian government of giving in to Azerbaijan’s demands. He says Pashinyan is trying to provoke a war with Russia. Such views are not uncommon in Yerevan, but are less common in Armenia’s rural areas where the government has built roads and schools, The Economist notes.
Also, it highlighted that Pashinyan has shortcomings. His fight against corruption has weakened, and his populist style is irritating his opponents.
“You get a lot more monologue than dialogue from Pashinyan,” says Thomas de Waal of Carnegie Europe, a think-tank.
The Kremlin could also intervene, The Economist writes. Russia supplies 85 percent of Armenia’s natural gas and has a military base in the country. Russian companies own vital infrastructure in Armenia, a legacy of debt relief agreements signed by the country’s previous authorities. Russia recently banned the sale of some Jermuk company mineral water shipments to the country on dubious sanitary grounds. Such a tactic is likely to only deepen Armenians’ distrust of their former patron, The Economist concludes.
—
Prosperous Armenia Party leader’s spox: There are external supporters, namely
May 15 2026
Prosperous Armenia Party leader’s spox: There are external supporters, namely Azerbaijan and Turkey, solely for ruling force
So far, only the ruling Civil Contract party has received external support in the upcoming parliamentary elections in Armenia. Iveta Tonoyan, spokesperson for the Prosperous Armenia Party (PAP) chairman Gagik Tsarukyan, announced this at a press conference Friday.
Tonoyan commented on the accusations that the PAP allegedly receives support from Russia and Belarus. But according to her, only Armenia’s ruling party has received support at the level of foreign presidents and other high-ranking officials so far.
“The authorities of Turkey and Azerbaijan consistently express support for the Civil Contract. No external force, state, or official has expressed support for the [Armenian] opposition; in particular, Prosperous Armenia,” said Tonoyan.
Thus, according to her, there is actually external support for the participants in the June 7 parliamentary elections in Armenia, and it is the ruling party that receives it.
Referring to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s statements that the victory of the three opposition forces—Strong Armenia bloc, PAP, and “Hayastan” bloc—could lead to war, she noted that the Armenian authorities are trying to blackmail the public.
“The war [with Azerbaijan] began during the reign of the current authorities. Thousands of [Armenian] boys died during their reign, thousands of boys became disabled during their reign, Artsakh [(Nagorno-Karabakh)] was also surrendered during their reign. The ‘party of war’ is definitely not the [Armenian] opposition, but the [incumbent Armenian] authorities themselves,” Tonoyan said.
—
Turkey and Armenia restart trade as EU urges border re-opening
Turkey has announced the start of bilateral trade with Armenia, a move welcomed by the EU in a statement on Tuesday from the European External Action Service (EEAS).
The EU said the announcement followed a recent meeting of a bilateral working group from the two countries focused on restoring rail connections between Turkey and Armenia, which took place on 28 April 2026.
The EEAS said the start of bilateral trade forms part of a wider normalisation process between the two neighbours.
Rail links and the border
The EU also encouraged Turkey and Armenia to continue working together towards re-opening their shared border, the EEAS said.
—
Wings of Unity party PM candidate Arman Tatoyan to Armenia premier Nikol Pashi
May 15 2026
Wings of Unity party PM candidate Arman Tatoyan to Armenia premier Nikol Pashinyan: Who are you to dismiss school principals?
A criminal scheme operates in Armenia, within the framework of which the authorities exert pressure from above on the directors of educational institutions so that they engage students and lecturers in the election campaign of the ruling Civil Contract party. Former Human Rights Defender of Armenia Arman Tatoyan, who heads the Wings of Unity party’s proportional representation list of the parliamentary candidates for the June 7 National Assembly election, announced this during a press conference Friday.
“Directors of [Armenia’s] educational institutions, in turn, instruct lecturers to do the same. The authorities, in order to escape accountability, appoint internal investigations so that their names are not circulated. Employees of educational institutions are involved in criminal activities. The current authorities operate according to the same scheme as the previous ones; these ones simply hiding behind the slogans of ‘democracy’ and ‘peace.’
I want to ask the prosecutor general and the head of the Investigative Committee: will the people who are leading the [election] campaign of the ruling party—[PM] Nikol Pashinyan, Lilit Makunts, Arayik Harutyunyan, Suren Papikyan—be arrested? They should be summoned for questioning and arrested,” Tatoyan noted.
He reflected also on the Armenian News-NEWS.am report on involving teachers from the Aparan community in the election campaign of the ruling party.
Tatoyan said that Armenian PM Nikol Pashinyan, not having the right to do so, announced that he had instructed school principals to write letters of resignation. “Who are you to dismiss school principals? Besides, who will conduct an investigation? The provincial governors? They themselves are involved in that process,” Arman Tatoyan added, addressing Pashinyan.
—
Smart divorce with Russia: what price will Armenia pay
Despite the pro-Western rhetoric of Pashinyan’s team, the numbers show that since 2018, Armenia’s economic dependence on Russia has not only not decreased, but has increased several times
Vladimir Putin offered Armenia a “smart divorce”: he put the country before a choice between the Eurasian Economic Union and the EU. What does this mean for Yerevan? What would be the price of “separation” from Russia?
Vladimir Putin’s proposal for a “smart divorce” with Armenia sounded like an ultimatum, putting the country’s leadership before a difficult choice: whether to maintain its membership in the Eurasian Economic Union or finally turn to the EU.
Many in Armenia perceived Putin’s words as increasing pressure on Yerevan and as a clear sign that the times of backroom diplomacy and tacit compromises are over.
End of the nuances and shadow of Ukraine
Although Armenia continues to participate in all integration associations under the auspices of Moscow, it has long since distanced itself from Russia. Yerevan has taken a course of rapprochement with Brussels and openly declared its intention to join the EU, including inscribing this in legislation. In Yerevan, this process is called “diversification”, while for Moscow it is a geopolitical turn.
The catalyst for the sharp intensification of the Kremlin’s rhetoric was two unprecedented diplomatic events for the region: the meeting of the European Political Community (EPC) held in Yerevan in early May and the EU-Armenia summit. Moscow was particularly irritated by the fact that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was also present at the ENP forum.
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s reaction was not long in coming – he suggested that Yerevan hold a referendum on joining the EU. And in the event of choosing the European vector – “intelligent and mutually beneficial divorce”, which was accompanied by the following unambiguous hint: “We see what is happening now in Ukraine. But how did it all start? With Ukraine’s attempt to join the EU”.
Let us recall that a month earlier, at a meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the Russian president stated that Armenia’s parallel membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the EU is incompatible. The prime minister replied that future participation in both blocs would be impossible, but for the time being there is compatibility. And when the time comes for the final choice, the decision will be made by the Armenian people.
“Interstate relations are not a marriage”
Yerevan reacted with restraint to Moscow’s proposal for a “smart divorce”, trying to reduce tension. Prime Minister Pashinyan said that for the authorities, the issue of choosing between the EEU and the EU is not on the agenda. He rejected the metaphor of “divorce”, emphasizing that in interstate relations Armenia is guided by interstate logic and remains a full member of the EEU.
At the same time, Pashinyan acknowledged the existence of “discomforts” in relations with Russia, calling them part of the “inevitable transformation”. The election program of the ruling “Civil Contract” party before the parliamentary elections on June 7th states that Yerevan intends to continue to develop “mutually beneficial and constructive cooperation” with Moscow.
The leader of the opposition bloc “Armenia” Robert Kocharyan, who has a reputation for long-standing friendly relations with Vladimir Putin, called the policy of the Armenian authorities dangerous and noted that playing with the EU could lead to Russia “losing patience”. He reminded that the socio-economic well-being of a huge number of citizens critically depends on relations with Russia.
Will Armenia withstand a rupture with Russia?
Despite the pro-Western rhetoric of Pashinyan’s team, the numbers show that since 2018, Armenia’s economic dependence on Russia has not only not decreased, but has increased several times. Trade and especially exports to Russia have increased many times, while supplies to EU markets have decreased by five percent. Experts estimate that the loss of the Russian market will be a “severe shock” for the country.
In addition, Armenia is currently practically totally dependent on Russian gas. Its only alternative is the Iranian pipeline, which is also owned by the Russian “Gazprom”. But the quantities supplied by it cover only 15-17 percent of consumption.
Are the claims about the destructive consequences exaggerated?
Armenian economist Hayk Gevorgyan uses mathematical arguments to refute claims about the destructive consequences of the separation between Armenia and Russia. “Russia’s share in Armenia’s foreign trade is 35 percent, and the remaining 65 percent falls on other countries, including the EU. Therefore, the negative effect of leaving the EEU can only affect this one-third.” The expert also emphasizes that a large part of this 35 percent is re-export, which does not affect GDP.
As for the sale of agricultural products, Gevorgyan notes that the sector is modernizing and exports can be reoriented to Europe and other countries, as is already the case. The expert told DW that due to Armenia’s membership in the EEU, it has to buy some goods from Russia at very high prices – such as sugar, while outside the economic bloc this would be possible at much lower prices.
Commenting on gas dependence, Gevorgyan expressed doubts that Moscow would sharply raise prices, since the internal distribution is carried out by the Russian company “Gazprom Armenia” itself. “The presence of “Gazprom” in Armenia is a rather important detail for Russia itself, and it is unlikely that the decision to double or triple the price will be made easily. If the price jumps by a few percent, Armenia will already have to reconsider its own relations with “Gazprom”, he says.
Therefore, the expert believes that the catastrophic scenarios are greatly exaggerated, and Yerevan also has potential alternative solutions – neighboring countries Iran and Azerbaijan, which also produce gas.
—
Bitter church row divides Armenia ahead of elections
For months, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has called for the removal of the church’s leader
Walking through the grounds of Armenia’s most sacred church, 37-year-old worshipper Nara Sargsyan spoke in hushed tones as she criticised her government’s attacks on the clergy.
“I don’t support their position on the church. I don’t support it at all,” she told AFP, as priests walked around the neatly-cut grass of the Etchmiadzin Cathedral behind her.
For months, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has called for the removal of the church’s leader, Catholicos Karekin II – one of his most prominent critics – alleging that he fathered a child against his vow of celibacy.
Security forces in the South Caucasus country last year detained more than a dozen clergymen, including influential Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, as well as billionaire opposition figure Samvel Karapetyan, accusing some of them of plotting to overthrow Pashinyan – charges they reject.
The arrests have rattled Armenia, a deeply Christian nation of three million people bordering Iran and Turkey, and put Pashinyan on a collision course with one of the country’s most venerated institutions ahead of elections in June.
“Government agencies are making unnecessary statements, interfering unnecessarily, and making obscene remarks about the Catholicos,” said Sargsyan, who works as an academic.
“After recent clashes, the Catholicos’s role has become even stronger, his patriotism and love for the people have become even more noticeable.”
The Catholicos called on Pashinyan to resign following Armenia’s military defeat to Azerbaijan in 2020, while Archbishop Galstanyan led mass street protests against Pashinyan’s rule four years later.
When asked about divisions in Armenian society, priests at the church sided with their leadership.
“The church is that link which embraces everyone in a warm hug,” said Hovhanes Avetisyan, a deacon from the city of Armavir.
“Our aims are always constructive: not to repay evil with evil, but instead to sow love and preach peace.”
Trading barbs
Pashinyan and his supporters suggest the church is aligned with Russia, and that the opposition would lead Armenia into another war with Azerbaijan.
The opposition accuses Pashinyan of democratic backsliding and attempting to dismantle the church’s independence.
The government has also accused the church of corruption, and says it is in need of reform, an assertion the church has called a pretext to take it over.
Pashinyan rose to power on the back of a 2018 popular revolution, and has often portrayed himself as a man of the people.
But his popularity has waned in recent years, following a string of military defeats against neighbouring Azerbaijan.
Only around 20 percent of Armenians trust the 50-year-old, although that is still higher than any other politician in the post-Soviet country, a poll conducted in February by the International Republican Institute showed.
‘Political prisoner’
After billionaire opposition leader Samvel Karapetyan – a major donor to the church – was arrested on suspicion of plotting a coup, his nephew Narek Karapetyan took the mantle of running his election campaign.
He told AFP that his uncle was now a “political prisoner” and accused the government of persecuting religious leaders.
“This year, last year, it was a terrible time for our democracy,” Narek Karapetyan said. “We have clerics, we have archbishops in jail.”
“They said that there are some issues in our state policy that are not right. And they were taken to jail.”
Yerevan and the end of Europe’s comfortable politics
Created in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the European Political Community (EPC) was designed…
5 minutes
Pashinyan denies Armenia has political prisoners and in April suggested Samvel Karapetyan – who holds Russian, Cypriot and Armenian citizenship – was a “foreign agent”.
He has pledged to renounce his non-Armenian citizenships to be eligible for office in the June elections.
‘The church needs reform’
Pashinyan kicked off his election campaign in the city of Gyumri in April, smiling for selfies with supporters and playing the drums on stage.
He was surrounded by a large security detail, which did not allow AFP reporters to approach him.
His supporters have rallied behind his campaign on the church.
“The majority of the people believe that our Apostolic Holy Church needs reform,” said Milena Aslanyan, a 27-year-old linguist and Pashinyan supporter.
“This is not convenient for the so-called opposition forces because these forces were sent by another country,” she said, in an apparent reference to Russia.
Norayr Saakyan, a 55-year-old shoemaker wearing a hat bearing the logo of Pashinyan’s re-election campaign, was also critical of the church.
“Some priests portray themselves as saints, but we see they are not,” he said.
“Nikol Pashinyan is simply pointing this out.”
(cm)
—