—Anna Vardanyan, political journalist and researcher, former advisor to the Vice Speaker of the Parliament of Armenia, and accredited journalist at the Constitutional Court of Armenia
Armenia’s constitutional reform debate is increasingly shaped by broader regional dynamics in the South Caucasus. At its core is the potential revision of references in the current text of the Armenian Constitution to the 1990 Declaration of Independence, now closely tied to normalization efforts with Azerbaijan and Turkey and the Washington-mediated peace process. In this context, constitutional change has become closely linked to questions of peace, regional order, and political continuity.
However, translating these strategic objectives into constitutional reform will depend not only on the regional diplomatic environment but also on the domestic political balance that emerged after Armenia’s 2026 parliamentary elections.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party secured a parliamentary victory in Armenia’s June 7, 2026 parliamentary elections but failed to obtain the constitutional majority needed to unilaterally amend the country’s Constitution. That outcome may complicate the government’s plans to adopt a new Constitution, a process Pashinyan has presented as necessary for Armenia’s institutional transformation and a new legal framework for state governance. Without the required two-thirds majority in parliament, the government would need to secure support from opposition lawmakers or rely on the constitutional procedures governing the adoption of a new Constitution, including a referendum if applicable, potentially slowing the reform agenda. Opposition forces have criticized the proposed constitutional overhaul, arguing that it could serve the government’s political interests rather than address Armenia’s deeper institutional challenges. The lack of a constitutional majority therefore leaves the future of the reform process uncertain. Although the government retains a parliamentary majority, it cannot unilaterally amend the Constitution and must instead seek support from opposition lawmakers or pursue constitutionally prescribed procedures requiring broader political legitimacy. Given the polarized political environment and the opposition’s resistance to revising the Constitution, constitutional change is likely to become one of the principal political challenges facing the new parliament.
Constitutional Principles and the Declaration of Independence
The current phase of constitutional discussion in Armenia is being driven as much by external strategic developments as by internal legal or institutional considerations. As the country engages in advanced peace negotiations with Azerbaijan—facilitated in part by Western actors—constitutional change is increasingly framed as a prerequisite for durable peace. Azerbaijan has called for the removal of constitutional language referencing Armenia’s 1990 Declaration of Independence. The Armenian Constitution’s preamble refers explicitly to the Declaration of Independence, adopted on August 23, 1990. That Declaration includes references to the Armenian SSR’s reunification with Nagorno-Karabakh, which Azerbaijan interprets as a territorial claim.
The removal of the reference to the Declaration of Independence does not, as a matter of law, necessarily require the adoption of a new Constitution. Nevertheless, the Armenian authorities have framed this change as part of a broader constitutional reform culminating in the adoption of a new Constitution, which, under the existing constitutional framework, is subject to approval by a nationwide referendum.
This would go beyond a symbolic amendment, reshaping the state’s foundational narrative. While the preamble does not establish directly enforceable norms, it guides constitutional interpretation and reflects core values, so its revision would carry both symbolic and interpretive weight. The issue has gained urgency amid renewed peace negotiations and external diplomatic pressure, potentially signaling a shift in the expressing of Armenia’s constitutional identity from historically rooted claims toward a more forward-looking, state-centric identity. Proponents argue that such a change would align the Constitution with Armenia’s current international obligations and facilitate peace. Critics, however, warn that it risks eroding national identity and conceding to external pressure without sufficient guarantees in return.
Inclusivity and Democratic Legitimacy
Within Armenia, constitutional reform has been discussed intermittently since the 2015 transition to a parliamentary system. However, the current phase is distinct in both urgency and framing. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has suggested the need for a “new constitution” that reflects contemporary realities, including post-war conditions and evolving regional relations. Later, he also indicated that his political force favors excluding references to the Declaration of Independence from a new Constitution, characterizing the document not as a foundation of statehood but as a source of prolonged conflict and dependency.
At the same time, the constitutional reform process has generated significant concerns regarding inclusivity and transparency. No official draft has been made public, constraining informed public debate and limiting broader societal engagement. While the authorities have indicated that a constitutional referendum is envisaged following the parliamentary elections, no clear timeline has been established, and any draft would first need to secure a two-thirds majority in parliament. According to the Ministry of Justice, the text has already been finalized and is currently under review within the ruling party, yet it is still deemed not ready for publication, with no detailed explanation provided for the delay or for when it might be disclosed. This absence is particularly striking given Armenia’s past constitutional reforms, such as those in 2005 and 2015, which—despite criticism—at least involved published drafts and formalized consultation processes.
The lack of a publicly available draft undermines the participatory dimension of constitution-making, which is widely regarded as essential to democratic legitimacy (see, for example, International IDEA’s guidelines on constitution-building). The exclusion of civil society, legal experts, and the wider public from meaningful engagement with the proposed text undermines democratic legitimacy. In Armenia, limited consultation further risks eroding trust in the process itself. While inclusive constitution-making typically involves expert drafting, public debate, parliamentary discussion, and referendums, the legitimacy of any popular vote will depend on prior deliberation.
Geopolitical Context: Peace Process and External Actors
The current constitutional debate in Armenia cannot be understood in isolation from the broader regional context. Following the 2020 war and subsequent developments, including Azerbaijan’s reassertion of control over Nagorno-Karabakh, the balance of power in the South Caucasus has shifted significantly.
Recent peace negotiations—some mediated in Washington—have emphasized mutual recognition of territorial integrity and the normalization of relations. Reports and analyses suggest that Azerbaijan has made constitutional changes in Armenia a key demand, particularly the removal of language perceived as irredentist. Turkey, for its part, has linked normalization with Armenia to progress in Armenia–Azerbaijan relations. Its strategic interest lies in opening regional transport corridors and consolidating its influence in the South Caucasus, often in coordination with Azerbaijan.
The United States has emerged as an increasingly active mediator, promoting a peace agreement that would stabilize the region and reduce Russian influence. In this context, constitutional reform in Armenia is seen not only as a domestic adjustment but as a signal of commitment to a new regional order.
Implications for the Regional Order
If successful, Armenia’s constitutional reform could facilitate a peace agreement, normalize relations with neighbors, and contribute to regional stability. It could also redefine Armenia’s position in the South Caucasus, potentially opening new economic and diplomatic opportunities.
However, the long-term stability of such an arrangement depends on mutual trust and reciprocal commitments. If reforms are perceived as one-sided concessions, they may generate domestic backlash and undermine sustainability.
Moreover, the role of external actors raises questions about the future balance of power.
A U.S.-mediated settlement may shift the region’s geopolitical orientation, but its durability will depend on local ownership and implementation.
Constitution-Making as Diplomacy
One of the most striking features of the current process is the transformation of constitution-making into a tool of foreign policy. Traditionally, constitutions are expressions of popular sovereignty, reflecting internal consensus. In Armenia’s case, however, external expectations appear to be shaping the agenda.
This raises important normative questions. Can a constitution retain legitimacy if it is perceived as externally driven? Comparative experience suggests that externally influenced constitutional processes—such as those in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement) or Kosovo—often face long-term challenges related to ownership and legitimacy.
At the same time, proponents argue that Armenia’s situation is unique. Given the security environment and the need for peace, aligning constitutional language with international norms may be both pragmatic and necessary.
Yet, regardless of the competing arguments surrounding the reform, its implementation will ultimately hinge on whether it secures sufficient public legitimacy through the referendum process. This raises a key question for Armenia’s political future: what would happen if voters reject the proposed changes?
Scenarios: What If the Referendum Fails?
A failed referendum would have significant implications. Domestically, it could weaken the government’s authority and deepen political polarization. It might also signal public resistance to perceived concessions, particularly if the reforms are framed as externally imposed.
From a geopolitical perspective, failure could complicate the peace process. Azerbaijan may interpret it as a lack of commitment, potentially delaying or derailing negotiations. External mediators, including the United States, could face credibility challenges if agreements they support are not ratified domestically.
One possible scenario is a repeat referendum following revisions to the proposed text, an option that the Armenian Prime Minister has not ruled out. This approach has precedents in other countries, but it carries risks of reform fatigue and further polarization. Alternatively, the government could attempt incremental reforms, though this may not satisfy external expectations.
Regional Comparisons
Comparative examples from the South Caucasus offer useful insights. Georgia’s constitutional reforms, particularly those in 2017–2018, were domestically driven but also influenced by European integration goals. Azerbaijan, by contrast, has used constitutional amendments—such as those in 2016—to consolidate executive power.
Armenia’s case is distinct in that constitutional reform is directly linked to a peace process. This creates both opportunities and risks. On one hand, it allows for a comprehensive rethinking of the state’s legal and political framework. On the other, it exposes the process to external pressures that may undermine its legitimacy.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Armenia’s constitutional reform debate illustrates how deeply intertwined domestic legal processes and international politics have become. What might once have been a technical discussion about constitutional design is now a central component of regional diplomacy.
To ensure legitimacy and sustainability, the government should first publish a draft text and enable broad public consultation, as transparency is key to building trust. Second, reforms should reflect not only external expectations but also a coherent vision for Armenia’s future. Third, any constitutional concessions should be balanced by clear guarantees in the peace agreement.
Finally, the sequencing of elections and constitutional reform must be carefully managed. The June 7, 2026 parliamentary elections served as a de facto test of public support for the government’s broader political and diplomatic agenda, including constitutional change. Ultimately, the success of constitutional reform will depend on its ability to balance legal coherence, democratic legitimacy, and geopolitical pragmatism. If managed carefully, it could mark a turning point in Armenia’s development and contribute to a more stable South Caucasus. If not, it risks becoming a source of internal division and external vulnerability.
Suggested citation: Anna Vardanyan, A Constitution at the Crossroads: Armenia’s Reform Debate in a Shifting South Caucasus, Int’l J. Const. L. Blog, Aug. 14, 2026, at: class=”gmail_default” st1yle=”font-family:tahoma,sans-serif”>
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Levon Aronian: The Armenian Art of Strategy, Time and Excellence
The grandmaster and ambassador of Jardins d’Arménie speaks about chess, family, Armenia, and why true mastery cannot be rushed
Armenia speaks to the world through a diverse tapestry of languages, each rich in history and nuance. Some are ancient, some contemporary, while others need no words at all: classical music, chess and Armenian Royal brandy.
Each embodies aspects of the Armenian spirit—memory, discipline, finesse, courage and the passage of time. In chess, few encapsulate this essence as profoundly as Levon Aronian.
A grandmaster distinguished by his creativity, Aronian belongs to an elite group of players whose games are celebrated not only for their outcomes but also for their artistry.
With two FIDE World Cup titles to his name, he has led Armenia to historic team victories and competed against some of the strongest players across generations.
Although he has represented the United States since 2021, his roots remain firmly planted in Armenia, evident in his language, musical tastes, circle of friends and cherished memories, as well as his sense of obligation to promote Armenian chess.
Today, Aronian continues his lifelong journey from tournament to tournament and country to country, moving from one chessboard to the next. He promises that soon he will be travelling to Switzerland before returning to the United States.
While the pace may be demanding, it has long become second nature to him.
Having started travelling at the age of nine, Aronian learned not only to adapt but also to embrace the experience.
“I learned to enjoy travel. I learned to detach myself from places and people in a certain way, and to discover different cultures. It has become such an essential part of my character that I cannot imagine not traveling.”
For a man who has spent much of his life away from home, the concept of home has become clearer rather than more complex. It transcends any single location; home is defined by family. Yet Armenia holds a unique significance—a cherished land imbued with warmth, language and childhood memories.
The Beginning: A Sister, a Board, and a Lifelong Game
Levon Aronian’s introduction to chess was not marked by the dramatic flair of a fairy tale. Instead, it unfolded at home, almost by chance.
At the age of eight and a half, he regularly pestered his older sister, who was more than six years his senior, to let him join her games with friends. To keep him entertained, she introduced him to chess. What began as a way to stave off childhood boredom soon became the focus of his life.
“I was eight and a half. My sister told me to play chess, and then I fell in love with the game. After that I needed opponents – and that is how it all began.”
Since Aronian’s early days on the board, the chess landscape has changed dramatically. Advances in computer technology have transformed preparation, calculation and the approach to risk embraced by young players.
While he acknowledges these changes, Aronian does not come across as a relic clinging to the past. Instead, he views the wisdom that comes with age as the ability to remain receptive.
“The most valuable thing you can learn with age is to keep an open mind. If you close yourself inside a little shell, that is not good. If you keep your mind open, if you spend time with young people, advising them and learning from them, then you continue to evolve.”
This mindset may help explain Aronian’s enduring relevance in the chess world. Rather than viewing the younger generation only as competitors, he studies and learns from them, drawing inspiration from their energy.
In an era of chess defined by technology, rapid play, psychology and calculated risks, he strives to embody the spirit of a “young thinker.”
“Chess has changed enormously. Because computers have become so strong, players try to keep some part of themselves in the game, and that creates more risky players and more desire in the younger generation. I try to learn from them. I am not stuck in the old ways. I try to remain a young thinker.”
Armenia, Music, Chess, and the World
Though Levon Aronian now competes under the American flag, Armenia continues to shape his worldview. Asked what he carries from his homeland, Aronian does not cite political ideologies but instead speaks about Armenian culture.
For him, music remains an enduring connection. In a society often marked by turmoil, he finds solace in the principles and cultural heritage that provide stability in his life.
“I have a certain set of principles, and I try to live by them. In a world of chaos, that keeps me sane. And probably music – I carry a lot of music from Armenia with me. I listen to Armenian music and try to stay in touch with my country and my culture in that way.”
This connection carries symbolism. Armenia has garnered global respect for contributions to art forms that take time to cultivate, including music, chess, brandy, craftsmanship and education. Each represents a commitment to discipline that cannot be rushed. They require patience and, in return, offer the reward of maturity.
For Aronian, chess has opened global doors, while Armenia has provided the inner dialogue to navigate them.
This is why his role as an ambassador for Jardins d’Arménie Royal Brandy goes beyond sponsorship; it reflects a cultural connection.
For Aronian, Armenian Royal brandy belongs to a realm steeped in patience, discipline and sophistication. Like chess, it requires time to develop its intricate layers. As with the age-old game, Armenian Royal brandy has gained international appreciation through its quality.
Jardins d’Arménie: Where Craftsmanship Meets Connection
In the realm of luxury brands, Aronian approaches partnerships with caution. Over the years, he has received numerous proposals but has prioritised meaningful human connections.
This principle guided him to Jardins d’Arménie Royal Brandy in collaboration with Pogossian Luxury Brand House. The link was Armen Pogossian, the House’s owner, whom Aronian regards as an engaging, well-educated and thoughtful individual. Their friendship fostered a partnership based on shared values and mutual respect.
“Throughout my career, I received many offers to represent different brands, but I am normally very selective and cautious. It had to be someone I could connect with. With Armen, that connection came early. I understood that he is an interesting, broadly educated and thinking person, and that made a big difference.”
Recently, Aronian showcased the brand’s international footprint at the Monte-Carlo Television Festival, where Jardins d’Arménie Royal Brandy partnered as a Crystal Partner. The event attracted global guests from television, cinema, media and culture, with Prince Albert II of Monaco attending the festivities.
For Aronian, the essence of the brand’s success goes beyond the design of its bottle or the narrative behind it. The true test, he says, comes when people taste the product.
“You can tell a thousand stories about your product, describe it in a million words and have a beautiful bottle. But at the end of the day, a person opens the bottle and tries what is inside. What I witnessed personally is how good the product is, and how special the experience is. That is why people respect it.”
Looking ahead, Aronian is optimistic about the future of Jardins d’Arménie, citing its authenticity and craftsmanship. With its Armenian roots, global aspirations and distinct character, the brand is positioned for continued success.
“I think the future of what Jardins d’Arménie represents is very hopeful. It is already a great success, but it will become bigger. The main reason is that it is a unique product.”
The next move
In competitive chess, Levon Aronian stands out not only for his skills on the board but also for the life he leads away from it. He frequently speaks about the value he places on family life.
Travelling together, celebrating his wife’s resurgence in her music career—writing songs and performing globally—and spending time with his daughter, Aronian has combined his personal and professional lives. For him, happiness fuels his passion for chess and supports a mindset focused on growth and learning.
Aronian is also committed to nurturing the next generation of talent. Alongside fellow Armenian grandmasters and friends, he is currently mentoring a promising 13-year-old.
“We are always looking for new talents to support. Right now we are supporting one boy. He is thirteen years old and very talented.”
When reflecting on how he wishes to be remembered, Aronian looks beyond titles and accolades, emphasising a desire to be of service. His journey through chess has taught him that determination and perseverance can create opportunities, both in the game and in life.
“I would like to be remembered in the sense that, if I made the world even slightly better, that is enough. I am not looking for any special legacy. One thing I learned from chess is that if you fight and put in the hours, you always have a chance.”
This philosophy reflects the values he associates with Armenia: the pursuit of excellence, humility, ambition and an appreciation of memories without being defined by the past.
Aronian remains a prominent voice for Armenia on the global stage, linking chess with creativity, competition and culture.
Similarly, Jardins d’Arménie and Pogossian Luxury Brand House seek to convey the narrative that Armenian craftsmanship, like chess, has a place on the world stage, reflecting confidence and pride.
At first glance, chess and the crafting of fine brandy may appear to occupy different realms. Yet both are disciplines nurtured by time and patience, gaining richness as they mature.
Together, they serve as a reminder that Armenia’s achievements are not solely defined by scale, but also by elegance, courage and mastery.
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‘We have proved that Armenia is not a province, but a crossroads’ — Pashinyan
‘Even if nuclear power plant is shut down, Armenia will not face serious probl
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Armenians and WCC condemn trial of Karekin II
13 August 2026
Government is bringing ‘fabricated cases’ against Church, declares leader
THE Catholicos of All Armenians, Karekin II, has rejected as “unfounded and unjust” accusations against him, after he was put on trial for allegedly obstructing a court order.
“The Armenian Church is the spiritual cradle and sanctuary of every Armenian and the unshakable fortress of our people’s faith,” Karekin II said. “Steps are now being taken by the authorities and government structures to damage the Church’s authority, limit its autonomy, and subordinate it to their will — to transform the perception of national identity, cherished sacred symbols, and memories for temporary political expediency.”
The message circulated as a new judge was appointed on Tuesday to preside at the trial of Karekin II and six archbishops from the Church’s Supreme Spiritual Council, four days after a previous judge withdrew, citing a conflict of interests.
Karekin II said that he believed his Church was being persecuted, as “illegal and fabricated criminal cases” were brought against its clergy and benefactors. He thanked public figures in Armenia and abroad who were “steadfastly and zealously” defending it in the face of “provocations and deceitful schemes”.
Armenian Church leaders have accused the liberal government of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, currently negotiating accession to the European Union, of conceding too much under a peace deal brokered by the US in 2025 to end the longstanding territorial conflict with neighbouring Azerbaijan. Government officials have retaliated by harassing and arresting supporters of Karekin II, and backing dissident bishops who are demanding his resignation.
The trial of the Catholicos, who is barred from travelling abroad, began last Friday at Vagharshapat, close to his Etchmiadzin see, on charges that he and the six archbishops ignored a court ruling in January ordering the reinstatement of Bishop Gevorg Saroyan, who was dismissed and defrocked after calling for Karekin’s ousting.
Supporters insist secular courts have no jurisdiction over internal church matters and say that the criminal proceedings violate the constitutional separation of Church and State.
Human-rights groups have also condemned the trial as politically motivated and part of a crackdown on critics of Mr Pashinyan, whose Civil Contract Party won a landslide in elections in June, which international observers said were impaired.
In a statement issued last weekend, the World Council of Churches paid tribute to the Armenian Church’s “vital role” both at home and in “the wider Christian community”, and voiced concern at the latest “undue interference in inner church matters”.
Support for Karekin II has come from Armenian communities worldwide, including the Armenian diocese of Great Britain and Ireland, which said that anti-Church actions risked “weaking one of the nation’s oldest and most trusted institutions” and impeding the Church’s “spiritual mission” to Armenian communities worldwide.
“The Armenian constitution recognises the Apostolic Church’s unique mission and guarantees freedom of religion and the Church’s internal self-governance,” the diocese said last weekend.
“We respectfully call for wisdom, restraint, and mutual respect, and for all legal proceedings to uphold the principles of judicial independence, due process, and religious freedom.”
In a 2022 census, 90 per cent of Armenia’s three million citizens claimed to belong to the Church, which dates from the early fourth century. Karekin II, who is 74, has been the Catholicos since 1999.
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Armenian opposition accuses government of adjusting new constitution to Azerba
Despite not having the numbers in parliament to amend the constitution, Armenia’s ruling Civil Contract party has confirmed that the new constitution would not reference the Declaration of Independence — an Azerbaijani precondition for the signing of the peace treaty. The opposition has accused Civil Contract of rewriting Armenia’s founding document at Baku’s demand.
Armenia’s constitution references the Declaration of Independence in its preamble, which in turn was ‘based’ on a joint decision made by Soviet Armenia’s Supreme Council and the Nagorno-Karabakh National Council on the ‘reunification’ of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan has repeatedly demanded that the constitution be changed to remove that clause, and has said no peace treaty can be signed until then.
Civil Contract does not have the number of seats needed to launch a constitutional referendum.
During Wednesday’s session, Civil Contract MP Arusyak Julhakyan, who also serves on the Constitutional Council, which is tasked with drafting a new constitution, confirmed the Declaration of Independence would be removed.
She did not clarify if the council that was established by Pashinyan in 2025 had already discussed or voted on that matter. Other Council members refused to talk about it, saying they have not seen the text of the draft yet. The government has said that it still intends to publish the full text by the end of the year.
Kristine Vardanyan, an opposition MP from Armenia Alliance, criticised the initiative, saying that the whole process is to make a constitution tailored for Aliyev.
‘Pashinyan accused all previous governments of tailoring the constitution to fit them; he initiated tailoring the constitution to Aliyev’s taste, but he wants to make you his accomplices’, said Vardanyan, addressing Civil Contract MP’s.
The head of the Armenia Alliance faction, Anna Grigoryan, reiterated that Civil Contract lacked the mandate to push it through — Civil Contract holds only 64 seats, short of the 70 required for a two-thirds majority to put a new constitutional text to a referendum — arguing that voters did not endorse constitutional change in the June elections.
The leader of the Strong Armenia faction, Narek Karapetyan, was more direct, comparing the removal of the reference to burning the country’s birth certificate.
In response to the criticism and lack of mandate, Civil Contract MP Eduard Aghajanyan defended their move, stating that the party’s public positioning to end the ‘Karabakh movement’, coupled with their electoral victory, demonstrated that voters support the change.
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I am convinced that in the near future there will also be exports from Armenia
I am convinced that in the near future there will also be exports from Armenia to Azerbaijan, Pashinyan said this in a conversation with journalists, answering the question that only imports are currently being carried out.
“Yes, there is an agenda regarding reciprocal trade,” the Prime Minister said.
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Iraq, Armenia mark 7 August in memory of Simele Massacre and Sayfo Genocide vi
BAGHDAD / YEREVAN — Two painful events in the history of the Suraye (Chaldean–Syriac–Assyrian) people are marked on 7 August, namely the 1933 Simele Massacre in Iraq and the 1915 Sayfo Genocide, perpetrated against Suraye, Armenians, and Pontic Greeks by the Ottoman army and allied Kurdish tribes during World War I. On the occasion, calls have been renewed for official recognition of these tragedies, as well as for justice, the protection of diversity, and the promotion of peaceful coexistence.
In Iraq, Deputy Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament Farhad Amin Atrushi commemorated the victims of the Simele Massacre, which targeted members of the Suraye people in 1933, marking its 93rd anniversary.
Atrushi described the massacre as one of the most painful tragedies in Iraq’s modern history. He called for protecting the rights of the country’s various components, officially recognizing the massacre, and promoting the values of justice and citizenship in a manner that contributes to preserving Iraq’s diversity and preventing the recurrence of such tragedies.
In Armenia, the opposition Strong Armenia bloc in the Armenian National Assembly also marked 7 August as a day of remembrance for the victims of the Sayfo Genocide.
Strong Armenia bloc lawmaker Andranik Gevorgyan and Assyrian-origin MP Arman Avshian laid a wreath at a memorial dedicated to the victims of the Sayfo Genocide and paid tribute to their memory.
The bloc said the commemoration recalls the events of 1915, alleging that the Ottoman Empire burned around 3,000 Suraye alive inside churches, destroyed approximately 100 villages, and killed between 500,000 and 750,000 people, while also deporting tens of thousands of Suraye.
Read Also: Three Suraye parties coordinate on land rights, political partnership, and Baritle (Bartella) protest
The commemoration comes amid renewed calls for recognition of the massacres and genocides suffered by the Suraye people. Advocates say official recognition is essential to preserving historical memory, advancing justice and accountability, and helping prevent the recurrence of mass atrocities against ethnic and religious communities.
The dual commemoration also underscores the continuing efforts of Suraye organizations and political representatives to secure recognition of the community’s historical suffering and to promote the protection of its rights, identity, and presence in its ancestral homeland.
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Meta says it has taken down 756,000 Australian teen accounts as ban enforcemen
Facebook and Instagram owner Meta said on Thursday it had taken down more than 750,000 accounts it suspected were held by Australians aged under 16 since a world-first ban on teen accounts, and promised more action in the face of possible regulatory intervention, Reuters reported.
The company said it had deactivated 462,000 suspect Instagram accounts and 294,000 suspect Facebook accounts from just before the Australian social media ban went live in December to June, up from 331,000 Instagram accounts and 173,000 Facebook accounts it said it had removed by January.
The world’s largest social media company has said it wants to comply with a law it and other platforms have vocally opposed, just as Australia’s internet regulator considers an enforcement lawsuit against platforms, including some that Meta owns, that it says have failed to take sufficient steps to comply with the law.
No other platforms have released compliance data that matches the date range given by Meta, but Australian government figures and multiple independent studies have shown more than eight in 10 under-16s were still on social media in the ban’s first three months, according to Reuters.
The Australian government proposed the landmark law, which came into force on December 10, on concerns about social media’s impact on the physical and mental health of children and young teens.
With other countries around the world considering similar age-restrictions, Australia has accused the platforms of intentionally setting the ban up to fail, and has introduced a law to double the maximum penalty for non-compliance to A$99 million ($69.75 million) and give the regulator greater document discovery powers.
Representatives of Meta, TikTok, YouTube owner Google and Snap’s Snapchat are scheduled to give evidence in a parliamentary inquiry about the changes on Friday, as are regulatory and government officials.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Bulgaria’s Burgas to host Eurovision Song Contest 2027
The European Broadcasting Union (EBU) and Bulgarian National Television (BNT) revealed that Burgas has been selected to host the 71st Eurovision Song Contest in May 2027.
Bulgaria’s Black Sea city Burgas will welcome artists, delegations, fans, journalists and millions of viewers from around the world for three spectacular live shows on Tuesday 11 May, Thursday 13 May and Saturday 15 May 2027, EBU said in a press release.
The Contest will be staged at Bulgaria’s newest sports and entertainment venue, Arena Burgas, which was opened in 2023.
A full schedule of activities will take place around the Contest in Burgas during Eurovision week. More details about Eurovision Village, EuroClub and the wider cultural and entertainment programme will be revealed in the coming weeks and months.
BNT and Burgas will host the Contest following DARA’s historic victory for Bulgaria at the Eurovision Song Contest 2026 in Vienna with “Bangaranga”, securing the country’s first-ever Eurovision win and bringing the Contest to Bulgaria for the first time.
The Grand Final of the 71st Eurovision Song Contest will take place on Saturday 15 May, with two Semi-Finals on Tuesday 11 and Thursday 13 May.
Bulgaria’s 4th largest city is known for its beaches, parks, cultural life and vibrant summer events. The city has built a strong reputation for hosting music, arts and international cultural festivals, and its location will offer Eurovision fans a very unique setting for the world’s largest live music event.
Burgas was selected following a competitive Host City process involving four Bulgarian cities. A dedicated international working group comprising representatives of BNT and the EBU, together with international experts who have worked on the Eurovision Song Contest in recent years, reviewed the submitted documentation, visited the proposed venues, held additional meetings with the municipal teams and conducted numerous working sessions throughout the evaluation process.
The assessment examined the proposed venues, technical and production requirements, local infrastructure, accommodation, transport and the ability of each city to welcome the thousands of artists, delegations, production staff, journalists and fans who will travel to Bulgaria for the Contest.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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