Category: News

e-SIM MMI to Provide Complex Language Support for Mobile Handsets with
nCore’s Multilingual Software; Companies Partner to Provide Complete Rendering and
Editing of Complex Languages on Mobile Handsets
Business Wire
Feb 10, 2005
e-SIM Ltd. (OTCBB: ESIMF.OB), a leading provider of MMI (Man-Machine
Interface) solutions for mobile handsets and nCore Ltd. a leading
provider of internationalization solutions, announced today that
they have partnered to supply complete multiple-language support
for mobile handsets. To facilitate the success of this solution the
companies have integrated nCore’s multilingual engine, nScript, into
e-SIM’s MMI solution. e-SIM plans on supplying the nScript engine as
part of its complete MMI offering to its customers.
With this partnership, e-SIM’s customers will be able to sell handsets,
which include complete editing and rendering support for languages
such as Arabic, Armenian, Chinese, Russian, Farsi, Georgian, Greek,
Hebrew, Hindi, Japanese, Malay, Malayalam, Pashto, Takalog, Thai,
Urdu and Vietnamese, in addition to the Latin and Chinese scripts
already supported by e-SIM. nScript will also enable handsets, based on
e-SIM’s MMI solution, to include a rich text editor, which allows for
the creation of styled text messages that can include in-line graphics.
e-SIM’s market-proven, end-to-end MMI solution includes a complete MMI
reference design, a comprehensive set of RapidPLUS(TM) development
and customization tools, and a broad range of professional
services. e-SIM’s business model is based on licensing its MMI
reference design, licensing its RapidPLUS(TM) development tools,
and collecting runtime royalties for each handset incorporating
its technology.
nCore’s multilingual engine, nScript, is an embedded software component
optimized for devices with limited memory and processor speed. The
restricted operating environment, together with the complex algorithms
needed for text layout, place tough demands on efficiency of design
and implementation. nScript implements two main components of any
user interface design: sophisticated text rendering and text input.
The e-SIM – nCore integrated product will be demonstrated at
the upcoming 3GSM World Congress in Cannes between February
14th and 17th. To schedule a demonstration please contact
mailto:[email protected].
“Collaboration between e-SIM and nCore further enhances our complete,
pre-integrated MMI solution,” commented Reuven Kleinman, VP Business
Development and Marketing at e-SIM. “With nCore’s technology, e-SIM
can now provide handset manufacturers a competitive edge entering
the fast-growing emerging markets in Asia and the Middle East.”
“We are excited to see the nCore localization technology integrated
with e-SIM’s complete MMI solution and look forward to a long term
partnership. With this cooperation e-SIM licensees are getting the
best value and performance proposition for designing handsets for
all market areas.” said Tapio Koivuniemi, CEO of nCore Ltd.
About e-SIM Ltd.
Founded in 1990, e-SIM Ltd. () is a major
provider of MMI (Man-Machine Interface) solutions for wireless and
other electronic products. A wide range of platform vendors and
wireless handset manufacturers use e-SIM’s MMI solutions including
Texas Instruments, Freescale (formerly Motorola SPS), NEC, Kyocera,
BenQ, Sasken, and others. e-SIM’s advanced MMI solution technology
is built into millions of handsets on the market today.
About nCore Ltd.
Focused on localization of embedded devices, nCore
Ltd. () is specialized in making the latest
technological advancements accessible globally. The company’s main
product is a multilingual text rendering engine and editor. nCore’s
internationalization technology enables access to all market areas
world-wide.
Certain matters discussed in this news release are forward-looking
statements that involve a number of risks and uncertainties including,
but not limited to, significant fluctuations and unpredictability of
operating results, risks in product and technology development and
rapid technological change, dependence on a single product line,
extent of demand for the Company’s product, impact of competitive
products and pricing, market acceptance, lengthy sales cycle, changing
economic conditions, risks of joint development projects, dependence
on key personnel, difficulties in managing growth, risks relating
to sales and distribution, risks associated with international
sales, risks of product defects, dependence on company proprietary
technology. For a more detailed discussion of these and other risk
factors, see the Company’s Form 20-F as filed with the United States
Securities and Exchange Commission.e-SIM Ltd. Media: Yardena Cogan,
+1 888-742-9364 [email protected] or Investors: Yaron Eldad,
+972-2-587-0770 [email protected] or nCore Ltd. Tapio Koivuniemi,
+358 50 386 9143 [email protected]

Turkish foreign minister: Karabakh solution will establish regional peace
TRT 1 television, Ankara
10 Feb 05
[Announcer] Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul, reacting to views that the
Turkish-Armenian border should be opened in the EU accession process,
stated: The people of Azerbaijan should not worry. For peace, the
occupation of Nagorno-Karabakh should come to an end.
Gul met with Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov, who is
currently visiting Ankara. In a joint news conference, Gul declared
that the termination of the occupation in Nagorno-Karabakh is a
prerequisite for the establishment of peace in the region.
[Gul] We hope that these peace talks will be fruitful, and a peaceful
conclusion will be reached in this regard. We hope that the occupation
will end. Only then all the relations will be normalized. This is
what I have to say on this subject. Turkey’s theses on this issue
are evident. I encountered such questions when I visited Azerbaijan
as well. The people of Azerbaijan should not worry. Turkey’s policy
is very clear.
[Announcer] Mammadyarov, in turn, said that the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum
natural gas line can become operational in 2006 or 2007, adding that
this natural gas can be delivered to Europe via Turkey.
The Cyprus issue was also discussed at the meeting. Gul stated that a
step to be taken by Azerbaijan towards the removal of the isolation
imposed on the [self-declared] Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
will serve as an example for other countries. Mammadyarov said that
his country is exploring the possibilities for cooperation, and it
will encourage Azerbaijani firms to invest in north Cyprus.

Georgian president urges better ties with Russia in address to parliament
Rustavi-2 TV, Tbilisi
10 Feb 05
President Mikheil Saakashvili has set out the challenges he sees
facing Georgia in his annual address to parliament and said that he is
ready to go to Russia to meet President Putin to improve relations. He
said, however, that “compromise is a two-way street” and that the two
countries should meet each other halfway. He described relations with
Georgia’s other immediate neighbours, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey,
as “ideal and idyllic” and again welcomed the election of Georgia’s
“friend” Viktor Yushchenko as Ukrainian president. Most of the
50-minute address was devoted to the government’s “achievements”
over the past 12 months. Saakashvili said that in that period a
“demoralized” country had been transformed into “a functioning state
with powerful institutions”. He also acknowledged the existence
of problems such as insufficient new jobs, low salaries in the
education sector and the need to reform the judiciary. The following
is an excerpt from Saakashvili’s address on 10 September, which was
broadcast live by Rustavi-2 TV; subheadings inserted editorially:
[Saakashvili] Madam Speaker, Your Holiness, esteemed chairman of the
Constitutional Court, chairman of the Supreme Court, esteemed members
of parliament and the public. Before I commence my speech, I would
like to say that much has been said about the late Zurab Zhvania in
recent days and I do not want to repeat anything. I simply want to
mention that the late Zurab Zhvania’s mother Rema and wife Nino are
attending this session today. I want us all to greet them as well as
[Zhvania’s children] little Liza, Busa and Anna. [Applause]
Please, take your seats.
Achievements
More than a year has passed since Georgia made its choice for
freedom and since the Georgian nation decided on the country’s new
orientation and embarked on a new, complex and ambitious road towards
regaining the motherland that had been lost and taken away from us. A
little more than a year has passed since I was sworn in as Georgia’s
president. Shortly afterwards this parliament was elected. I, as
a member of several previous parliaments, can say with confidence
that this is the best parliament to meet in this hall. Before we
begin discussing our present and future and before we talk about our
achievements and plans, I suggest we recall what Georgia was like a
year ago.
Georgia was a failed state – disintegrated, demoralized and
humiliated. It was a country that had lost all attributes of statehood;
a country where corruption, lawlessness and injustice reigned supreme;
a country where ordinary citizens were routinely cheated by the state;
a country where the state and its representatives were constantly
extorting money from ordinary citizens; a country that had no budget
and that never fulfilled social pledges to its citizens; a country
where human rights were blatantly violated; a country that had no
defence capabilities, not a single working tank or enough ammunition
to last for just an hour in battle. The army had been starving for
months. It was a country that had already disintegrated and fallen
into the hands of clans, feudal lords and fiefs.
We are now used to seeing in this hall the chairman of Ajaria’s
government and Ajaria’s other leaders. However, a year ago Ajaria
was ruled by a separatist feudal lord who, as a matter of principle,
refused to come to Tbilisi and the Georgian president had to pay
him visits and beg him to comply in a most humiliating way. It was a
country that had lost its international reputation and no-one anywhere
respected it; a country which was devoid of national ideals and which
had lost its direction and sense of purpose; a country that was losing
its most respectable sons and daughters every day and whose people
had completely lost a sense of unity; a country where citizens mainly
dreamt of escaping as quickly as possible and finding refuge abroad.
That is how we see it now and what the Georgian people has achieved
in a year, which is a negligible period in history.
This is certainly not the right time for self-congratulation. We have
no right to discuss or to be content with our achievements. Last year
was only a beginning. However, it is important to ask this question:
how much ground have we covered this year? Today Georgia is a proper
state. When people ask us about our main achievement, we say that
our main achievement is that for the first time in modern history,
Georgia has become a proper state.
The past year has witnessed budgetary successes, a tripling of
the budget, better revenue collection, the curbing of contraband,
introduction of a new tax code, successful work with all international
organizations. In that respect, Georgia is a model country where every
programme is working in a model way. Financial amnesty. These success
stories are important, however what they mean to our daily lives is
even more important. It means that we have managed to clear pension
and wage arrears accumulated over a decade. It means that we have kept
our promise and doubled pensions. Wages and pensions are being paid
without delay and we are all used to it now. It means that for the
first time in our country’s history government employees manage to
live on their salaries. That has become possible, so the main motive
for taking bribes has disappeared. It means social pledges that have
been fulfilled and increased wages in various sectors.
[Passage omitted]
Privatization
I would like to talk about our economic plans. We have begun the
privatization process and we must understand what it is for. It does
not mean, as is often presented, that we used to have property and
now we have none left. On the contrary, we have property that needs
investing in. This is not like the privatization that took place
before, like the so-called privatization programmes where people
would get facilities for free in return for investing 20m 20 years
later. No way, invest now so that you have a return on this investment,
so that you create jobs, so that enterprises start working and so
that we get some money out of this.
This is a favourable position to be in, especially for four major
sectors. This includes the energy sector. We have to improve power
supply by next winter, which at present is the biggest failure of
our government. Tbilisi and Batumi are supplied with electricity 24
hours a day, but in the rest of Georgia there are problems almost
everywhere. This is where investments have to be made and this is
what we need the money for.
In health care, we urgently need money to build new hospitals, because
we are losing our medicine, which is effectively is on the verge of
ruin. In education, we are building new schools. There will be a new
school of administration in Kutaisi where representatives of national
minorities will also study. It is very important that this school is
properly funded and that the funding of our universities and scholars
is also increased.
As regards defence capabilities, the country should no longer be
a pushover. All of this costs money and this money is not going to
come easily. Georgia has no oil, Georgia’s main asset is its people
and this asset should start working, people should start working in
enterprises and these enterprises should have real owners. This is
what privatization is about.
[Passage omitted]
Challenges, future reforms
Those were our achievements in the past year, and I am sure that this
is only a beginning. But I am asking this question: is it enough? Of
course not, we should not be content with it. Of course our main
goals are yet to be achieved. We are still facing major challenges.
We have managed to double pensions and establish order in the payment
of salaries. However – I know this very well and I always remember this
– we have not been able to increase salaries for teachers and other
education professionals, but we will certainly do it this year. We have
eradicated corruption and lawlessness in the energy sector, but, as you
know and as I have told you, this still remains a very serious problem
in some regions, especially in Samegrelo and Imereti. We have carried
out structural reorganization of the public sector, we have reduced
bureaucracy and streamlined the public sector. But we also had to make
job cuts, which was inevitable. No-one should have illusions about it.
Unfortunately, we have been unable to create a sufficient number
of new jobs in the private sector, and that is a very painful issue
for us. Georgia has managed to overcome a crisis when it seemed that
we were doomed to fail, but we have not been able to transform our
country into a European-type economy.
So what are our tasks now? Above all, it is new jobs. This cannot
be achieved through mechanical growth. We should develop spheres
which can create more jobs: tourism, tourism infrastructure, service
industries, processing of agricultural produce and penetration of
new markets. We should facilitate business initiatives not only
in Tbilisi but, especially, in other parts of Georgia. We should
develop infrastructure in order to develop business. But only the
state can invest in infrastructure projects like roads, bridges and
water supply systems. We should tackle the energy crisis. No matter
how much more electricity we produce, demand will continue to rise
as the economy grows.
We should complete education reforms. That is very important, we cannot
retreat here, and we will not give in to any blackmail, because that
is something our children, grandchildren and their grandchildren
will benefit from. That is something which will, in the long term,
transform Georgia into a truly developed country.
We should carry out reforms of the judiciary. When we started these
reforms, they were based on correct principles, but a dry place cannot
exist in the middle of a swamp. That reform was not followed by reforms
in the police and prosecutor’s office and, in reality, courts have
been discredited. I support the efforts by the parliament’s legal
committee. We will be unable to work miracles here, but we should
achieve real independence for the courts. This independence is not what
some judges think it is. This is not independence from conscience,
law and justice. This is independence from pressure, but it also
means an enormous responsibility to the public, rather than to the
authorities. Unfortunately, currently there is no such feeling of
responsibility in 90 per cent of the judiciary. This problem needs
serious attention if we want to achieve anything. I am grateful to
[Supreme Court Chairman] Mr Kote Kemularia who has started serious
processes. He will probably do more in his new position [as justice
minister]. He will also be chairman of the Council of Justice.
As regards local government reform, unlike my predecessor, I admit
that I am not good enough – and nobody is, not even some reincarnated
genius – to fill all local government jobs from the centre. That
is impossible, and whoever tried it has failed. Of course, at local
government level, district administrators and all mayors in Georgia
should be elected through an appropriate voting system. This should
be implemented next year, and we should pass appropriate legislation
this year.
I am grateful to Mr Vano Khukhunaishvili’s [parliamentary] committee
which has done a lot in this regard. I am grateful to Mr Ivliane
Khaindrava [MP] who has submitted very interesting proposals
about creating regional legislative bodies that would keep tabs
on the activities of appointed governors. We should implement the
subsidiarity principle in Georgia by taking into account all these
proposals and initiatives.
As regards the reduction of the number of parliament deputies to 150,
I discussed this issue with various parliamentary groups yesterday
and I am very grateful to all groups who supported this idea. This
is a test for Georgian parliamentarianism and the Georgian political
spectrum. Some 2.3m people said [in a 2003 referendum] that the
number of parliament deputies should not exceed 150. Anyone who
rejects this will be simply spitting in the face of 2.3m people.
We must understand this. In a normal, democratic country people would
never forgive that. Of course, this should be a balanced reduction,
of course there should remain at least 50 deputies from single-seat
constituencies, and of course the system of proportional representation
[party lists] should also be retained.
We should also think about establishing an upper house as it is in
other democratic countries. Work on this model is under way. Parliament
is based on the principle of checks and balances. Of course, we should
do it. This will be our main test which will reveal if this parliament
has again become a corporate parliament or it has developed into a
truly popular body which always listens to voters, a parliament which
always thinks how to interact with voters, rather than thinks that,
once elected, it can rest assured for four years.
I really admire our parliament. This is the first parliament which has
set a major record – for a year deputies have not beaten each other
up. That is an amazing achievement of Georgian democracy. [Passage
omitted]
Foreign relations
Now, as regards our foreign policy, you will have noticed that
Georgia has become a completely different country, a country that
is particularly attractive to the rest of the world. I know of few
countries in the world that attract such interest. I do not think
that what I have just said is an exaggeration.
This interest is justified not because Georgia’s leader has
destroyed something somewhere [reference to former President Eduard
Shevardnadze’s role in the fall of the Berlin Wall]. That is not a
good advertisement for Georgia, even if you have destroyed something
that was worth destroying.
This interest does not arise solely because we are some kind of
corridor [reference to President Shevardnadze’s Eurasian transit
corridor project]. However good the corridor, it is still not nice
when you are merely a corridor.
The reason for this interest is not that we have performed some miracle
here and that strange things keep happening here, so the entire world
is ready to support us as long as we calm down.
No, we are indeed an interesting country. Heads of several leading
committees in the Russian Duma, when asked about last year’s
highlights, named Georgian reforms. That is despite the fact that
throughout the year they were being shown films such as “Misha”
[profile of Saakashvili shown on Russian NTV last October] and others
portraying Georgia in the most terrible light. Nevertheless, they
have said that Georgia is a most successful country.
You have seen what happened in friendly Ukraine. Another country has
emerged on former Soviet territory which has a similar government
based on similar principles. Therefore, being a genuinely democratic
country, it is Georgia’s true friend. That is the elected government
of our friend [President] Viktor Yushchenko and [Prime Minister]
Yuliya Tymoshenko.
With our closest neighbours, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey, we
have idyllic relations, ideal and idyllic. We should cherish these
relations.
Naturally, with our other neighbour, Russia, there were problems but
we should certainly overcome these problems. However, compromise is a
two-way street, rather than Chiaberashvili’s triangle in the centre of
Tbilisi [reference to a controversial one-way traffic system introduced
recently by Tbilisi mayor Zurab Chiaberashvili]. When we take steps,
so should the other party. When we compromise, so should the other
party. On these terms, we are ready to reach agreement.
I am ready to go to Moscow again. I am ready to meet President Putin
again. I am ready to extend our hand of friendship again, which,
despite the fact that Georgian society welcomed this a year ago,
has remained in the air.
We should also understand and we should agree – [changes thought]
By the way, I really liked [opposition Conservative Party MP] Koba
Davitashvili’s statement two days ago. There are many things Koba does
that I do not like at all. However, this was the right thing to do. He
said that there are certain principles which all political parties
should accept. No political party or person can overstep this mark.
We should all decide and agree on what these principles are. They
are Georgia’s European orientation, the principle that there should
be no foreign bases on Georgian territory, the principle that any
party announcing that Georgia does not need a European orientation,
will not integrate into international organizations we are trying
to join, that we need foreign bases and foreigners should interfere
in Georgia’s development by military or some other illegal means –
any such party should automatically be declared outside the law.
This kind of party won parliamentary elections in Lithuania. It was
almost certain to form a parliamentary majority. However, all other
parties, which had always been fighting each other, decided to unite
and say: let us put everything aside because Lithuanian independence
is the most important thing now. They managed to form a parliamentary
majority and stopped that party coming to power, a party which had
spent hundreds of millions of dollars that had come from abroad to
seize power in that country by democratic means. We should learn to
operate in this way if we want our independence to survive.
Ethnic minorities
At the same time, we should learn to cooperate in a different way with
the various ethnic groups. Not only should they respect the Georgian
state, [ethnic] Azerbaijanis who are being taught Georgian should
not question the benefits of learning Georgian. They should know
that, once they have become part of the Georgian state, they will
be appointed to senior posts, they will have proper salaries, and
their rights will be exactly the same as those of all other citizens
of Georgia. In that case, not only will they learn the language and
not only will they not run away anywhere, but they will also serve in
the Georgian army, be ready to spill blood to defend Georgia and be
an inalienable and incorruptible part of the Georgian state organism.
We have destroyed many myths. For example, I have visited Akhalkalaki
[mainly ethnic Armenian populated town in southern Georgia]. For many
years there was talk that it was dangerous even to go to Akhalkalaki,
let alone walk in the streets and speak to local people. In fact, it is
a part of Georgia like any other, a place where people love our flag,
anthem and statehood, just as they do in the rest of Georgia. They
were offended by claims to the contrary that had been made for so
many years.
When we talk about our [ethnic] Azerbaijanis, we must understand
that they are our people. When there was some trouble there in 1991,
villagers did not bring their produce to our markets for two days,
so a famine started in Tbilisi. These people have successfully worked
in the fields of culture and science for decades and centuries and
they are an inalienable part of Georgian society.
That is why we are setting up a school of administration to train
these people and select the best among them. They will then serve
in customs and tax services and in parliament as both officials
and MPs. Some of them are already MPs but there should be more of
them. They should work at ministries.
There are very many interesting people. There is one person I wanted
to be here today. His name is Alik Kozaev. He is a young man, an
NGO activist from Tskhinvali. Last summer he helped more than 800
children from Tskhinvali, Java, Kvaisa, Znauri District and other
places in the Tskhinvali region to come here. He was taking risks
and he was doing it without receiving any remuneration. He was doing
it in order to destroy the wall of mistrust and hatred that exists
between Georgia and the Ossetians living there and replace it with
a bridge of friendship and brotherhood.
The price this man had to pay is that for many months now he
has been in prison in Tskhinvali, on the territory of Georgia. We
should be ashamed of the fact that this is still possible today. The
international community should also be ashamed that it is keeping
quiet about it and pretends that these are merely small aspects of
an ordinary conflict. If we turn a blind a eye to this, then we will
certainly turn a blind eye to an even bigger tragedy in the future. I
would like to ask you to stand up, applaud Alik Kozaev and demand
his release. [Applause, everybody rises]
What have we learnt in the past year? We have learnt that Georgia can
be a functioning state with powerful institutions. We have learnt that
our nation draws its strength from its unique historical experience
and the fact that it consists of many ethnic groups. There are so many
different people here, which is our strength. We draw our strength
from our great culture of tolerance and from our unity. We have learnt
that unity is our strength. By the way, we were taught this best by
Davit Aghmashenebeli [medieval Georgian king]. The main lesson we
have learnt about when Georgia was strong is that it happened when
Georgia belonged to all its sons and daughters at the same time, when
the authorities recognized everyone, considered everyone’s interests
and respected every religion.
Orthodox Church
Naturally, I confirm that the Orthodox religion has always played a
special role in Georgia. Any attempts – I do not want to beat about
the bush here – to undermine the unity of the Georgian Orthodox Church,
any attacks on the Georgian patriarch, are in fact totally unacceptable
political steps. There are certain rules of the game in politics. We
should not overstep this mark. It is wrong to score political points
by starting intrigues within the church. The unity of our church and
its special role at the most crucial times in our history, when on 22
November 2003 the chair in which His Holiness is sitting now was empty
[reference to the patriarch not arriving for the opening session of
parliament] – [changes tack] This was not participation in politics. It
was an act of civil heroism through nonparticipation. [Applause]
[Passage omitted]
Government
We have learnt that the country can be both democratic and stable. We
have learnt that we can have an honest, decent government that
is trusted by the people. We may not like the government – there
are many aspects of its work I am unhappy about – however, everyone
acknowledges that this is a clean government, the cleanest government
on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
This government has replaced real dinosaurs. The majority of them have
now spent some time in appropriate places and, just as we promised
the people, have paid back some of the money they stole. However,
there are still some people who have again become candidates [for
imprisonment] and we are building separate facilities for them.
Completely different people have arrived, which is something that
should be especially appreciated. We have nominated Zurab Noghaideli
as prime minister. There is just one reason why I have nominated
Zurab Noghaideli. If there is one area in which we can claim success,
it would be the timely payment of salaries and pensions and increased
revenues. This has been achieved by the Finance Ministry. When a person
works so well, he should be promoted. This is a simple principle in
proper politics and a matter of fairness.
The government is also getting stronger because the chairman
of the Supreme Court [Kote Kemularia] is now becoming deputy
prime minister and minister of justice. The Ministry of Justice
is very important. Almost all the ministers will remain in their
posts. Naturally, there are some changes. Naturally, there will be
frequent reshuffles. All the past reshuffles have proved successful.
[Irakli] Okruashvili is the best defence minister we have ever
had. [Giorgi] Baramidze was a better interior minister than his
predecessors. Then, an even better interior minister, Okruashvili,
replaced him. Then, Okruashvili was replaced by an even better
interior minister, [Vano] Merabishvili. Okruashvili was a good
prosecutor-general but he was replaced by an even better one, [Zurab]
Adeishvili. Every reshuffle has resulted in an improvement. That is
why we should not be afraid of this.
It is also true that our best professionals are in parliament. On the
one hand, it would be risky to drain parliament of its human resources,
but, on the other hand, there is a feeling that many of them – this is
linked to the down-sizing of parliament – should be in the executive
because that is where everyday problems are decided. Having said that,
I would like to express my gratitude to you for the work you have
carried out here. [Passage omitted]
We have created a genuinely effective government. It is thanks to the
effectiveness of the government, as demonstrated by the latest events,
that we can deal with any unexpected changes, tragedies and terrorist
acts and remain strong, so that we still stand firm on our own two
feet, so that we are not disorientated, so that we respond quickly
and appropriately. A country in our position has no other choice. We
are a country which has to reclaim the most attractive part of its
territory and which faces the strongest and most aggressive – perhaps
not the strongest but certainly the most aggressive – forces in the
world. They are resisting us. We are a country that has to carry out
titanic work, a country that, out of nowhere, has to find the strength
to solve a task that is almost impossible to solve. Without it, we will
be unable to continue with large-scale development. In order to solve
this task – [changes tack] Our main achievement is that Georgia has
learnt to be successful. We have learnt to protect this success and
we have learnt to fight to ensure a better future for our children. A
better future will be impossible without each of us working, looking
after the country and having a sense of responsibility for the future
of our country.
Good bless our motherland. Long live Georgia.

PRESS OFFICE
Diocese of the Armenian Church of America (Eastern)
630 Second Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Contact: Jake Goshert, Coordinator of Information Services
Tel: (212) 686-0710 Ext. 60; Fax: (212) 779-3558
E-mail: [email protected]
Website:
January 10, 2005
___________________
ACYOA COMPLETES SUCCESSFUL REGIONAL CONFERENCE SERIES
“Lord, I am a conductor with tired hands, smeared notes, and missing
musicians, working to bring alive the greatest symphony” — so went a
prayer written by a group of young Armenian Church members during a
recent one-day conference in Dallas, TX.
As part of the conference organized by the Armenian Church Youth
Organization of America (ACYOA), participants examined a prayer written
generations ago by St. Gregory of Narek. They were then asked to craft
their own prayer. It was just one of the activities at the ACYOA
Southern Regional Conference designed to strengthen individual ties to
God and local ACYOA chapters.
Participating in the conference — held at the St. Sarkis Church in
Dallas, TX, on Saturday, January 29, 2005 — were ACYOA members from
both the Dallas chapter and the St. Kevork Church in Houston. They
gathered to talk about their faith as well as the ACYOA organization.
“The conference far exceeded my expectations,” said Karoun Charkoudian,
a member of the St. Kevork Church. “The passionate discussions and
interactive workshops provided an open, comfortable atmosphere so that
we could all explore our feelings about Christianity as it relates to
spirituality, marriage, and sex.”
Fr. Mikael Devejian, pastor of St. Sarkis Church, and ACYOA Executive
Secertary Nancy Basmajian served as presenters at the Southern
conference.
“This was a great opportunity to discuss how God is a part of our daily
lives and also get to know one another better,” Fr. Devejian said.
The ACYOA Central Council, which sponsors an annual series of regional
conferences in four different areas, was represented at each program by
the group’s regional liaisons.
“The smaller, more intimate settings of the regional conferences allow
the participants to have in-depth discussions while focusing on their
own thoughts regarding spirituality and their individual faith
experiences,” said Maria Derderian, the ACYOA Central Council member who
attended the Southern Regional meeting. “Through witnessing their faith
and coming together in true Christian fellowship, they form a stronger
connection with each other, which then continues to strengthen their
ACYOA chapters.”
LAST IN A SERIES
The meeting in Texas was the last in the current series of regional
gatherings organized by the ACYOA.
Earlier, members in New England met on January 15, 2005, at the St.
James Church of Watertown, MA, where they heard from Fr. Arakel
Aljalian, pastor of the St. James Church; Fr. Vasken Kouzouian, pastor
of the Holy Trinity Church of Cambridge, MA; and Yn. Arpi Kouzouian,
coordinator of youth outreach for the Diocese.
Other conferences were held for members in the Midwest region on October
23, 2004, at St. John’s Church of Southfield, MI; and in the
Mid-Atlantic region on November 6, 2004, at St. Mary Church in
Livingston, NJ.
The next major event for the ACYOA will be the 6th Annual National Young
Adult Leadership Conference from February 18 to 20, 2005, at the Don
Bosco Retreat Center in Stony Point, NY. The conference is free, and
parishes are asked to send two representatives each. Parishes are also
encouraged to help their representatives cover travel costs, to ensure
as many young people as possible can attend.
A number of participants in past ACYOA National Young Adult Leadership
Conferences have gone on to serve their home parishes as parish council
members and in other leadership positions.
This year the conference will explore the theme “Fellowship: A Common
Life in Christ”. Those seeking more information are encouraged to visit
or e-mail Nancy Basmajian at [email protected].
— 2/10/05
E-mail photos available on request. Photos also viewable in the News
and Events section of the Eastern Diocese’s website,
PHOTO CAPTION (1): Participants in the ACYOA southern regional retreat
gather at the St. Sarkis Church of Dallas, TX, on Saturday, January 29,
2005.
PHOTO CAPTION (2): ACYOA members in Texas take part in a Bible study
discussion during the ACYOA southern regional retreat on Saturday,
January 29, 2005.
# # #
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

PRESS OFFICE
Diocese of the Armenian Church of America (Eastern)
630 Second Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Contact: Jake Goshert, Coordinator of Information Services
Tel: (212) 686-0710 Ext. 60; Fax: (212) 779-3558
E-mail: [email protected]
Website:
February 10, 2005
___________________
DIOCESE CONTINUES ECCUMENICAL WORK
Promoting ecumenicalism and dialogue between religions and
denominations, Archbishop Khajag Barsamian, Primate of the Diocese of
the Armenian Church of America (Eastern), has traveled from
Massachusetts, to Rome, and back to New York.
The Diocese’s recent ecumenical efforts highlighted new affiliations,
in-depth discussions, and on-going successes.
JOINING FELLOW FAITHFUL
The Primate was in Needham, MA, on Wednesday, January 19, 2005, to
attend a meeting of the Massachusetts Council of Churches. During the
meeting of the 103-year-old organization, the Armenian Church officially
became a member.
The Primate and delegates from various parishes in Massachusetts spoke
to the current council members about the Armenian Church, its history,
and faith. Being a member of the Massachusetts Council of Churches
gives the Diocese an official role in dialogues and efforts to build
bonds among the faithful.
“When the Armenian Church came to America, we began to lay down roots in
Massachusetts, so this state is important to us as a Diocese. It is our
home base,” the Primate said. “And now we have taken the official step
to be closer to our neighbors, and more involved in their pious
efforts.”
SISTER ORTHODOX AND CATHOLICS TOGHETER
Subsequently, the Primate traveled to Rome, where he met with Oriental
Orthodox and Roman Catholic leaders at the second meeting of the
Catholic-Oriental Orthodox International Joint Commission for Dialogue.
The meetings ran from Tuesday, January 25 to Sunday, January 30.
The first meeting was held last year in Cairo, Egypt. The Mother See of
Holy Etchmiadzin will host next January’s gathering of the group.
This year’s theme was “The Church as Communion” and included panels with
topics such as “The Church as Communion in Early Christian Thought,”
“Full Communion and Degrees of Communion, A Common Ecumenical Goal,”
“Communion — Sister Churches — Church Families,” and “Understanding
Communion, Constitutive Elements of Communion.”
The delegates had an audience with His Holiness Pope John Paul II on
Friday, January 28. In his remarks to the group, the Pope welcomed them
and praised their ecumenical mission.
“I join you in praying that the real bonds of communion between us may
be further strengthened through a spirituality of communion which
contemplates ‘the mystery of the Trinity dwelling in us,’ and sees ‘what
is positive in others, to welcome it and prize it as a gift from God,'”
the Pope said. “I encourage your efforts to foster mutual understanding
and communion between Christians of East and West.”
LOCAL ORTHODOX FAMILY
Back in New York, the Primate hosted a meeting of the Joint Commission
of the Eastern and Oriental Orthodox Churches at the Diocesan Center on
February 8, 2005.
The meeting focused on upcoming events being organized by the group,
including the Prayer Service for the United Nations Orthodox Community,
which will take place again next fall at the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox
Cathedral in New York City.
— 2/10/05
E-mail photos available on request. Photos also viewable in the News
and Events section of the Eastern Diocese’s website,
PHOTO CAPTION (1): Archbishop Khajag Barsamian, Primate of the Diocese
of the Armenian Church of America (Eastern), speaks before members of
the Massachusetts Council of Churches, which the Diocese joined on
Wednesday, January 19, 2005.
PHOTO CAPTION (2): As the newest member of the Massachusetts Council of
Churches, the Primate presents the group’s executive director, Rev. Dr.
Diane Kessler, with an Armenian icon.
PHOTO CAPTION (3): Archbishop Barsamian meets with His Holiness Pope
John Paul II during the Catholic-Oriental Orthodox International Joint
Commission for Dialogue meetings at the Vatican from Tuesday, January 25
through Sunday, January 30.
PHOTO CAPTION (4): The Pope addresses the gathering of Oriental
Orthodox and Catholic leaders in the Vatican.
# # #

Analyst takes dim view of Azerbaijan’s plight if USA attacks Iran
Yeni Musavat, Baku
10 Feb 05
Excerpt from report by Elsad in Azerbaijani newspaper Yeni Musavat
on 10 February headlined “The destruction of Iran’s nuclear assets
promises serious threats to the region”; subheaded “Azerbaijan has
face a very awkward situation”
“Had Iran owned nuclear weapons, it could have become as strong as
Russia and Turkey in the region. As it does not, Tehran is helpless
before Russia and NATO in the person of Turkey [as published]. Iran
might enjoy the same status as these states and protect its interests
if it had the weapons,” political analyst Vafa Quluzada has said.
He thinks that this is the main reason why Tehran does not give up
its nuclear ambitions.
[Passage omitted: Iran to target Israel first in case of military
operations]
The analyst regarded as realistic the possibility of a horrible strike
on Iran right on the border with Azerbaijan.
“If the US-Iranian conflict is resolved peacefully, Azerbaijan will
benefit from that as much as anyone else.”
[Passage omitted: Quluzada describes the current situation as tense
and complicated]
Commenting on the situation in which Azerbaijan found itself, he
said that it was extremely awkward. “On the one hand, 20 per cent
of our lands are under occupation. On the other hand, all monitoring
missions and negotiations are aimed at pulling the wool over people’s
eyes. Neither Azerbaijan, nor Georgia nor Armenia would, of course,
want a new war in the region. It is not known which of the countries
will be affected by radiation, if the USA attacks Iran’s nuclear
reactor. All the three South Caucasus countries are under this threat,”
he said.
The analyst thinks that Azerbaijan might not impact on the course of
operations even if it does not join a [US] coalition. “Azerbaijan is
not a great power and Iran has nothing to lose if Azerbaijan decides
not to join the coalition. The USA might not create it [presumably,
the coalition] either. Let people not think about Iraq. It is a
different country. The point is about air strikes on Iran’s nuclear
facilities. There is no need for the coalition.”
Quluzada does not believe that Azerbaijan is among the countries
which the USA has chosen as a target.
“Azerbaijan is innocent when Iran is concerned and no attacks on Iran
will be launched from our country,” he said.

Beyond Ukraine
By Amitabh Pal
The Progressive
February 2005
In the prolonged election battle in Ukraine, the United States cast
itself as the friend of freedom and self-determination. The Bush
Administration made strong statements in support of democracy and the
electoral process in the country, and denounced the initial rigged
election of ruling party candidate Viktor Yanukovich.
Do not think this is the norm, however.
In several instances in other countries of the former Soviet Union,
the Bush Administration has backed dictatorships much worse than
the government of Ukraine. It also hasn’t had much of a problem with
other recent elections that have been blatantly fixed. The occasional
proclamations by the United States in favor of democracy aren’t taken
seriously by most ruling governments in the area. “The United States
has a rhetorical commitment to human rights,” says Rachel Denber,
acting executive director of Human Rights Watch’s Europe and Central
Asia division. “But its first priority is fighting the war on terrorism
and drug trafficking. That’s why there are no real consequences for
governments in the region that violate human rights.”
In Azerbaijan, a current favorite of the United States, presidential
elections in October 2003 were marked by large-scale fraud. In
monarchical fashion, Heydar Aliyev handed over power to his son Ilham.
Heydar, who died two months after this crowning act of nepotism, had
been warmly courted by the United States since the Clinton era due
to his country’s oil wealth. (Western oil companies have invested
$4 billion in the country and are expected to put in $10 billion
more in the coming years, according to Mother Jones.) During the
Clinton Administration, Heydar’s attempts to bolster relations with
the United States were helped along by oil companies and a luminary
of go-betweens that included Jim Baker, Brent Scowcroft, Zbigniew
Brzezinski, as well as Dick Cheney and Richard Armitage.
The Bush Administration maintained the warm relationship with Heydar.
“Our common security interests, our commercial interests, and our
interests in peace and prosperity will be strengthened with each
length of pipe laid along this line,” Bush said in a letter read
aloud by Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham during the groundbreaking
ceremony of the Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan pipeline in September 2002. (Two
American companies, Unocal and Amerada Hess, are investors in the
pipeline.) “All of us here today,” Bush stated, “are part of a new,
more promising chapter in a new, more promising history between
our nations.” For his part, Abraham lauded Heydar’s “vision and
determination.”
Bush’s high regard for the father was transferred to the son. Back
when he was governor, Bush in 1996 had made Ilham an honorary
Texan for facilitating the entry of Texas-based oil companies into
Azerbaijan. When Ilham was chosen as the prime minister shortly before
the presidential elections, Bush sent him a letter of congratulations
through a visiting Congressional delegation.
The Bush Administration continued its friendship with the Ilham
regime after the rigged October elections, even though not only
were the elections set up, the aftermath was marked by a brutality
not yet seen in Ukraine. At least one person was killed in protests,
and security forces arrested hundreds of opposition members, many of
whom were tortured, Amnesty International found.
Although the United States spent more than $2 million during the
elections ostensibly to promote democracy, in its initial statement
on the election, the State Department said that early indications
were that the polling had gone smoothly, even if it was reserving
final judgment, a very different response from that of an official
European observer who said that the brutality of the security forces
made it seem “that a war had started.”
Deputy Secretary of State Armitage made a phone call to Ilham shortly
after the election, congratulating him on his “strong performance
at the polls,” according to Mother Jones. Armitage also expressed
the Bush Administration’s “desire to work closely with him and
with Azerbaijan in the future.” Not coincidentally, Armitage is a
former board member and co-chair of the U.S.-Azerbaijan Chamber of
Commerce. “For a long time, it was the U.S.-Azerbaijan Chamber of
Commerce that was the real link between our two nations,” Armitage
said in a 2002 speech before the organization. “I think now we’ve
got a pretty solid government-to-government link.”
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld visited Azerbaijan in December
2003, just six weeks after the elections. He again congratulated
Ilham and refused to comment on the fairness of the poll. Armitage
tried to make amends by holding a meeting with opposition leaders
during a visit in March 2004, but expressed confidence at a press
conference that the human rights situation would soon get better.
Apart from the oil link, Azerbaijan has proven useful to the United
States in other ways. It has granted overflight rights to the United
States, and has sent 159 troops to Iraq. The Bush Administration
requested $70 million in aid for Azerbaijan in 2004, including $8
million in military aid. Until September 11, the regime received no
military aid because of its poor human rights record and an ongoing
dispute with Armenia.
“United States policy toward Azerbaijan has focused on Azerbaijan’s
support for America’s war against terror and oil interests,” Human
Rights Watch stated in a 2004 report. “The U.S. role has been marred
by weak responses to rights abuses, including those accompanying the
2003 election and its aftermath.”
In October, the government sentenced seven opposition leaders to
years in prison for allegedly organizing the disturbances following
the elections. Human rights rapporteurs sent by Europe denounced
the imprisonment. The United States made no big fuss.
When Kazakhstan held parliamentary elections in September and October
2004, the results left the opposition with the sum total of one member
in parliament. The member refused to take his seat in protest.
Widespread fraud occurred.
“My wife is a school director, and on election day we both voted six
times, because we had to,” a driver told The New York Times. “You
call that democracy?”
After the results, the European Union condemned the vote as
unfair. The U.S. Embassy, however, remained mum. Armitage flew to
Kazakhstan a month after the vote and did not mention the elections
at all during his news conference. Nor did he refer to the State
Department’s own human rights report in February, which noted the
almost complete muzzling of the media in the country. Instead,
he said, the main purpose of the visit was to thank the government
for its twenty-eight-member contingent in Iraq. Armitage had earlier
praised Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev in an April 27, 2004,
speech before the U.S.-Kazakhstan Business Association for making
his country the “most stable and prosperous Central Asian state.”
This seems to be the general White House line in the region. On
November 28, 2001, at the launch of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium,
Bush issued a statement praising Kazakhstan for helping “build
prosperity and stability” in the world. Nazarbayev got to visit the
White House in December 2001, partly as a reward for allowing the
U.S. Air Force to use an airport in his country. During his visit,
Nazarbayev presented Bush with a fancy saddle worth $7,500. (Under
current regulations, Bush has to turn over all his gifts to the federal
government.) The two countries signed a series of agreements. “We
declare our commitment to strengthen the long-term, strategic
partnership and cooperation between our nations seeking to advance a
shared vision of a peaceful, prosperous, and sovereign Kazakhstan in
the twenty-first century,” the joint statement by Bush and Nazarbayev
stated. As if to wave at Kazakhstan’s problem, the declaration did
“reiterate our mutual commitments to advance the rule of law and
promote freedom of religion and other universal human rights.”
This expression of a commitment to human rights by the Kazakh
government did not seem to have much of an effect on its behavior. An
August 2004 report by Human Rights Watch documented a host of abuses in
Kazakhstan, including the jailing of opposition figures, the suspicious
death of a journalist, and harassment of nongovernmental organizations.
In September 2003, the two nations signed a five-year cooperation
plan that includes the supply of helicopters, military cargo aircraft,
and ships, plus supply equipment for Kazakh troops and anti-terrorism
training. U.S. aid to Kazakhstan grew from $47.9 million in 2000 to
$92 million in 2003, of which half was for security-related purposes.
“We are grateful for the strong and growing relationship we have and
for the friendship and for the steadfastness of the Kazakh people,”
Rumsfeld said in a visit to Kazakhstan in February 2004. “Kazakhstan
is an important country in the global war on terror and has been
wonderfully helpful in Iraq, and I came here to personally say ‘thank
you’ and express our appreciation.”
The Bush Administration’s fondness for Nazarbayev is partly explained
by the fact that U.S. oil companies have significant investments in
his country. Chevron Texaco is putting in billions of dollars in
Kazakhstan. Cheney was a member of Nazarbayev’s Oil Advisory Board
when he was running Halliburton. During his visit to the United
States, Nazarbayev also met with Bush Senior, whom he awarded one
of Kazakhstan’s top civilian honors. A host of former and current
officials have lobbied for, and worked with, the Kazakh government,
including Armitage, Baker, Lawrence Eagleburger, and President Reagan’s
deputy chief of staff Michael Deaver, according to Ken Silverstein
in the Los Angeles Times.
Islam Karimov, a complete thug, rules Uzbekistan. The jails are filled
with an estimated 6,500 political prisoners, says The Guardian. At
least two prisoners have been boiled to death, according to a British
Embassy report. The U.N. rapporteur on torture, Theo van Boven, stated
after a 2002 visit that torture in the country was “institutionalized,
systematic, and rampant.”
But since Karimov has cooperated in the Afghan War and allowed the
setting up of a U.S. base in his country, he has become a crucial ally
of the United States. He was received in the White House in March
2002, and top cabinet officials such as Colin Powell and Rumsfeld
have visited the Central Asian republic. The country has received
hundreds of millions of dollars in U.S. aid and rent money since
September 11, according to Lutz Kleveman in Amnesty Now, the Amnesty
International magazine.
“People have less freedom here than during Brezhnev,” a senior Western
official in Uzbekistan told The Guardian. “The irony is that the U.S.
Republican Party is supporting the remnants of Brezhnevism as part
of their fight against Islamic extremism.”
Powell, among other top U.S. officials, has lavished praise on
Karimov. “It was my pleasure to bring to the president the greetings
of President Bush and also to extend to him our thanks for all the
support we have received from Uzbekistan in pursuing this campaign
against terrorism in Afghanistan and elsewhere throughout the world
as well,” Powell said during a December 2001 visit to the country.
At Karimov’s White House visit a few months later, Bush “expressed
appreciation” for his help. The Uzbek government made the most of
Karimov being feted by the White House. “The world community cannot
deprive this person of the moral and physical right to stand among
those who have suppressed the forces of fear and terror becoming
the living symbol of his country,” gushed an Uzbek government press
statement released during his sojourn to the United States. While
in the United States, Karimov signed five bilateral agreements with
Washington. The Bush Administration was careful, however, to invite
Karimov for afternoon tea, instead of dinner, and to avoid a press
conference afterward.
When I visited the country later in 2002, a Western diplomat
characterized the U.S.-Uzbek relationship as “very good” and claimed
that there had been “measurable improvement in the human rights
record” in that nation, a claim refuted by the Human Rights Watch
office director for the country. The indulgence toward the country
continues. The U.S. ambassador warned Uzbek activists early last year
not to ask him “political questions,” according to Harper’s Magazine.
“Tortured dupes are forced to sign confessions showing what the Uzbek
government wants the U.S. and U.K. to believe–that they and we are
fighting the same war on terror,” Britain’s ambassador to Uzbekistan,
Craig Murray, stated in a document leaked to The Financial Times. Tony
Blair forced Murray to resign because of his outspoken criticism, in
large part due to pressure from Washington, according to The Sunday
Times of Scotland.
Roughly 1,000 U.S. troops are stationed at a base in Uzbekistan, named
K2, eighty miles from the Afghanistan border. A formal agreement
commits the United States to respond to “any external threat” to
Uzbekistan. U.S. Special Forces have provided training to the Uzbek
military, and the U.S. Army has provided military communication
equipment to the Uzbek armed forces. In 2002, Uzbekistan received
$43 million in U.S. military aid. It also participates in the NATO
Partnership for Peace program.
After meeting Karimov in February 2004, Rumsfeld said that
U.S.-Uzbek defense relations were “growing stronger every month”
and that the country’s human rights record was just one part of its
relationship with the United States, which could not be based on a
“single pillar.” He added, “We have benefited greatly in our efforts
in the global war on terror and in Afghanistan from the wonderful
cooperation we’ve received from the government of Uzbekistan.”
In July, at the advice of the State Department, the United States
cut some aid over human rights concerns. But General Richard Myers,
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, publicly disagreed with that
move during an August visit to Uzbekistan. “My own view is that is very
shortsighted, and it’s never productive,” Myers said. “In fact, it can
often have the opposite effect that people intend, because you lose any
ability to influence at all, at least through a military standpoint.”
Uzbekistan’s neighbor Turkmenistan has the worst regime in the
region–and one of the nastiest in the world. Dictator Saparmurat
Niyazov put on show trials in late 2002 and early 2003. “Many people
in Russia and the West are calling [these trials] the most chilling
public witch hunt since Stalin’s show trials of prominent Bolsheviks
in the 1930s,” The New York Times reported.
Niyazov has renamed the months of January, April, and September
after himself, his dearly departed mother, and The Book of Ruhnama,
a treatise authored by Niyazov that every schoolchild has to study at
least one day a week. Portraits and statues of him are everywhere,
including a revolving thirty-five-foot golden statue whose raised
arms welcome the dawn and bid the sun farewell at dusk. His face is
on everything from the currency to vodka. The country’s oil revenue
is put in an offshore account that only Niyazov controls.
“Turkmenistan is one of the most repressive countries in the
world,” says Human Rights Watch in a 2004 report. “The government
systematically violates virtually all civil, political, economic,
social, and cultural rights.” But Niyazov’s neo-Stalinism hasn’t
stopped top U.S. officials from visiting Turkmenistan and courting him.
“The support of President Niyazov to our efforts, and the support of
the Turkmen people to the Afghan people, remain very important to our
efforts,” General Tommy Franks said after meeting Niyazov in August
2002. “The cooperation between our nations remains very good and,
of course, I am thankful for that, as well.”
The Bush Administration requested $19.2 million in military aid
for Turkmenistan in 2003, according to the Federation of American
Scientists. A small contingent of U.S. troops has been based in
Turkmenistan to refuel cargo planes for aid into Afghanistan. During
an April 2002 visit, Rumsfeld discussed with Niyazov the expansion of
the Foreign Military Financing Program, under which the United States
has donated a Coast Guard cutter to the country. The United States
has also trained Turkmen military officers under the International
Military Education and Training program.
Rumsfeld was effusive in thanking Niyazov during his visit. “I took
the opportunity to thank the president and the people for their very
fine cooperation” in the war on terror, he said, adding that the
United States was “grateful and appreciative.” Rumsfeld expressed
gratitude to Niyazov for his “very fine contribution with respect
to humanitarian assistance for Afghanistan.” He made no mention of
Niyazov’s dubious humanitarian record in his own country.
Amitabh Pal is Managing Editor of The Progressive.

New bill to bar Armenian ombudsman from courts
Mediamax news agency
10 Feb 05
Yerevan, 10 February: The Armenian government has approved changes
to the law “On the Human Rights Defender”, which deny the ombudsman
the right to interfere in the course of court trials.
Under the new bill, the ombudsman can only consult the plaintiff on
appealing against court verdicts or sentences, the press service of
the Cabinet of Ministers reported today.
It was noted at the government’s meeting that this approach was
observed in the laws of a number of countries.

MP praises Armenia’s progress in fulfilling international commitments
Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
10 Feb 05
[Presenter] Armenia is continuing to fulfill its commitments to the
Council of Europe.
The Armenian parliament speaker has received a letter of congratulation
from heads of European organizations on Armenia’s fulfilment of its
commitments in the legislative sphere, the head of the parliamentary
commission for defence, national security and internal affairs,
Mger Shakhgeldyan, said today.
As for Azerbaijan’s wish, it wants to turn the Karabakh conflict into
a topic of discussion at a meeting of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly,
Shakhgeldyan said. He added that for the time being it is not known
how NATO will respond to that. But we should be ready and consolidate
our forces in order to drive our message across clearly.
[Passage omitted: minor details]
[Shakhgeldyan] It is natural that Azerbaijan should want to raise
this issue at every meeting. Today, we have no information that the
issue will be discussed. But Asgarov’s [as given] statement sounds
like a warning to us and we should speed up our activities.

TIME FOR REVOLUTION
A1+
10 Feb 05
Today New Times party leader, former ARFD member Aram Karapetyan
invited journalists to declare about his intention start a “revolution
from below” in April. Several months earlier he warned the authorities
that if they do not make serious system changes, he will launch a
popular revolution. “No changes took place, while the removal of some
ministers from office was a mere imitation”, he said.
Karapetyan warned that the April revolution will be peaceful, like the
one that forced Levon Ter-Petrosyan to resign. He also said that he
has already informed the police chiefs that thorny hedge and budget
funds will prove useless. “By the way, when we for the first time
announced that we are going to start a popular revolution, worried
statements appeared in the newspapers supported by the forces,
which seized power in 1998 by means of military and violence”.
When answering the question â~@~for what reasons Aram Karapetyan is
better than Stepan Demirchyan or Artashes Geghamyan, who failed to
seize power last April, he said, â~@~Situation was different then. Our
people did not see the outcomes of the developments in the CISâ~@~]
(the matter concerns latest developments in Ukraine)and added that the
Armenian revolution will not have a color. â~@~The most important
thing is that we are not going to use force, we will just take the
power with the help of the massâ~@~].
As for the Karabakh issue, Karapetyanâ~@~Ys approaches do not differ
from the leadershipâ~@~Ys position. He just states that the authorities
do not have precise policy, they do not have a strong state and do not
enjoy the peopleâ~@~Ys support. Aram Karapetyan stated he is sure of
victory. â~@~If we do not win, we will be imprisonedâ~@~], he resumed.
–Boundary_(ID_xJZjbIxW2BNIlIJJfykxZQ)–