Category: News

KOCHARIAN CONCERNED OVER INCREASING NUMBER OF GAS INCIDENTS
ArmenPress
Dec 23 2004
YEREVAN, DECEMBER 23, ARMENPRESS: Concerned with the growing number
of fatal incidents caused by natural gas leaks president Robert
Kocharian called today a working meeting with senior officials of
bodies authorized to supervise the safety of gas use.
Kocharian’s press office said the president has instructed relevant
government agencies to combine efforts to prevent use of poorly
installed homemade gas heaters and illegal connection to municipal
gas pipes.
A man, his wife and 7-year-old child were asphyxiated by a natural gas
leak in a rural Armenian village, emergency officials said Wednesday –
the third such incident of gas poisoning in Armenia this month.
Officials were investigating the incident, which took place in
the southern village of Brnakot in Syunik, but said preliminary
information showed that a poorly installed homemade gas heater and
an illegal connection to municipal gas pipes were to blame.
Last week, a family of five died in the town of Etchmiadzin. Two days
later, a gas leak killed two people in the town of Gyumri.

i-newswire Press Release
Dec 24 2004
Dr. Kassabian announced the three finalists in the “Most Armenian
Nose Contest”, the contest was called “The Biggest Nose” or “The Most
Crooked Nose.
i-Newswire, 2004-12-24 – There is a new wrinkle in the world’s
growing fascination with youth and beauty. Garo Kassabian, MD
acclaimed board-certified plastic surgeon of Beverly Hills, headed up
the judging and surgical team in the Armenian version of Extreme
Makeover (WCVB, Ch. 5).
Just returning from Yerevan, Armenia’s capital city; Kassabian
announced the three finalists in the “Most Armenian Nose Contest”,
won free cosmetic surgery donated by him and his team as the top
prize. Staged as a publicity campaign and fundraiser for a new
surgery wing at Saint Nerses the Great Hospital, Kassabian sat on a
panel of renowned artists and show business personalities and judged
what was believed to be the most outstanding female and male nose in
the country. Dr. Kassabian also volunteered to perform substantial
reductions to the three unseemly proboscises.
“It’s human nature to want to improve on what Mother Nature has given
you,” states Kassabian. Garo subscribes to a credo that in cosmetic
surgery “less is more” with less invasive, mini procedures performed
at a younger age. The philosophy “looking good, feels goods” has been
the cornerstone of his successful practice established in 2000.
Kassabian’s comprehensive health and beauty center features water
fountains and a bamboo stand on a penthouse terrace, a dermatological
day spa and an on premise surgery theater in the heart of Beverly
Hill’s Golden Triangle.
The three contestants were chosen from photos that were submitted
through a massive outreach in newspapers, magazines, word-of-mouth
and onsite visitations to Saint Nerses Hospital. Within a week after
the competition was announced 200 contestants had nosed their way in
with thirty new applicants daily.
At its inception the contest was called “The Biggest Nose” or “The
Most Crooked Nose”. The organizers soon realized the pejorative tone
of those titles and decided to adopt the practically patriotic
slogan, “the Most Armenian Nose”. “About 80 percent of the
contestants were women,” states Narineh Aslanyan, the Hospital’s
spokesperson. “It was a new and fresh idea. There had never been a
contest like this in the region and, as far as we knew, there had
never been a similar contest anywhere in the world.” The question
most frequently asked by the applicants was “Whether their ‘most
Armenian nose’ would be made public.” Aslanyan replied, “While he
would take the winning contestant’s privacy into account, in order to
bolster contributions for the cause there were plans to show the
‘before’ and ‘after’ photos on television. Photos available on
Request.
One of the primary criteria in the selection process of the “Most
Armenian Nose” was choosing a nose that had little or no
compatibility with the face it graced,” commented Kassabian. In the
case of the three finalists, the size and stature of their noses had
become a hindrance, some even would call hideous. The winning male
contestant’s nose had in fact been broken in five places. The average
cost of rhinoplastey surgery in Yerevan is about $350-400 compared to
$8,000 in the United States, making such procedures a luxury beyond
average means.
It appears reasonable that the nose, a symbol of dignity and respect
in many societies throughout antiquity, should be among the first and
a recurring subject in the history of plastic and reconstructive
surgery. Kassabian commented that reshaping the “Most Armenian Nose”
involved complementing characteristics normally associated with
Armenian beauty – the broad forehead, big almond eyes, and expressive
eyebrows. Kassabian not only volunteered all of his travel expenses
but also performed the three surgeries as a contribution to bettering
the winning candidates’ lives and raising funds for the Hospital. In
fact the contest garnered sufficient capital to begin construction on
the wing with completion projected in 2005.
The top finalist was an aspiring performer who claimed the new look
gave him confidence to seek out a dream job as a TV spokesperson. He
edged out his competition by a nose. So to answer the question “would
their “new nose” be made public? In the case of the winner, it was a
resounding “Yes!” and by choice. Kassabian’s mastery of the technique
“Not only radically improved their overall appearance, but it helped
them breathe better. His benevolent cosmetic surgery was the key to
their better looks, self-confidence and health. Dr. Kassabian can be
found at
Submitted by: Cristiane Roget and Andrea
–Boundary_(ID_Vg2UxcQI72yvrQL+r7t/QQ)–

Israel Hasbara Committee
Dec 24 2004
JNF Gives Free Xmas Trees to Israel’s Christian Population
Christman Celebrations Begin
By Mayaan Jaffe
In Jerusalem Thursday morning (23 December 2004), the municipality
distributed free Xmas trees to members of the Christian community.
The trees were provided by the forestry department of the Jewish
National Fund. They were cut as part of seasonal thinning of new
growth forest.
Christmas Eve celebrations by Roman Catholic, Anglican and Protestant
communities will begin Friday. The Greek-Orthodox and Eastern
churches that still use the old Julian calendar will celebrate the
holiday on 7 January. The Armenian Orthodox community will observe
the holiday on 19 January.
The date of 25 December as Christmas is the result of attempts among
the earliest Christians to figure out the date of Jesus’ birth.
The Julian calendar was created in 45 B.C.E. under Julius Caesar. 25
December on the Julian calendar is 7 January on the Western calendar.
Armenians believe Jesus’ birthday should be celebrated on the same
day as his baptism, which is 6 January. By the Julian calendar this
date would fall on the Western calendar’s 19 January.

‘Vodka’s’ not quite pink lemonade
By Gary Arnold
Washington Times
Dec 24 2004
“Vodka Lemon,” opening exclusively at the Landmark E Street Cinema
tomorrow, looms as a marginal outreach project for novelty-seeking
art-house patrons. Absorbed in the texture of life in a snowbound,
impoverished and essentially disheartening village somewhere in
Kurdish Armenia, the movie is deficient in dramatic incident and
variety, stimulating social observation or lively character
interplay.
The work of a Kurdish Iraqi exile named Hineer Saleem, who left
his homeland 20 years ago and now resides in Paris, the movie
attempts to generate whimsical and even hopeful notes of humor
despite a setting that favors the static and morose. The title
alludes to a roadside tavern that seems to deal exclusively in
bottles of Vodka Lemon, presumably a fortifier along trackless
wastes. Actually, it’s more in the nature of an open-air counter,
similar to a roadside produce stand.
The boss of the watering hole arrives at one point to inform his
bundled-up waitress, a middle-aged widow named Nina (Lala
Sarkissian), that business is too slow to justify her employment.
This doesn’t come as a total surprise, bearing in mind the adage
“location, location, location.”
A lugubrious matchmaker, Mr. Saleem intends Nina as a potential
companion for a somewhat older widower named Hamo (Romen Avinian), a
white-haired former soldier who seems to be selling off all his
remaining possessions while awaiting financial assistance in vain
from a son who has migrated to France. Another son, evidently beyond
hope as a donor, is said to live in Samarkand. A sullen third
specimen called Dilovan (Ivan Franck) is in camera range; he still
lives in the village, nursing grievances about the fixer who has
promised to arrange a job somewhere in the vast reaches of the former
Soviet empire.
Hamo is wistful about the departure of the Russians, who at least
kept up the dole. We observe that he is a less-than-wily bargainer
when putting his own goods up for grabs: a wardrobe, a Soviet
television monitor and an old uniform go for about 20 percent of his
initial asking price. Hamo and Nina often share a bus ride during
daily trips to the cemetery, obviously a symbolic as well as a
picturesquely bleak landmark.
There are amusing deadpan details, particularly the local
fondness for posting chairs outside in order to share a nice cold
sit, smoke and, on rare occasions, chat. A drafty-looking community
center allows some shelter for socializing, but the liveliest
communal activity appears to be waiting for Hamo to get a call from
Paris. A small herd of sheep is linked metaphorically to the docile
populace, and an enigmatic horseman does four or five enigmatic
ride-throughs.
Ultimately, Mr. Saleem wraps up this tour of stagnating
small-town Armenia by playing the magic realism card. Nina, Hamo and
her piano share a wistful vigil on the side of the road before
hitting the road, in a physically impossible way. Still, the mobility
itself is encouraging. The resale value of their hometown looks nil.
A getaway could be just the ticket. Maybe Paris is in the market for
piano duets.
**
TITLE: “Vodka Lemon”
RATING: No MPAA Rating (adult subject matter, with fleeting
violence and sexual allusions)
CREDITS: Written and directed by Hiner Saleem. Cinematography by
Christophe Pollock. Production design by Albert Hamarash. Music by
Michel Korb. In Armenian, Kurdish, Russian and French with English
subtitles
RUNNING TIME: 88 minutes
WEB SITE:
MAXIMUM RATING: FOUR STARS

‘Vodka Lemon’: A Warm Glance at Life on the Rocks
By Ann Hornaday, Washington Post Staff Writer
Washington Post
Dec 24 2004
If “Vodka Lemon” conjures images of tonic cocktails served against a
sun-splashed backdrop, think again. This wry romantic comedy from
writer-director Hiner Saleem is set against a snowscape of such vast
desolation that it makes Monday’s cold snap seem like the doggiest
days of August.
Set in post-Soviet Armenia, “Vodka Lemon” dispenses with the usual
conventions of most holiday films at the multiplex. Indeed, it’s
amusing to imagine how this almost defiantly quirky film might be
pitched in the bowels of Culver City: “It’s a love story about people
who are poor, disenfranchised and almost completely without hope!
With a cast of complete unknowns! In Armenian!”
An old man has a strange way of going to a funeral in Hiner Saleem’s
quirky “Vodka Lemon.” (New Yorker Films)
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It also works, thanks in large part to those unknowns. Romen Avinian
plays a sixtyish widower named Hamo who lives in an impoverished
unnamed village with his alcoholic son and voluptuous granddaughter.
Playing a man whose haggard sense of defeat belies still robust
appetites, Avinian provides the ballast in an ensemble cast playing a
motley crew of characters, villagers whose chronic shifts between
hope and resignation have congealed into a permanent state of
suspended animation.
The good news is that they’re free of the Russian boot, which is
precisely the bad news: Without state subsidies, these scrappy
survivors must now carve a precarious existence out of anything at
hand — selling their own meager belongings on the gray market (“Does
it work or does it really work?” a buyer asks Hamo about a television
that really doesn’t), or providing the local aperitif of choice at
the open-air outpost from which the movie takes its title.
That rickety boite’s shy, shivering barkeep would be Nina (Lala
Sarkissian), a middle-aged beauty whom Hamo meets at the cemetery
where both come to visit their late spouses’ graves. Saleem takes his
time getting the two together; first he puts them in any number of
absurdist vignettes designed to convey both the bleakness of the
Armenians’ lot and the tough humor with which they confront it. These
scenes are sometimes orchestrated with a self-consciousness that’s a
bit too precious (Saleem, an exiled Iraqi Turk, started out as a
painter and poet, and it shows). But many of them have the
existential whimsy of Ionesco. (Indeed, one of the film’s visual
leitmotifs recalls Ionesco’s play “The Chairs”; this is a village
where nearly everyone carries his or her own, whether to plop down
for an impromptu drink or, more likely, wait for a bus that always
arrives, eventually.)
The sense of unrequited anticipation is finally resolved in an
improbably lush love scene set — where else? — on that very bus.
Saleem is too unsentimental to linger there for long; soon Hamo and
Nina are trudging through those same impenetrable snowdrifts. But
he’s just romantic enough to end “Vodka Lemon” on an impossibly
hopeful note — and on the cusp of what looks suspiciously like an
impending thaw.
Vodka Lemon (88 minutes, in Armenian, Russian and Kurdish with
English subtitles, at Landmark’s E Street Cinema) is not rated.
–Boundary_(ID_/N9DoYgDNlsGbHzTmDci+Q)–

Firebombing press freedom
By NIKOL PASHINYAN
Independent Bangladesh, Bangladesh
Dec 24 2004
Armenia
Late last month, while putting the finishing touches on the next
edition of our newspaper, Haykakan Zhamanak (The Armenian Times),
we heard an explosion outside our office. Staff members rushed to
find my car on fire. That explosion was not unanticipated – nor was
the announcement by Armenia’s police that the car had caught fire
due to technical problems. But the real problem is censorship, for
the explosion was but the latest offensive in Armenia’s hidden war
against the press. For us the battle for press freedom began in 1999,
soon after founding our newspaper, then named Oragir (Diary). It made
an instant impact, but not in the way we hoped. Throughout 1999 there
were more court cases against Oragir than against all other Armenian
media combined since independence in 1991.
In one case, the prosecutor’s office brought criminal charges against
me as editor-in-chief. I was accused of slandering an Armenian
political figure and of insulting a state official. As a result, the
court sentenced me to one year in prison. By a lucky twist, however,
on the day the court ruled, Lord Russell Johnston, Chairman of the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, was in Armenia. Lord
Johnston expressed his opinion about my case in his talks with the
authorities, which then decided not to send me to prison. I remained
free, only to be monitored by the police.
A second trial against our newspaper had worse consequences: a $25,000
fine (a huge sum here) based on allegations that we had damaged the
reputation of the Mika Armenia Company, controlled by the so-called
Karabakh clan that helps rule Armenia. The court’s verdict was based
on falsified documents. Following the verdict, bailiffs confiscated our
equipment, prohibited the publishing house from printing our newspaper,
and, most importantly, seized our business bank accounts, rendering
us unable to pay the fine. These events were initiated by a court
wrangle with Serzh Sargsyan, then the Minister of National Security
and Internal Affairs. We demanded an apology for his impugning our
paper’s reputation; he accused of us of libel. These manipulations
worked. Oragir was closed down, which forced us to appear under the
name Haykakan Zhamanak.
When my time under police supervision ended, the prosecutor’s office
quickly brought a new criminal case of slander against me. This time,
Armenia’s chief of civil aviation had sued me. Investigations lasted
several months, before pressure from international organisations and
public opinion forced the prosecutor to drop the charges. Later,
after his dismissal from his post, that same civil aviation chief
confessed that Armenian President Robert Kocharyan had advised
him to file his lawsuit. At a press conference just hours after my
car exploded, I announced my suspicion that the explosion had been
organised by Gagik Tsarukyan, an MP nicknamed “Dodi Gago” (“dod”
means stupid in Armenian) and one of the country’s richest men and a
close friend of the president’s family. Many Armenians believe that
Tsarukyan has carte blanche to do whatever he wants, when he wants.
Indeed, he even gets to write his own history. For although Gagik
Tsarukyan was convicted of a sexual crime in the Soviet era, two
years ago Armenia’s courts exonerated him by vacating the decision of
the Soviet court. Indeed, there is something of a taboo on writing
about Tsarukyan, and with good reason: not only is he rich, but
he also controls an army of obedient skinheads. Armenia frequently
sees skinheads attacking reporters covering opposition rallies and
once severely beating a leading opposition politician. Five years
ago, Tsarukyan himself led his thugs in a break-in at our office,
taking my staff hostage for several hours. Recently, after reading
some unflattering articles about him in our paper, Tsarukyan tried
to invite me to a meeting. I refused. Armenia’s paramount oligarch
fumed. He promised to punish me, and that he would act the next time
Haykakan Zhamanak criticised any well-known person. The car explosion
occurred the day after we rebuked Armenia’s Police Chief.
None of us are surprised that the police are unwilling to investigate
my car’s explosion. They began to do so only ten days later, when the
fire brigade stated that the fire was likely the result of an explosion
incited by “outside interference.” Such harassment is the everyday
stuff of journalism in what Vladimir Putin calls the “post-Soviet
space.” Armenia may have adopted in 1995 a new Constitution with fine
phrases about freedom of speech, but both the petty harassments and the
mortal threats of the Soviet era remain. Of course, we never believed
that press freedom would come easily. We understood from the start
that we would have to fight for it everyday. But we never imagined
the terrifying lengths to which the state – working hand-in-hand with
the new oligarchic rich – would go to defeat our cause.
We will not be defeated. An incinerated car is a small price to pay
in the battle for freedom.
The writer is Editor-in-chief of Haykakan Zhamanak, an independent
newspaper in Armenia.

BoxingTalk.com
Dec 24 2004
Rival Promoters Make Friendly Wager on Outcome of Vazquez vs.
Simonyan
Press release: Fight promoter Art Pelullo is a cigar-puffing
Philadelphia guy. He loves his Eagles, his Phillies and his pasta.
Artie is an Old School fight guy.
Fight promoter Glenn Quiroga is the New Breed of fight promoter. Only
age 26, Quiroga loves his Chargers, his Padres and his tacos and
enchiladas.
And with Quiroga’s International Boxing Federation junior
featherweight champion Israel Vazquez making his first title defense
Tuesday, Dec. 28, at the Sycuan Resort & Casino in El Cajon, Calif.,
against Pelullo’s Armenian tiger and No. 1-ranked contender Artyom
Simonyan, the rival promoters have agreed to disagree.
Quiorga, tribal treasurer for Sycuan and the head of Sycuan Ringside
Promotions, is putting his money where his mouth is, as is the
Pennsylvania-based boxing impresario.
They have agreed to disagree as to who will win this key showdown in
the 122-pound weight class.
“I see Israel knocking out Artyom in a late round,” Quiroga said. “I
am quietly confident in Israel. He will be out to shine like new
money at Sycuan.”
“Glenn is a nice fellow but he’s got a lot to learn,” Pelullo said.
“The Armenian tiger is going to light Mr. Vazquez up like I light up
my Cuban cigars. I would not be shocked to see Artyom stop Izzy in
the middle rounds. If not, my challenger will become champion by
decision. As the rounds go by, Artyom gets stronger and stronger.”
Wanna bet? Quiroga and Pelullo have done just that.
“I know that my Eagles are going to be playing in the Super Bowl in
Jacksonville (Florida) on February 6,” Pelullo said. “I think they
might even have to beat up on Glenn’s red-hot Chargers down there.
But, if Simonyan loses, I will guarantee Mr. Q two sideline tickets
for the Super Bowl regardless of which teams are squaring off. San
Diego is a nice city but they should stick to Over The Line beach
softball and sailing.”
Quiorga, while skeptical of any scenario that doesn’t have his
beloved ‘Bolts winning the Super Bowl this year, accepted the
challenge.
“What the heck is in Artie’s cigars?” Quiroga laughed. “He comes from
a town where they boo Santa Claus on Christmas Eve. The Eagles are
tough but the Chargers have gone from worst to first. So I accept
that bet and, if Vazquez loses, I will supply Artie with four
sideline Super Bowl seats. The way I see it, I will be there and
probably have some Eagles seated around me.”
Ouch!
The Sycuan card, aptly titled “Devastation On The Reservation,”
begins at 6 p.m. Tuesday with doors to the Sycuan Showcase Theatre
opening at 5:30. Plenty of good seats are available in the cozy
confines of the theatre at prices of $100, $200 and $250 for the
Golden Ringside premium seats.
There will be an exciting undercard featuring not one, but two female
bouts; three San Diego resident boxers will be in action as well.
More information and tickets may be obtained 24 hours a day by
phoning the Sycuan Resort & Casino at 619-445-6002 or 619-659-3380.
Tickets also may be purchased in person at the Sycuan Resort & Casino
gift shop.

Journal of Turkish Weekly
Dec 24 2004
Turkish Professor: Armenians Did Commit Genocide
Turkish History Institution President: Armenians Committed Genocide
The so-called Armenian Genocide allegation backed by France seems to
be the issue which will trouble Turkey most during the negotiation
process for full membership to the European Union (EU).
Turkey has stayed on the defensive against these allegations until
now, but Turkish History Foundation President Professor Yusuf
Halacoglu proposes to take action instead of remaining silent.
“Turkey should not avoid an open discussion on Armenian claims of
genocide.” said Halacoglu. He emphasized that many studies had been
conducted in the archives of several countries, and mostly in that of
the Ottoman Empire, but they have not turned up a single document or
record mentioning genocide. Halacoglu asked Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan to found a commission which includes social
scientists in order to conduct research regarding the so-called
genocide claims. Halacoglu says that if Turkey undertakes this study,
the opposition will retreat. Halacoglu argues that contrary to the
claims of genocide, in fact Armenians killed 519,000 Ottomans and
said that names, birthplaces, and the fathers’ names of those
murdered by Armenians were kept on record in one of the archives.
Professor Halacoglu wants Turkey to take precautionary measures
without any anxiety. As this issue will be repeatedly raised in the
EU membership negotiations, Turkey should deal with it now. Halacoglu
stresses: “Our state should tell the EU that we should handle this
issue on a level on which our historians and social scientists can
discuss it. We should also establish a commission to report on what
we find.”
The professor signified that the claims that 1.2 million were killed
are inconsistent as according to official documents and records the
Armenian population in the Ottoman Empire was only 1.5 million.
Halacoglu notes that the Western sources also show the same number
and says, “The US archives give the numbers for Armenian migrants who
fled to other countries after the Lousanne Treaty in 1925 as
1,299,000 for those who migrated to countries other than Turkey,
Greece and Armenia. According to Turkish population censuses, there
were 281,000 Armenians living in Turkey. If we add these we already
have 1,681,000 Armenians. If we include 60,000 in Greek camps and
25,000 who emigrated to the US, we have a total of 1,760,000. Taking
into account population increase this corresponds to the Ottoman
Empire’s figures. So how, then, can it be claimed that 1,200,000
Armenians were killed.”
Professor Halacoglu calculates the loss of life by Armenian emigrants
in 1915 as 80,000, who died mostly of diseases and attacks from
bandit groups. Pointing out that diseases were spread all around the
world at that time, Halacoglu says: “The Ottoman army’s lost 400,000
through diseases in the World War I while the US lost 500,000, and
Italy 278,000 in 1918. Similarly many European countries lost
hundreds of thousands during the World War I.” He refers to records
in Ottoman archives including warnings to travel in groups for
security, and the spending of large amount of money for drugs and
food despite the war conditions as clear indicators of Ottoman good
will.
‘We will open 7 mass graves in 2005’
Professor Halacoglu announced that the Turkish History Institution
will open mass graves in spots they have identified based on archive
documents to prove that the Armenians committed massacres in
Anatolia. He noted that they have already begun excavation studies
and reminded that they most recently opened a mass grave of 336 dead
in the village Derecik near Kars in northeastern Anatolia. Saying
that they have identified about 100 mass graves in 20 different
places, Halacoglu says, “We have, for example, identified that
Armenians committed genocides in 21 villages in the Igdir region
alone. There are also regions of Cukurova, Erzurum, Ardahan, Kars,
Bitlis, and Mus. We will conduct excavation studies in 6 or 7 regions
because Armenians will make some important claims because of their
so-called 90th anniversary. That’s why we are trying to unearth what
really happened.”

Baku Balances the Ukrainian Revolution
By Anar Valiyev
Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Dec 24 2004
For the last month, the presidential elections in Ukraine captivated
the attention of the world’s Mass Media. The stalemate in Kiev
divided the CIS into two camps. While Russia and its satellites
Armenia and Belarus acknowledged Viktor Yanukovich as president,
Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova took a “wait-and-see” position.
Azerbaijan in particular became a hostage of the differing stances
of Western countries and Russia. Supporting either side in Ukraine
would aggravate Azerbaijan’s foreign policy situation. Meanwhile,
the Azerbaijani ruling elite fears a revival of a strong opposition
within the country, which could result in increased pressure for
democratization.
BACKGROUND: The Georgian “rose revolution” made official Baku
uneasy. At the culmination of the Georgian events, Ilham Aliyev’s
government sided with president Eduard Shevarnadze, officially
supporting him. Shevarnadze’s resignation and his opponent’s
triumph was an embarrassment to official Baku, temporarily obscuring
Azerbaijani-Georgian relations.
On the eve of the Ukrainian elections, President Aliyev as well
as the presidents of Belarus and Russia attended the sixtieth
anniversary of Ukraine’s liberation from Nazi German occupation. The
event, orchestrated by Russian president Vladimir Putin, was an
indirect support of the Kremlin candidate Ukrainian Prime Minister
Yanukovich. Seeing the financial and administrative resources
controlled by Yanukovich, Aliyev’s government expected the victory
of the Kremlin’s candidate. After the second round of elections,
it became obvious that Yanukovich would not become president that
easily. Widespread fraud, cheating, and deceptions in the Ukrainian
elections led to a strong disapproval from the the United States and
the European Union. Yet on November 24, the Kremlin acknowledged
Yanukovich as president. Russia’s allies in the CIS – Belarus,
Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Armenia – recognized Yanukovich as well.
Uzbekistan initially followed suit, though it qualified its stance
subsequently, blaming Russia of intervening in Ukraine’s affairs.
Azerbaijan’s government decided not to rush with recognition. On
the other hand, the Azerbaijani opposition tried to take advantage
of the Ukrainian revolution. The Musavat party leader Isa Gambar
made a blitz visit to Kiev to support Yushchenko. Upon his return,
Gambar stated that the elections in Ukraine were not just a change
of power. ‘This is a new era in the post-Soviet space. The events
in Ukraine will impact all regimes in post-soviet republics.’ Gambar
believes in an inevitable collapse of all authoritarian regimes in
the former USSR. The leader of the Azerbaijan National Independence
Party Etibar Mamedov also expressed his assurance that Azerbaijan
would be ‘the next country that embraces democracy after Ukraine’.
IMPLICATIONS: Ilham Aliyev is in a difficult position. For the
Azerbaijani president, supporting Yanukovich could have a detrimental
effect. For the last five years, Azerbaijan has established its own
balanced system of strategic relations with the West including the
NATO and the EU. At the same time, Ukraine Azerbaijan’s strategic
ally in GUUAM, and has permanently supported the Azerbaijani cause in
international organizations. By allying himself with Russia, Aliyev
would have lost support from the EU, NATO and the United States while
it would have weakened Azerbaijan’s respect in the world’s democratic
community. In the case of a Yushchenko victory, such a decision could
damage Azerbaijani-Ukrainian relations too. Since 2000, Azerbaijan
has built good and positive relations with Russia. This process has
been strengthened lately. Before the Ukrainian elections, Aliyev’s
team thought that it was possible to have good relations with Russia
while being loyal to the West at the same time. But the Ukrainian
elections required Azerbaijan to make a crucial decision. Despite
increased pressure from Russia, Baku decided to wait for the end of
the standoff in Ukraine.
The Ukrainian “orange revolution” has implications for Azerbaijan’s
domestic affairs as well. Since October 16, 2003, the opposition
parties remain in an amorphous condition. In the last year, the
activities of major opposition parties have shrunk. But the Ukrainian
wind of change woke up the Azerbaijani opposition from its slumber.
Obviously, the revolutions in Ukraine and Georgia are very attractive
for Azerbaijani opposition parties, which failed to do the same in
October 2003. The last opposition activities show that the opposing
parties are considering various possibilities to use Georgia’s
and Ukraine’s experience in Azerbaijan. Despite the ruling elite’s
reluctance to support Yanukovich, it is unsettled by democratic changes
in neighboring countries. The current government of Azerbaijan would
rather prefer somebody like Yanukovich rather than any leader who
came to power on a revolutionary wave. The current elite is still
cautious toward the new regime in Georgia. In particular, the ruling
elite fears the establishment of a youth opposition movement like
the Georgian Kmara or the Ukrainian Pora. President Aliyev recently
commented on the Azerbaijani opposition’s contacts with Yushchenko:
“They join demonstrations in foreign countries with ribbons on their
neck. Let them do the same here. If someone is brave enough, he could
tie a ribbon or something else on the neck and stage a demonstration
here.” On December 3, Ziyafet Askerov, vice-speaker of the Azerbaijani
parliament, accused Ali Kerimli, the leader of the Popular Front Party
of Azerbaijan of attempting a coup d’etat. He stated that according
to intelligence information, the Ukrainian youth organization Pora
finances Kerimli’s party in order to repeat the Georgian and Ukrainian
scenario in Azerbaijan. Kerimli denied these accusations. Instead,
he argued that Askerov and the elite to understand that they cannot
always falsify the elections. “Our fight will result in a democratic
change of regime,” Kerimli claimed, “Askerov and other members of
the ruling team understand it and therefore worry.”
CONCLUSIONS: Ilham Aliyev soberly understood that putting himself in
the same boat with such odious leaders as Lukashenko, Nazarbayev
and Putin would not strengthen his regime nor help Azerbaijan
internationally. In fact, given the relative pluralism in Azerbaijan,
it would increase the risk of making Azerbaijan the next candidate
for revolution.
Hence the president of Azerbaijan began to play the role of
democratic leader in order to insure himself from further pressure
from the Council of Europe, the EU and the United States. By refusing
to recognize Yanukovich, Aliyev sent a persuasive signal to the
West that he was not a member of the club of pro-Russian dictators.
Despite the confrontation between the opposition and the ruling elite,
both sides worked for the benefit and positive image of Azerbaijan. The
Ukrainian opposition will remember the reluctance of Azerbaijan
to acknowledge Yanukovich as president if they come to power. Even
if Yanukovich would come out on top, it will not negatively affect
Azerbaijani-Ukrainian relations. The future Ukrainian president will
not have absolute power and will need to share it with a democratic
parliament. The only negative effect from the Ukrainian standoff
might be a possible deterioration of Azerbaijani relations with
Russia. Aliyev’s defiance to follow Putin’s policies definitely
annoyed the Russian establishment.
AUTHOR’S BIO Anar Valiyev currently is a Ph.D. student at University
of Louisville, School of Urban and Public Affairs. He holds an MA in
history from Baku State University and an MPA from Indiana University
Bloomington.
–Boundary_(ID_IHjb9UYep0/CVngt8aDPpw)–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Where East still meets West
By H.D.S. Greenway |
Boston Globe, MA
Dec 24 2004
COME WALK through the ancient streets of Istanbul in the cool days
of an approaching winter. There is a bit of snow on the ground,
and the sun dances on the Bosphorus, that narrow body of water that
traditionally separates Europe from Asia.
When I first visited this thrilling city nearly 50 years ago, I
thought to myself then that this was where the Orient begins. There
is nothing more exotic and lovely than the sounds of the muezzins atop
their minarets calling the faithful to prayer from the most beautiful
mosques in all Islam. Later, when I was living on the shores of the
China seas, Istanbul seemed to represent where the West begins. And
both of those impressions are equally valid today.
In olden days one had to take a ferry to cross over the Bosphorus
onto the Asia shore. Today there are two graceful bridges, perhaps
symbolizing the recent decision of the European Union to begin the
accession process that would expand the borders of Europe to Persia
and the steppes of Central Asia.
As Christmas approaches, however, one begins to realize that Istanbul
is still alive with Christian churches, left over from the Byzantine
days of Constantinople. Roman Catholics and Protestants celebrate
the birth of Christ on Dec. 25. The Greek Orthodox celebrate it too,
but since they use the Gregorian calendar, rather than the Julian,
their Christmas will come in early January. The Armenians will also
wait until January.
And in the season of Hanukkah there are synagogues to drop into,
albeit two were bombed in terrorist incidents that also damaged the
huge Panayia church of the Orthodox. Jews were welcomed by the Ottoman
sultan after their expulsion from Spain in 1492, and many still speak
Ladino, which is to the Jews of Spain what Yiddish is to the Jews
of Eastern Europe. When I asked a friend where he learned Spanish,
which Ladino closely resembles, he said: “In Spain 500 years ago.”
There was a day when Istanbul coursed with different religions,
nationalities, and sects, and the streets were filled with the babble
of a dozen tongues. For this was the capital of one of the world’s
great polyglot empires, and Istanbul was among the world’s most
cosmopolitan cities. But with the fall of the Ottomans and World War I,
all that ended. Armenians in the east were transported and massacred
on the suspicion that they were consorting with the Russian enemy —
a genocide which Armenians around the world have never forgotten.
In the West huge numbers of Balkan Muslims were shipped east into
Turkey, even if they spoke no Turkish, and Christians were shipped west
even if they spoke nothing but Turkish. This was done by international
treaty, the Treaty of Lausanne, under which the Jews, Greek Orthodox,
and Armenians were given a recognized status in the new Turkish state
which emerged from the Ottoman ruins.
The Turks nominally hold to it, but life has not always been easy.
During the Second World War, for example, the impoverished Turkish
state, which remained neutral, demanded a wealth tax. Since Christians
and Jews were for the most part well off, the burden fell to them
more than on Muslims. And if you could not pay up immediately you
were sent to labor camps in the East.
Thus after World War II, many Jews emigrated to Israel. Many of the
Greeks moved to Greece, and Armenians left for the four corners of
the world. The old cosmopolitanism of the Levant ended.
The Greek Orthodox patriarchate for all the Greek world still remains
in Istanbul, another holdover from Byzantium, but the Turkish state
has not always been forthcoming with the rights of Christians to
build and repair churches and train their clergy. New laws, however
are being readied to make the lot of Christians and Jews easier as
Turkey prepares itself for the European Union. And of the few who
remain many have prospered.
One has to look to London and Paris now for the same diversity that
Istanbul once stood for. The end of empire for Europe meant the influx
of those over whom the Europeans once ruled. But in Istanbul most
of the vibrant minorities went elsewhere. That a few remain at all,
however, says something for this city and this country in a region
where tolerance is in such short supply.