Jirair Ratevosian, gay and Armenian, shakes up Congress race with huge donation haul

July 1 2023

Dr. Jirair Ratevosian, a former advisor to the Biden State Department and a one-time legislative director for Rep. Barbara Lee, has announced a substantial fundraising total of $100,000 in the first month of his campaign for California’s 30th Congressional District.

Ratevosian made the announcement on Friday, underscoring the early success of his campaign. As an openly gay son of Armenian immigrants, he represents both generational change and increased diversity for a district known for its sizable Armenian-American community.

“I am truly humbled by the overwhelming support and generosity we have received in the first month of our campaign,” said Ratevosian. “This milestone reflects our supporters’ shared belief in creating opportunities for all to achieve their American dream.”

Ratevosian’s successful first month of fundraising points to the potential of his candidacy, but three of his 16 opponents (Mike Feuer, Anthony Portantino, Nick Melvoin) had already raised more than $500,000 by the March 31 Federal Elections Commission campaign finance reports, and those amounts are likely to have grown since then. Melvoin’s campaign has spent the most so far with $42,734.72 in expenditures.

His fundraising totals draw from a broad range of supporters, from small-dollar donors to larger contributors, all showing a vote of confidence in his vision for an inclusive and progressive future.

“I am ready to serve on DAY ONE,” stated Ratevosian. “I am running for Congress to bring my federal and lived experience to the table, and to bring my record of solving complex challenges to fight for bipartisan and progressive solutions for our community.”

California’s 30th Congressional District, currently represented by Rep. Adam Schiff, is located in Los Angeles County. It includes the cities of Pasadena, Glendale, Burbank, West Hollywood, Sunland, Tujunga, and Hancock Park. Schiff is vacating the seat to run for U.S. Senate. In 2022, he won the district, which leans Democratic, with 71% of the vote. The district boasts the highest number of Armenian-American voting-age citizens in the country at 14%.

Exhibition: Design professor’s theatrical posters featured in international festival

June 28 2023
Two theatrical posters created by Dejan Mraović, assistant professor of graphic design at Campbell University, were selected for the 1st Theatrical Posters International Festival in Yerevan, Armenia.

The exhibition was held last fall in the foyer of the Gabriel Sundukyan National Academic Theatre, which opened in 1922, and was the first Armenian state academic theater. Mraović, who joined Campbell University in fall 2022, was an assistant professor of graphic design and coordinator of the graphic design program at Wayland Baptist University in Plainview, Texas, during the showcase. Both posters served as theatrical marketing posters for productions put on by the university’s fine arts program in 2018 and 2019. 

“It is a great honor to represent the United States of America on the international design scene,” said Mraović, a native of Serbia.

The international exhibition in Armenia showcased 97 posters by 66 designers from 21 countries: Argentina, Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brazil, China, Cyprus, France, Germany, Indonesia, Iran, Mexico, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom, USA and Armenia.  Mraović was one of only three designers from the U.S. included in the show.

The opening of the festival was covered by the Public Television of Armenia, or 1TV, from Yerevan.

The festival was supported by the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport of the Republic of Armenia, Ambassade de France en Arménie and Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation in Armenia. The visitors were also able to see some of the most successful Armenian posters designed in the first 100 years of the Gabriel Sundukyan National Academic Theatre.


More California Armenians Are Moving Back to Their Parents’ Native Land

KQED
Levi Bridges

Hovik Manucharyan got on a plane and flew to a country at war.

It was fall 2020 and he felt drawn back to his home country of Armenia to help.

He’s not alone. Many Armenians who’ve grown up outside the country — often in California — are moving back to their homeland in a kind of reverse migration. They’re seeking a closer connection to their culture, and community, and are using skills they gained in the U.S. to make a difference in a country that many know more from stories than from experience.

This reverse migration is making an impact. Californian transplants have started businesses and nonprofits. Some work in Armenia’s government. Others have helped expand Armenia’s tech sector or work to develop infrastructure in this small country that is still recovering from a 44-day war with Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is populated by ethnic Armenians.

Armenian immigrants in the United States, like Manucharyan, rallied to send aid to Armenia during the war when entire towns fell to Azerbaijan and thousands of Armenians were displaced. The conflict with Azerbaijan was one of many reasons that Manucharyan and his wife, Suzanna, decided to move their family to Armenia.

“It just sort of feels less stressful being here [in Armenia] than far away and hearing about your homeland and not being able to contribute,” Manucharyan said.

‘I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in LA knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here.’Mikael Matossian, Yerevan, Armenia resident

Both Manucharyan and Suzanna moved to Los Angeles from Armenia when they were younger and spent most of their adult years in California. But they still feel strongly connected to their homeland.

For many Armenians, the 2020 war provided the impetus to leave California behind. The Manucharyans are part of a growing trend of Californians moving to Armenia full-time.

“I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in L.A. knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here,” said Mikael Matossian, 28, who relocated to Yerevan last year.

There are actually more Armenians living outside the country than there are inside Armenia. Starting in 1915, hundreds of thousands of people fled the Armenian genocide, committed by modern-day Turkey, and wound up all over the world. Another large wave of immigration from Armenia started in the ’90s after the Soviet Union collapsed and Armenia became an independent country.

Los Angeles County has the largest population of Armenians in the world outside Armenia, with the city of Glendale — sometimes called Little Armenia — considered the epicenter of Armenian language and culture in California. Armenian is widely spoken in Los Angeles, with Armenian restaurants and schools scattered around the city. For many, the Armenian diaspora in California provides a grounding community. But for some, it can sometimes feel suffocating.

“I wanted to get out [of the community] because I really needed space to be myself,” said Kyle Khandikian, who grew up in L.A. and went to an Armenian school in Encino.

Khandikian, who identifies as gay, said that when he was growing up, LGBTQ issues were a taboo subject in L.A.’s Armenian community.

“As a kid, I didn’t feel like I could be out and I wasn’t out,” Khandikian said.

When he started college at UCLA, Khandikian tried stepping away from the Armenian community. But being Armenian continued to be an important part of his identity.

“I think that if you asked one of my friends from UCLA, ‘Who is Kyle?’ One of the first things they will say is, ‘Kyle is Armenian,’” Khandikian said.

‘Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people.’Kyle Khandikian, Yerevan, Armenia resident

Once Khandikian got some distance from the Armenian community during college and became comfortable with his sexuality, he felt like his different identities — Armenian and queer — could coexist. That made him want to wholeheartedly embrace his Armenian side in a way he felt like he couldn’t before.

So he moved to Yerevan to immerse himself in Armenian culture.

“Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people,” Khandikian said.

Many Californians got the bug to move here after volunteering in Armenia during college.

‘We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity.’Nanor Balabanian, Yerevan, Armenia resident

Nanor Balabanian, 33, visited the country one summer with students from UC Santa Barbara. They set up a computer lab in a remote Armenian village using equipment they bought after fundraising at home.

“We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity,” Balabanian said.

Balabanian turned the work she started during that first summer into a full-fledged nonprofit called The Hidden Road Initiative that helps expand access to education and provides leadership opportunities in rural Armenian villages.

Balabanian’s work is an example of a reverse brain drain happening in Armenia. Instead of educated, skilled workers moving away from their home countries for opportunities in the U.S., Armenians from Los Angeles, and elsewhere in the state, are bringing their skills back to Armenia.

‘I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country.’Mikael Matossian, Yerevan, Armenia resident

Mikael Matossian, a 28-year-old who grew up in the San Fernando Valley, used to work in the renewable energy industry in Los Angeles. Now, he helps Armenia make its energy system less dependent on Russian gas.

“I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country,” Matossian said.

Even though Matossian had never lived in Armenia full-time before moving to Yerevan last year, he said the country immediately felt like home. Just hearing people talking in Armenian everywhere, the language he spoke with his parents and grandparents back in L.A., gave everything a sense of familiarity.

But moving to Armenia isn’t a seamless transition for many who grew up as part of the diaspora. Matossian — and many other Californians — use a dialect called Western Armenian commonly spoken by the descendants of those who fled parts of the country that were annexed to Turkey during the genocide a century ago.

Many Californians who move here have to master the local dialect, Eastern Armenian, spoken in the capital. Matossian said he felt self-conscious at times when he spoke after arriving in Yerevan.

“I wanted to fit in here, but I’ve since kind of abandoned that idea — I’m comfortable with my dialect,” Matossian said.

Older Californians like Hovik Manucharyan — who moved his family to Yerevan after volunteering during the 2020 war — say they want their children to grow up with a closer connection to Armenian language and culture.

The move was a big change for Manucharyan’s three kids, but they felt welcomed when they arrived at their new Armenian school.

The Manucharyan family seated at their home in Yerevan, Armenia, on February 13, 2023. The family, who formerly lived in Glendale, moved to Yerevan, Armenia two years ago, to be closer to the country they love. (Courtesy of Levi Bridges)

Manurcharyan’s 17-year-old daughter, Vardine, said American students don’t really care when a new kid shows up in class. But in Armenia, students crowded around her on her first day at school introducing themselves and offering to show her around.

“Schools [in Armenia] are more like family,” she said.

Californians living in Yerevan described a closer connection to their ancestral homeland now that they live in Armenia. Their families survived a genocide that tried to extinguish Armenian culture.

But the survivors carried it with them when they fled as if their traditions and language were burning embers that they later rekindled, in places like Glendale, into big roaring bonfires.

Moving nearly halfway around the world makes Armenia more palpable, something you can touch without getting burnt, and carry with you when you go.

Sports: What national team experience meant for Badgers’ Essegian

Wisconsin Badgers guard Connor Essegian (3) drives around North Texas Mean Green guard Arsh Mattu (13) during the second half in an NCAA college basketball game in the National Invitation Tournament on Tuesday, March 28, in Las Vegas. 

Ellen Schmidt/TNS

By Michael Mccleary / The Wisconsin State Journal

MADISON — University of Wisconsin men's basketball guard Connor Essegian received some emails and letters during his senior year of high school, but he didn't think much of it at the time.

The Armenian national team wanted him to get involved with an event they were planning the following year in Los Angeles. Essegian didn't know much about his Armenian heritage for most of his life, and without looking into it, he wasn't sure it was a big deal.

Then this summer, after his breakout freshman season with the Badgers, Essegian did some research. He learned about the magnitude of the Armenian team playing two international games in the United States, and about the Armenian community that was eager to be a part of it. He set up a Zoom call with the team's coach, Rex Kalamian, who's currently an assistant coach with the Detroit Pistons. Suddenly, this seemed serious.

"I really ended up deciding that I was going to do it about a week before I ended up going to L.A.," Essegian said. "I mean, it was pretty quick the whole process."

So, the week he returned to Madison, Essegian traveled again to meet the rest of the team for the Armenian Basketball Classic, with Armenia's national team playing two international friendlies against France at California State University Northridge on June 16 and 17. It was the first time the Armenian National Basketball Team had ever played games in the U.S.

And Armenian basketball fans "showed out," Essegian said, recalling hundreds of people being turned away at the door from the sold-out gym.

In the second game of the series, Essegian scored 14 points on 5-of-14 shooting (4-of-10 from 3-point range), getting run on the floor against older competition than what he'll encounter in the Big Ten this year as a sophomore.

Essegian was an All-Freshman Team honoree in the Big Ten last year, averaging 11.7 points in 35 games (19 starts) for the Badgers.

The Indiana native said it was a positive learning experience, both from a basketball standpoint and as an opportunity to learn more about his own Armenian heritage. He said many of the players on the team — who were mostly around 24 or 25 — were in a similar boat as the 19-year-old Essegian: still learning about their own history.

"But it's been really interesting," Essegian said. "It is pretty cool to see what it's about."

Kalamian, who's spent close to 30 years in the NBA as an assistant, "was putting me in front of guys every morning to be able to get myself out there at that level, too," Essegian said.

France represents maybe the best competition Essegian feels he's ever faced, an "extremely legit" group that was ranked among the top-5 teams in the world at the time.

The main thing Essegian took away from the weekend was the "love" he received from the team and fans alike, but once he was inserted into the starting five, he went all out on the court.

"It was really awesome to be able to kind of be one of those top guys on a national team," Essegian said.

© 2023 The Wisconsin State Journal

https://www.superiortelegram.com/sports/college/what-national-team-experience-meant-for-badgers-essegian


“Negotiations or pressure on Armenia?”: shelling in NK during negotiations in Washington

June 28 2023

  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Shelling during negotiations in Washington

“The situation can be defined as follows: either there are no negotiations, or the use of force is part of these ‘negotiations’,” political observer Hakob Badalyan believes.

During the meeting between the Foreign Ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan, which began on June 27, Baku used a UAV in Nagorno-Karabakh, which killed four soldiers. The Armenian Defense Ministry reports that the Azerbaijani Armed Forces once again fired at the Armenian-American plant under construction in Yeraskh. In connection with these incidents, NK demanded that the Armenian delegation “immediately stop negotiations until a full-fledged truce is established both on the line of contact with NK and on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border.”

According to Badalyan, Azerbaijan cannot ignore the US, it can simply be sure that there will be a reaction to its actions or not. The analyst believes that the lack of reaction means “at least a loyal attitude towards the use of force by Azerbaijan.”

This is the second round of Mirzoyan-Bayramov talks mediated by US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken. It was scheduled for June 12, but was postponed at the request of Baku. The first round of negotiations took place on May 1-4. Following the meeting, a joint statement was not signed, the parties limited themselves to a press release, which stated that “positions on some key issues still diverge.”


  • Pashinyan speaks before parliamentary commission on the Karabakh War
  • Situation with Armenians in Karabakh has become even more aggravated
  • “Sixty telephone conversations with Putin” – Pashinyan on ending the 2020 war

The Armenian-Azerbaijani talks, mediated by Secretary of State Antony Blinken, will continue until June 29.

It is reported that on the first day the Blinken-Bayrams meeting, trilateral negotiations, as well as bilateral discussions of the Armenian and Azerbaijani delegations took place.

During a conversation with Blinken, the Azerbaijani Foreign Minister said that “for the successful completion of the peace process, it is important to avoid provocative steps.” But, on the first day of negotiations in Washington, the Azerbaijani Armed Forces opened fire on the Armenian-American plant under construction in Yeraskh, and later the situation escalated in NK.

The Prime Minister of Armenia called on the international community to “take practical steps” to ensure the rights and security of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh. On Twitter, he wrote about the “high risk of destabilization in the South Caucasus.”

The parliament of the unrecognized NKR adopted a statement demanding the Armenian delegation in Washington:

“Immediately stop the ongoing negotiations until a full-fledged truce is established on the line of contact with Artsakh and on the borders of the Republic of Armenia and documentary guarantees of its observance are provided. Otherwise, the continuation of negotiations will mean encouraging the aggressive behavior of the Azerbaijani side and privilege at the international level.”

The deputies called on the UN Security Council and the leaders of the co-chairing countries of the OSCE Minsk Group

  • “to take concrete practical steps,
  • impose sanctions against Azerbaijan,
  • curb his aggressive tendencies,
  • not be limited to expressions of sympathy, appeals and recommendations.”

“I can’t imagine what negotiations can be like in a situation where one of the parties is negotiating simultaneously with the use of force or the threat of its use. And this circumstance is not worthy of a targeted assessment by any of the mediators in the negotiations, in general by the international community.

Are negotiations possible in such a situation, or is it just an attempt to dictate conditions, where Yerevan has only one thing left to do – resist?

Negotiations should involve a certain balance of power. I mean not only military strength, but also the atmospheric balance in general.”

“The shelling in Yeraskh has been going on for several days, by and large, they have not stopped. After the first shelling, when two workers were injured, the US expressed deep concern at the level of a tweet from a State Department spokesman.

But this did not bother Azerbaijan. The shooting in the direction of the plant continued even after its owners planted the flags of Armenia and the United States on the territory.

I think that Azerbaijan cannot ignore the US, it can only be sure whether the US will react or not. That’s why I’m talking about signs of loyalty. As an indicator of the effectiveness of efforts to achieve peace, I consider it important to call Azerbaijan to account for the use of force or its threat. When we do not see this, I strongly doubt the effectiveness of the peace process.”

How Yerevan evaluates the installation of the Azerbaijani flag on the Hakari bridge and the ban on movement along the Lachin corridor. Comments of the Prime Minister, Minister of Defense, MPs and Ombudsman of Armenia

“Let’s fix two significant circumstances between the first and second rounds of negotiations in Washington. On May 28 Aliyev made a well-known speech. He openly put forward an ultimatum to the leadership and people of Artsakh – “you will live as I propose, you will be forgiven.” After Aliyev’s speech, the representative of the US State Department welcomed the Armenian Prime Minister’s commitment to peace and Aliyev’s statement on amnesty.

Then there was a leak in the Russian press that the US was trying to organize a direct conversation between representatives of NK and Baku in a third country and was trying to put pressure on Artsakh. The message said that in the event of refusal, “the Karabakh leadership is threatened with an Azerbaijani counter-terrorist operation.”

After this leak, we did not receive an official denial or explanation from the United States that there was no such pressure on the representatives of Artsakh. Why was there no rebuttal?

These two circumstances – the reaction to Aliyev’s speech and the lack of reaction to the leak – allow us to say that the use of force by Azerbaijan is perceived at least loyally. This is worrying. And the question arises to what extent these negotiations are actually negotiations. Or is it persuasion or pressure on one side to agree to some terms.”

Russian media, citing a “diplomatic source”, reported that Washington is forcing representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh to agree to a meeting with the Azerbaijani side.

“If US mediation were unprofitable, unfavorable, Azerbaijan would simply not participate in these meetings. If Azerbaijan can go to negotiations and use force against Artsakh with the help of UAVs in a few hours, then it can afford not to participate in them. If he goes to Washington, then there is no content that he does not want, at least there is no pressure.

I repeat, we do not see a direct reaction of the United States to the actions of Azerbaijan. Yes, we don’t see this from Russia either, but we already know everything about Russia, there are no secrets. It is absolutely clear that Russia will by no means go against Azerbaijan. But we must understand that the United States will not go either.

For them, the settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is just a means of solving their geopolitical problems, fighting for influence among themselves, and so on.”

“Azerbaijan’s goals are clear, it sets the task, so to speak, of the reintegration of Artsakh. They state this very clearly and openly.

When the Prime Minister of Armenia declares that he recognizes the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, which includes Artsakh, even this does not satisfy Azerbaijan. Instead of this statement, Baku demands to take very specific steps: the disbandment of the army of Nagorno-Karabakh, etc., in fact the disbandment of the unrecognized statehood of Artsakh.”

“The fact that someone raises the question of the Stepanakert-Baku dialogue does not mean anything in itself. Dialogue can be on different issues and in different formats. The same dialogue can be about reintegration into Azerbaijan. If any international actor says that dialogue is important, this does not mean that he says: it is important for Baku to recognize NK.

Naturally, Baku is offered to talk to the NK Armenians. Baku also says: I will speak on my own terms. Yerevan answers: these conditions do not satisfy us.

To think that Baku is being forced to negotiate with Stepanakert is a disconnect from reality. On the contrary we see, at least in the form of a policy of blackmail on the part of Baku, that Stepanakert is under pressure. In order for it to enter into a dialogue with Baku, within the framework of the logic that Baku puts forward.”


Blinken: Hard Work Still Ahead for Armenia, Azerbaijan Peace Talks

Voice of America
Cindy Saine

Secretary of State Antony Blinken brought the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan together for several days of peace talks in Washington, as residents of the ethnic Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan say they have been cut off from food, medicine and gas. VOA’s Senior Diplomatic Correspondent Cindy Saine reports.

Watch the video report at https://www.voanews.com/a/blinken-hard-work-still-ahead-for-armenia-azerbaijan-peace-talks-/7161351.html

CG: It’s make or break time for Nagorno-Karabakh’s future

Armenia and Azerbaijan are holding peace talks in Washington DC. It’s a critical moment for Nagorno-Karabakh

Olesya Vartanyan
27 June 2023, 10.06am

December 2022: Armenian residents of Nagorno-Karabakh protest against an Azerbaijani blockade of the enclave – now in its sixth month | (c) DAVIT GHAHRAMANYAN/AFP via Getty Images. All rights reserved

The year-long negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan on a peace agreement have reached a critical moment. Since May, leaders and their representatives have regularly convened in various capitals worldwide. And today, delegates are due to begin several days of talks in Washington DC.

While some of those involved acknowledge progress, stating that almost half of the document has already been agreed, the path to a successful end remains distant. The main point of disagreement remains the lack of compromise on the key and most difficult issue – the fate of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

This issue has been a central element in the Armenian-Azerbaijan conflict, which has remained unresolved since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Nagorno-Karabakh is a small enclave populated by Armenians located within the territory of Azerbaijan. Following the war in the 1990s, the Armenian side emerged victorious and controlled territories extending more than twice the size of Soviet era boundaries of the region for over 25 years. After the defeat in the 2020 war, around 120,000 local Armenians reside in a much smaller territory patrolled by Russian peacekeepers. All the territories around the enclave are now controlled by Azerbaijan.

Over the past year, the Armenian leadership has made significant concessions, such as officially recognising Azerbaijan's territorial integrity, including Nagorno-Karabakh. But in order to proceed with the peace treaty Armenia is insisting it includes special rights and ensures the security of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian population. International mediators also want special measures due to decades of conflict and the recent 2020 war that claimed over 7,000 lives in just six weeks. The de facto leadership of Nagorno-Karabakh itself continues to assert its independence, even though the entity remains unrecognised by any state in the world.

The outcome of the talks largely hinges on what stance Azerbaijan will take. For Baku, any options considered must align with the objective of securing complete control over the Armenian-populated territory. It rejects reopening discussions on the enclave’s status, which persisted for almost 30 years without results.

International mediators see a way out by giving Baku and Stepanakert a chance to start talks on ways to continue living next to each other. The proposal was first put forward by European mediators a year ago and was promptly supported by their American counterparts. In April, the Russian foreign minister also spoke in support, but there have been no signs yet that Moscow is ready to push for the process to move forward.

Those involved in this week’s Armenian-Azerbaijani peace talks say if direct dialogue does begin between Baku and Sepanakert, Yerevan and Baku will be able to proceed with signing the peace deal in the near future.

Both the president of Azerbaijan and the de facto leadership of Nagorno-Karabakh have spoken about their readiness to consider such negotiations. But many elements of the future process still remain unclear, including the format, agenda, location of the meetings and role of outside mediators. These factors can significantly influence not only the prospect of a deal but also its effectiveness and potential success.

Stepanakert is probably the party most interested in launching these talks. The last seven months have been particularly difficult for the local population. It started with the Baku-backed activists that blockaded the only road that connects the enclave with Armenia. That halted the movement of people and led to shortages of food products and medical supplies. In April, the situation deteriorated further, when Baku installed a checkpoint on this road.

In June, following a brief exchange of fire, Azerbaijan closed the checkpoint even for humanitarian cargo such as food and medication, which was being delivered to Nagorno-Karabakh by Russian peacekeepers and the International Red Cross (ICRC). On top of this, for over four months the local Armenians have faced a shortage of electricity supply and no natural gas due to the damage of the supply routes from Armenia that cross over the Azerbaijani-controlled territory in the conflict zone. As of Sunday, the ICRC is now able to conduct medical evacuations, though deliveries of food and medicine are still cut off.

The only road that links Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh has been blocked since mid-December | Image: Marut Vanyan

When similar problems emerged in the past, Stepanakert would address them through the Russian peacekeepers or use its own contacts on the Azerbaijani side. None of these channels function anymore. Since the EU and US started pushing for the launch of Baku-Stepanakert talks, all parties have become particularly wary of not conceding on the format and content of the future talks even before they start.

Azerbaijan now refuses to have either formal or informal talks with the de facto officials of Nagorno-Karabakh. Instead, it invites them to Baku to demonstrate that the talks can be only about incorporating the enclave to its direct rule.

“All we hear is that each and every problem will be resolved when we agree to ‘integrate’ to Azerbaijan on their terms,” one de facto official said. “But we do not need a meeting just for the sake of meeting. We must show our people that this dialogue with Baku will be genuine.”

Another crucial aspect of any Baku-Stepanakert talks is whether they would involve foreign mediators. Azerbaijan advocates for direct negotiations, similar to communication that is in place between Baku and its provinces. Conversely, Stepanakert believes that the participation of international actors is indispensable for ensuring the sustainability of any future agreements.

The knock-on effect of the war in Ukraine has complicated matters.

In previous decades, the OSCE Minsk Group, led by co-chairs from Russia, France, and the US, played a prominent role in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Communication between Western and Russian envoys came to a standstill following the onset of the Ukraine war. Western diplomats say that despite formal assurances of willingness to separate the Nagorno-Karabakh issue from the Ukraine confrontation, Russia is reluctant to engage.

Much now depends on whether Baku would be willing to give the talks with Stepanakert a chance. Azerbaijan’s leadership harbours mistrust towards counterparts in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh

“None of us desires another war in this region,” a Western diplomat told me last autumn. But in Moscow, officials are deeply suspicious of the West’s intentions. “We will not aid them in ousting Russia from the South Caucasus ourselves,” a Russian diplomat remarked this spring. As a result, Russia, the US, and the EU are all independently pursuing negotiation processes between Yerevan and Baku.

In theory, Russia could have been best suited to lead Baku-Stepanakert talks, if not for its waning influence in the area. Vladimir Putin played a pivotal role in brokering a ceasefire during the 2020 war and deployed peacekeepers. Russia then bolstered its military presence and increased the number of border guards along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border following the conflict. But the invasion of Ukraine significantly eroded the effectiveness of the Russian presence.

The blockade started as an environmental protest by Azerbaijani activists | 

(c) Tofik Babayev / Getty Images. All rights reserved

In 2022, three escalations occurred in Nagorno-Karabakh and along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border, each surpassing the previous in intensity and casualties. Azerbaijan gained a more advantageous military position along the front lines. The blockage of the Lachin road leading to Nagorno-Karabakh served as a stark demonstration of Russia's declining power. When the Azerbaijani military constructed a checkpoint adjacent to the Russian peacekeepers' observation point on that road, even the de facto officials openly expressed their dissatisfaction with Russia's inability to maintain the post-2020-war order in the region.

Some Western and Armenian representatives say there is still no discussion of replacing Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh, but they at least want an additional international presence on the ground. A Western diplomat voiced concerns, stating: “We cannot rely on a mission without a clear mandate.”

This highlights the absence of an established and internationally recognised modus operandi for the Russian peacekeeping mission. Following its deployment in 2020, Russia opted not to seek assistance from the international entities to support its mission in Nagorno-Karabakh. These days Baku frequently expresses its frustration with the Russian peacekeepers and speaks about its desire for their departure when their term expires in 2025. So whether Azerbaijan would agree to an international mission that would add to the Russian peacekeepers’ presence remains a big question, considering Baku’s historical opposition to foreign presence on its territory.

What any additional international presence could look like remains a major question. Will it take the form of an international organisation or a foreign state? Will it be civilian in nature or involve policing functions? Moreover, will it maintain a permanent presence or simply consist of periodic visits to the enclave and its surrounding areas?

Equally important is the question of how this international force would establish communication channels with the Russian peacekeepers. Some foreign diplomats have expressed a preference for having direct involvement in the conflict zone.

In May, after the last round of negotiations in Washington DC, US state secretary Anthony Blinken said a historic agreement was in sight with potential impact extending beyond Armenia and Azerbaijan.

“The last mile of any marathon is always the hardest, we know that,” Blinken said. But if the current negotiation process were to fail, few in the region would be surprised. Over the course of 30 years, on numerous occasions the parties have come close to cementing pivotal agreements with their signatures, only to withdraw from the negotiating table at the last moment.

The ongoing talks are already taking place amidst a deteriorating situation along the front lines. Both sides are reporting multiple daily incidents, some of which have resulted in casualties. Since the 2020 war, more than 1,200 people have already been killed or wounded on all sides, including civilians and military personnel who perished in military clashes or from mine explosions. This figure surpasses any comparable period prior to the 2020 conflict. With no comprehensive diplomatic process, the incidents will continue to fuel the situation along the frontlines and may lead to a new escalation, further complicating the negotiation process and hindering the search for solutions.

The stakes, including the threat of a new war and significant regional changes amid the events in Ukraine, are too high to now consider the possibility of abandoning the process

Much now depends on whether Baku would be willing to give the talks with Stepanakert a chance. Azerbaijan’s leadership harbours mistrust towards counterparts in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. The negotiation process has seldom facilitated discussions on comprehensive approaches and solutions.

After three decades of conflict, it is time to give the real talks a chance. Azerbaijan is undoubtedly aware that a mass exodus from Nagorno-Karabakh driven by fear and uncertainty would result in substantial global repercussions, potentially impeding the country in various ways. It could have a detrimental impact on Baku's reputation as a dependable trading partner, thereby affecting its thriving economy, which has benefited from Western countries seeking alternative energy exporters in light of the conflict in Ukraine. By heeding international appeals and entering the talks with Stepanakert, Baku can reassure Armenians that they would have a chance to continue living in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The stakes, including the threat of a new war and significant regional changes amid the events in Ukraine, are too high to now consider the possibility of abandoning the process.

As one official, who was at the helm in the early 1990s, told me, it is now a time for creation and compromise, not for making the same mistakes these nations made when their states regained independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

“We should not resume killing each other while others strengthen their statehood and continue to develop,” the retired official said.

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Blinken Sees Progress In Armenia, Azerbaijan Talks

BARRON'S

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Thursday that Azerbaijan and Armenia made progress during three days of negotiations and voiced hope for an accord despite a flare-up in violence.

The adversaries' foreign ministers met at a State Department office in suburban Washington and also went to the White House to see Jake Sullivan, the national security advisor, in the latest US-led mediation.

Closing the talks, Blinken said the two sides had made "further progress" on "the objective of reaching an overall final agreement in the weeks and months ahead" on Nagorno-Karabakh, a breakaway region under effective Armenian control.

"I think there's also a clear understanding on everyone's part that the closer you get to reaching an agreement, in some cases the harder it gets because by definition, the most difficult issues are left for the end," Blinken said.

Blinken saluted the "candor, openness, directness" between Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Jeyhun Bayramov, who traveled to the US capital for the second time in as many months for talks.

The European Union has also been mediating at the level of leaders between the former Soviet republics, stepping into diplomacy where Russia has historically been the chief broker.

With Moscow bogged down by its invasion of Ukraine, Armenia has repeatedly accused Russian peacekeepers of failing to live up to promises to protect ethnic Armenians in line with a Kremlin-brokered ceasefire that ended major fighting in 2020.

While the foreign ministers were visiting in Washington, four Armenian separatist fighters died in renewed Azerbaijani firing, according to the rebels.

Tensions have soared over a months-long blockade of the only land corridor that connects Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, with accounts of food and medicine shortages.

US’s Blinken sees progress in Armenia, Azerbaijan talks

US's Blinken sees progress in Armenia, Azerbaijan talks
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Azerbaijan and Armenia had made 'further progress' on 'the objective of reaching an overall final agreement in the weeks and months ahead' on Nagorno-Karabakh.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Thursday that Azerbaijan and Armenia made progress during three days of negotiations and voiced hope for an accord despite a flare-up in violence.

The adversaries' foreign ministers met at a State Department office in suburban Washington and also went to the White House to see Jake Sullivan, the national security adviser, in the latest US-led mediation.

Closing the talks, Blinken said the two sides had made "further progress" on "the objective of reaching an overall final agreement in the weeks and months ahead" on Nagorno-Karabakh, a breakaway region under effective Armenian control.

"I think there's also a clear understanding on everyone's part that the closer you get to reaching an agreement, in some cases the harder it gets because by definition, the most difficult issues are left for the end," Blinken said.

Blinken saluted the "candor, openness, directness" between Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Jeyhun Bayramov, who traveled to the US capital for the second time in as many months for talks.

The European Union has also been mediating at the level of leaders between the former Soviet republics, stepping into diplomacy where Russia has historically been the chief broker.

With Moscow bogged down by its invasion of Ukraine, Armenia has repeatedly accused Russian peacekeepers of failing to live up to promises to protect ethnic Armenians in line with a Kremlin-brokered ceasefire that ended major fighting in 2020.

While the foreign ministers were visiting in Washington, four Armenian separatist fighters died in renewed Azerbaijani firing, according to the rebels.

Tensions have soared over a months-long blockade of the only land corridor that connects Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, with accounts of food and medicine shortages.

"Armenia’s economic growth potential is not infinite." Opinion

  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Economic activity index of Armenia

“Armenia’s economic growth potential is not infinite, the current indicators will gradually slow down. But as long as inflows remain, we will see high rates,” economist Narek Karapetyan says on the latest data published by the Armenian Statistical Committee. According to the analysis of indicators for January-May 2023, the country’s economic activity index rose by 12.5% compared to the same period last year.


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Compared with the first 5 months of the previous year, the volume of foreign trade increased by 86.9%, exports increased by 93.3%, imports by 83.3%.

“The growth in trade turnover in January-May compared to January-May 2022 amounted to 24.5%. Over the same period, the volume of services provided increased by 19.9%,” the statistical committee reports.

The volume of construction work increased by 16.7%, and industrial output by only 3%.

The ratings agency gives Armenia a sovereign rating of “Ba3”

Expert at the Amberd Analytical Center, economist Narek Karapetyan believes that “the economic developments in January-May 2023 continue the trends of the second half of the previous year.”

He believes that 80% of export growth is accounted for by re-export and explains that it is possible to understand by the types of products whether we are dealing with export or re-export. According to Karapetyan, Armenia does not produce enough electrical equipment to export. Therefore, in this case, we are definitely talking about re-export.

As for “traditional” exports, the economist said they were “hard hit” by the exchange rate.

According to him, high levels of trade turnover were also affected by re-export.

“There is a second factor: the influx of both capital and people continues, although not as rapidly as before. These trends also determine the continuity of growth,” the expert says.

He notes that certain changes are observed in the structure of economic growth:

“They are neither positive nor negative, they just do not lead to the economic model of our dreams and create prerequisites for less sustainable economy. A service-based economy is less resilient to external shocks and changes in external demand.”

Reminds that Armenia has a small economy, and the country has limited domestic demand. The Economist emphasizes that in such cases, for development, “the emphasis is on exports.” And Armenia, according to him, continues to move within the framework of the general trend of growth of services that are subject to domestic consumption:

“We all would like to see an economy in which sectors producing competitive products that could be exported have more weight. First of all, we are talking about the manufacturing industry. The growth of this sector of the economy could determine the movement towards the model that we imagine.”

The expert is sure that it is the development of the export direction

  • strengthens the foundations of the economy,
  • positions the economy in global economic chains,
  • creates the basis for more stable and long-term growth.

Karapetyan believes that the state, which owns the tools of economic policy, can direct the available resources to create “the desired economic structure and dynamics.”

https://jam-news.net/economic-activity-index-of-armenia/