Ilda Simonian’s Emotive Versions of Timeless Armenian Melodies

World Music Central

Ilda Simonian – Heritage -Jarankutyun (Ilda Simonian, 2022)

Ilda Simonian’s album “Heritage,” released in 2022, highlights her mastery in reimagining twelve timeless Armenian melodies composed by the renowned Bishop Gomidas, also known as Komitas. Simonian skillfully arranges these traditional tunes for a string quartet, intertwining them harmoniously with the melancholic tones of the duduk, an ancient Armenian woodwind instrument made from apricot wood.

The result is a captivating and evocative soundscape that stirs feelings of nostalgia and a yearning for one’s homeland. Simonian’s enchanting and impeccable vocals breathe new life into these age-old compositions, infusing them with a renewed sense of wonder and vitality. The album explores themes such as love, longing, immigration, homesickness, village life, and the beauty of nature, reflecting the artist’s deep connection to her Armenian heritage.

Armenia: on the new silk road for goods to sanctions-hit Russia

Financial Times
UK –
Thousands of used cars brought through Caucasus to circumvent US and EU bans
Polina Ivanova in Gyumri and Yerevan, Armenia, and Chris Cook in London
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Rows of cars stretched in every direction from a customs office building on the outskirts of Gyumri, Armenia’s second city. Many were missing a bumper; some had squashed wings or doors taped up with plastic bags. 

 Young Russian men roamed between the vehicles. For them, this corner of the Caucasus has become a key stop on a booming trade route: bringing used cars to Russia, where sanctions over Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine have left western-brand cars hard to find. 
 “None of what you see here stays in Armenia,” said one, pointing to the sea of vehicles baking in the heat. “It all gets re-exported to Russia, some to Kazakhstan.” 
 Armenia is not a car producer, but exports of cars from the tiny country to Russia have soared since last year’s invasion of Ukraine — from $800,000 worth of vehicles in January 2022 to just over $180mn worth of vehicles in the same month this year. 
 “In Russia, all the auto dealerships have closed, BMW, Audi, everything,” said the young trader. Like other Russians working at the Gyumri customs terminal, he declined to share his name.  
“Any wealthy person who would have previously gone to a dealership and bought a car, they can’t do that any more,” he added. “So they turn to us, or to someone else, and get the car brought in.” 
 Nearby, a car transporter was being filled with bruised and dented Fords. Along the edge of the customs lot, brokers advertised their services on storefront billboards: “Purchase of vehicles on US auctions”; “Transfer in closed container to Gyumri”; “Re-export to Russia”.  
Cars are the starkest example, but exports of other goods from Armenia to Russia have also surged, leading to an almost two-fold increase in trade between the two countries in 2022. 
 Russian consumers have turned to third countries to search for what they are missing as a consequence of western sanctions and corporate departures, placing countries such as Armenia, Turkey and Kazakhstan at the heart of a busy new trade route for consumer goods. 
 For Armenia, this has contributed to a huge boom, with its gross domestic product growing a record 13 per cent in 2022, more than double the previous year’s rate.  
But it has also left western capitals frustrated. US officials in March listed Armenia among states used “to smuggle prohibited goods” to Russia. The EU’s latest sanctions package focused on preventing third-country circumvention also lists entities in Armenia among the culprits. 
 The Armenian government strongly denies the accusation. Reports of sanctions circumvention “are nothing more than rumours”, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said in March. “The reality is just the opposite.” 
 The “leadership of Armenia has clearly publicly voiced its commitment to restrict trade in all risky items”, its foreign ministry said, adding that it was working closely with the US and EU and had put together a list of items that could be used by the Russian military, which are now under especially strict control. 
 For Russians, foreign cars are a prized target after the US prohibited all light-vehicle exports to Russia, used or new. The EU also swiftly banned exports of vehicles valued above €50,000 and recently expanded this to include all larger cars with an engine size of about two litres or more. 
 Many foreign car companies have sold off their production plants and shut dealerships inside Russia. Some have also pulled out of the market even though they are not subject to direct export controls. South Korea’s Hyundai has suspended operations and plans to sell its Russian factories.  
Chinese models are available but unpopular. Domestic models are few, and their production has been hugely depressed by sanctions cutting carmakers off from high-tech production tools. Prices on the second-hand market have shot up.  
Cars arrive primarily from the US via the Black Sea port of Poti in Georgia, brokers and buyers said. Many are then brought to Armenia for customs clearance, as the country shares a customs-free trade bloc with Russia. 
 The city of Gyumri is a key hub from where the vehicles head north to Russia by road, crossing through Georgia again. 
 “This scheme, US-Georgia-Armenia-Georgia-Russia, is not the only one. There are so many,” said Pavel, a new trader passing through Gyumri from St Petersburg who declined to give his real name. “These schemes have spread like the roots of a tree.” 
 Sitting at an open-air café filled with the smell of petrol and grilled meat, Pavel said he had considered heading to Belarus — the entry point for cars from Germany — but settled on the Caucasus route. The trader in his twenties, who first tried his hand in Russia as a property broker, said he wanted to get into the car import business himself, and this was his test run.  
Pavel first spent months researching the market and chatting online with a Russian “car selector” in Georgia. The selector helped him find a used Hyundai auctioned in the US.
Many other traders also go for American cars. In January 2022, before the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Armenia imported $2.8mn worth of cars from the US. But a year later, that number soared to $29.5mn. Since then, the rate has continued to climb. In April this year, Armenia imported $34mn worth of US cars.
  
Most are bought cheaply in the US at second-hand insurance auctions where cars are deemed written off by insurers, buyers and brokers said. Then the cars are fixed up at repair shops in Georgia or Armenia. This keeps profit margins strong. Repaired second-hand cars can be sold in Russia for a lot more than their cost, despite the long route they have to take. 
 It also keeps traders in line with the European sanctions price cap that some local customs officers now insist on. 
 “That’s why everybody imports smashed-up cars,” the young Russian trader in Gyumri said. “Expensive ones, but battered about enough to be cheaper than $50,000 on the invoice.” 
 Pavel made his way from St Petersburg to southern Russia by plane and then across the border to Georgia by bus, carrying about 1.5mn roubles ($17,000) in cash. He found the Hyundai in great shape after being fixed at a repair shop. 
 After clearing it through customs in Gyumri, he was about to drive it home, where he was confident it would be an easy sell.  
“Everything’s bad in the Russian market,” he said. “People will buy it because they don’t really have any options, because of the circumstances.”
The number of new cars sold in Russia fell 60 per cent last year, while domestic production — following the exit of western carmakers — plummeted to its lowest since 1991, the end of the Soviet Union, according to a Reuters analysis of Autostat data. 
 Squeezed supply and depressed household budgets meant Russians bought far fewer cars, used or new, last year. New cars that did get sold were mainly of the homegrown Lada brand, a classic Soviet car. Its market share rose to 37 per cent in the first quarter of this year. 
 More Chinese new cars are being sold now, too, with the state-owned Chery brand’s market share growing 165 per cent in the first quarter of this year from a year earlier. Russia has become the largest importer of Chinese cars. 
 Most Russians have turned to buying second-hand cars. Last year, used cars made up almost three-quarters of sales. But even this market is getting tight, said Alexander, a young Russian clearing a car at Gyumri customs for his personal use. Prices are steep, and good used cars are getting scarce.  
Alexander said he had just sold his Ford Focus in Russia, receiving more money for it now than he paid for it new in 2009, “even though it had aged, its mileage had increased and its condition had worsened”. He chose to use those funds to find a car in the Caucasus, he said, because “Russians have swept up all the half-decent used cars from Germany already”. 
 Though the west is keen to enforce export controls, there is also a wariness, some analysts said, about stunting the growth spurts of smaller economies in the region that appear increasingly inclined to shed their historic ties to Russia and face the west. 
 In a recent working paper, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development noted that while this trade through places such as Armenia amounted to just a small fraction of what Russia used to import from the west, “the amounts involved are large for the intermediary economies” and make “a sizeable contribution” to their economic growth.  
Russian customers for used cars can also be found at the Erebuni market on the outskirts of Yerevan, with the snow-capped peak of Mount Ararat floating above. On a recent Saturday, a group of Russians of all ages walked between the lines of cars, looking to buy cars both for themselves and to sell. 
 The market at Erebuni has existed for decades, but far more Russians are now coming in, one market worker said. The same goes for the protracted import routes in general, according to Alexander, the buyer in Gyumri. 
 “This business has existed for a long time. It was super popular in the 1990s because the official market hadn’t developed yet, dealers and brands hadn’t entered Russia yet,” he said, referring to the period immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union when trade was often murky and underhand. 
 “Now we’re heading back to that,” Alexander said. “The 1990s are coming back.”  
 

Nagorno-Karabakh authorities stage sit-in demanding end to blockade

Lilit Shahverdyan Jul 18, 2023

On July 17, the de facto president of Nagorno-Karabakh, Arayik Harutyunyan, announced he was joining a sit-in protest in Stepanakert's central square demanding the end of the region's 7-month blockade.

"If within one week with international mediation the situation in Artsakh does not return to a more or less stable course, after that we will resort to tougher actions, both in Artsakh and outside," he said, using an alternative Armenian name for Nagorno-Karabakh.

After delivering the address from his office, Harutyunyan left the government building and headed toward the nearby camps set up in recent days. De facto Parliament Speaker Artur Tovmasyan also joined the sit-in after calling an emergency meeting with the leading parliament factions. 

"Sit-ins are one of the extreme ways of struggle, but not the most extreme one," he said.

The sit-in started as thousands rallied in Stepanakert on July 14 to protest against the blockade, which has been in place to varying degrees since December 12 and has been total or near-total since June 15

The region has endured severe shortages of food and fuel, especially in the last month. On July 18, public transportation services were cut to a bare minimum – only 2.4 percent of the pre-blockade volume, the authorities reported.

The Stepanakert protest was a response to Azerbaijan's move last week to ban Red Cross vehicles transporting critically ill patients and medication from using Lachin road connecting Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Only Red Cross vehicles had been given access to the road since the June 15 intensification of the blockade. Before that date, Russian peacekeepers had been supplying the enclave with limited amounts of food, fuel, and medicine.

The chief addressees of the protest were the Republic of Armenia, who many Karabakhi Armenians feel is poised to abandon them for the sake of peace with Azerbaijan, and Russia, whose peacekeepers Karabakhis believe are failing to protect them in line with their mission.

The protesters set up tents both in central Stepanakert and at the local airport, where the Russian peacekeepers' headquarters is located. Col-Gen Alexander Lentsov, the commander of the Russian peacekeeping mission in Karabakh, later received the local authorities and told them that he would regularly convey information on the situation in the region to Moscow. 

The Russian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on July 15 in an apparent reply to the protest in Stepanakert. It called on Baku to unblock the Lachin road and lift the blockade. But it also asserted that Russia's peacekeepers could no longer be held responsible for the fate of the Karabakh Armenians. 

The statement said that "by recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijani territory," Yerevan had "cardinally changed the fundamental conditions" under which the Russian-brokered cease-fire that ended the 2020 Second Karabakh War was signed. 

(The statement misrepresents the actual situation in two ways: Armenia has not "recognized Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijani territory," it has stated its willingness to do so. Plus, Armenia never recognized Nagorno-Karabakh as independent or claimed it as its own territory, and thus never officially claimed it was not part of Azerbaijan. Therefore there has been no "cardinal change" in its position.)

Shortly after the protest, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was granted permission to transfer 11 patients from Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia and eight people back to Karabakh who had received treatment in Armenia. It is unclear what this means in terms of ICRC's future ability to use the road.

EU negotiations

The Stepanakert rally was held a day before the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan met in Brussels for the latest round of talks toward a comprehensive peace treaty.

By far the biggest sticking point in those negotiations is the fate of the Armenian population of Karabakh. Armenia has said it is willing to recognize Azerbaijani sovereignty over the region in exchange for internationally-backed guarantees for the Armenian population's rights and security. Baku, however, says the fate of the Karabakh Armenians is its own internal matter. 

On July 15, a meeting between Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was convened by EU Council Charles Michel, who characterized it as "frank, honest, and substantive."

The Armenian statement on the meeting said that topics discussed included the blockade of the Lachin corridor, Armenia-Azerbaijan border delimitation, unblocking regional infrastructure and transport links, and the rights and securities of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians. 

"An agreement was reached to intensify the work towards the solution of the issues discussed," the report said.

According to the Azerbaijani presidential website, the meeting agenda also included the "withdrawal of Armenian army units from Azerbaijani territory." This refers to Baku's demand for the disarmament and disbanding of the Artsakh Self-Defence Army, which before the Second Karabakh War of 2020 was well integrated with the armed forces of the Republic of Armenia.

Charles Michel called the round of talks "one of the most comprehensive and vigorous," though no breakthrough was made. One of his remarks raised particular ire in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, however.

"I emphasized the need to open the Lachin road. I also noted Azerbaijan's willingness to provide humanitarian supplies via Aghdam. I see both options as important and encourage humanitarian deliveries from both sides to ensure the needs of the population are met," he said during his closing speech.

For many Armenians, receiving humanitarian goods via the Azerbaijani city of Aghdam would amount to a legitimization of the blockade rather than a measure toward lifting it.

Tigran Grigoryan, a political analyst originally from Stepanakert, in a CivilNet column lamented that "Azerbaijan continues to dictate the agenda in the negotiations, imposing both its own vocabulary and its own ideas on all key issues." 

"By putting the issue of delivering 'humanitarian' supplies from Aghdam to Nagorno-Karabakh on the same level as the issue of opening the Lachin corridor, Michel has actually legitimized Azerbaijan's blackmail and created a new opportunity for Baku not to make concessions," he said.

Some residents of Askeran, an Armenian town close to Aghdam, have reportedly vowed to install barriers on the Askeran-Aghdam road "in order to counter the so-called humanitarian aid predetermined by the Azerbaijani authorities."

Lilit Shahverdyan is a journalist based in Stepanakert. 

Did ‘Hotel Rwanda’’s Paul Rusesabagina Just Sabotage Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace?

By Michael Rubin

AEIdeas

Paul Rusesabagina came to fame two decades ago as the hero in the movie Hotel Rwanda. While reality was not as Hollywood depicted, fame sparked first ambition and then, failing to gain support in Rwanda, bitterness. He spoke about the necessity to overthrow the Rwandan government by any means necessary and then acted on it, wiring money to a terrorist group. Under Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, one of the State Department’s top goals in Africa was to convince Burundi, the continent’s poorest country, to cease allowing cross-border insurgents to use its territory. He succeeded. Rusesabagina fumed.

In June 2020, Évariste Ndayishimiye became president of Burundi. Rusesabagina sought to convince him to cease stopping the terrorists Rusesabagina funded. After his capture, Rusesabagina’s story that he was taking a private jet to Burundi to talk to a church never made sense given Burundi’s poverty and the expense of international private charters.

After the plane diverted to Rwanda, a deception international law allows, Rwandan forces arrested Rusesabagina and tried him for crimes relating to terrorist attacks in southern Rwanda. The evidence was overwhelming. Behind the scenes, the State Department believed it. Rusesabagina’s supporters lobbied, Hollywood donors rallied, image trumped truth, and Secretary of State Antony Blinken and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan intervened.

Negotiations were tough. Rusesabagina was a Belgian citizen. Belgian police certified the validity of evidence against him. Despite claims to the contrary, his trial was transparent and the Rwandans treated him well in prison. Privately, State Department officials acknowledged no evidence supported his adopted daughters’ claims of mistreatment.

Negotiators had to address not only Rusesabagina, but also his co-conspirators as it would be an affront to pardon one among many involved in the crime. Under Rwandan law, criminals can seek amnesty if they show contrition. Sullivan, Rusesabagina’s lawyers, and the former hotelier himself agreed he would. Rusesabagina penned a letter, seeking clemency, and acknowledging his calls to and support for violence and terrorism. He promised, “If I am granted a pardon and released, I understand fully that I will spend the remainder of my days in the United States in quiet reflection. I can assure you through this letter that I hold no personal or political ambitions otherwise. I will leave questions regarding Rwandan politics behind me.”

That lasted two months. Rusesabagina’s downfall has always been addiction to limelight. In late June, the New York Times published a lengthy interview in which Rusesabagina said, “‘They expected me to be silent. To be a good guy and behave . . . . No one can silence me that easily.”

The issue was never Rusesabagina’s silence but rather his terrorism sponsorship. While Rusesabagina’s supporters parry by criticizing Rwandan President Paul Kagame, these complaints are immaterial to his case: They do not justify the terror attack on Nyabimata that killed nine civilians.

Sullivan and Blinken have a problem. They gave their word to Rwanda to achieve a short-term goal and relieve donor pressure. Should they not respond to the deal’s violation, for example by deporting Rusesabagina to Belgium, then they signal that the agreements they broker are meaningless.

Sullivan and Blinken now turn their efforts to peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The chief sticking point is Armenian insistence that Azerbaijan guarantees the rights and safety of the ancient Christian community in Nagorno-Karabakh and their cultural heritage.

Rwanda may be a long way from Armenia, but the trauma of genocide links the two countries. Their ministers pay homage at each other’s memorials. The rhetoric in which Azerbaijan now engages parallels the genocide minimization if not denial that Hutu génocidaires and Rusesabagina himself engage. As Armenians seek American guarantees, they should recognize the cynicism with which Sullivan and Blinken conduct diplomacy. They should not gamble on the sanctity of any agreement Blinken negotiates or Sullivan guarantees, for neither keeps promises. For the government of Armenia or residents of Nagorno-Karabakh to trust either man now would be suicide.

​Ivan Safranchuk: Armenian authorities violated the strict “geopolitical diet”

Armenia –
Ivan Safranchuk: Armenian authorities violated the strict “geopolitical diet”

Mediamax’s interview with Ivan Safranchuk, Director of the Center for Euro-Asian Studies of MGIMO, member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy

 

– Recently, we hear a lot of judgments about Russia and the West “fighting for Armenia”.  Opinions about Armenia’s “geopolitical reversal” are also being voiced. Do you think it is possible?

 

– There is objective reality, and there are various speculative judgments. This applies to many issues in the post-Soviet space. We are faced with the fact that for 30 years Western politicians and experts, the entire Western community as a whole, have been promoting the thesis that we should not dwell on objective circumstances and that everything can be changed. What matters is energy, will, desires, and the “right values” and “right institutions”. And allegedly all this changes the reality. This is, like, Marxism in reverse: it is not the basis that determines the superstructure, but the “right superstructure” can change not only the basis, but the whole reality.

 

These theses have been presented for long. And since in many countries, including Armenia, there is dissatisfaction with objective circumstances, the economic situation, and the parameters of corruption, people start looking for ways to change this. And, unfortunately, we have to admit that in some places, against the background of these objective difficulties, the Westerners managed to brainwash some part of the elite and the population.

 

Ukraine is the most catastrophic case, at one point it was Georgia, but they sobered up there a little. Apparently, it has reached a critical point in Armenia as well. Some part of the elite is infected with this idea, it creates a buzz that it is possible to turn around, to turn over, to change everything.

 

I would like to emphasize that Armenia is not an exception. This is a rather general situation for the post-Soviet space and even, perhaps, wider – for a whole category of states, where there is, so to speak, this gap between dreams and reality. And Westerners use it in a certain way.

 

– Before the 2020 war, Armenia was generally able to maintain a balance in relations between Russia and the West. Today, when tensions between Russia and the West have reached their highest point, will Armenia be able to maintain a balance in these conditions, or, roughly speaking, will it have to make a choice?

 

– Many who are infected with the desire to gamble on something and accomplish something incredible are betting big on the opportunity to play on the contradictions of the great powers. But we have seen in various examples in the post-Soviet space that trying to play on great contradictions does not end well. Bakiyev tried to play on big contradictions, and it ended badly. Saakashvili tried, and that also ended badly. And Yanukovych, in general, also tried to play, and again, it ended badly. These experiments sobered up the elites: from the desire to play they switched to the search for some geopolitical neutrality.

 

I think a lot depends on what balance you pursue – aggressive or more moderate. If the elite of even a small country does not want to be a geopolitical suicide bomber, does not want to play too dangerous games, no one will force it.

 

I think what is happening in Armenia in recent years is a very dangerous geopolitical game. It is a path along the edge. Not even on the edge of personal destiny, as it was in case of Bakiyev, Saakashvili or Yanukovych, but on the edge of statehood. I have always believed that Armenia is unique in the sense that the statehood is young but the baggage of historical problems is very heavy. Therefore, these objective realities and historical circumstances prescribed Armenia a very strict “geopolitical diet”. But unfortunately, Pashinyan has seriously violated the rather strict ration of this diet. The attempt to explore these new possibilities – US, France – has not justified itself. At the analytical level, many spoke of the impossibility of this. At the level of political intuition, the previous generation of Armenian politicians also believed that the diet should not be violated. But here came a man who took a risk putting a lot at stake.

 

– Armenia and Azerbaijan continue to negotiate on a peace treaty within the framework of two formats: Russian mediation – arising from the logic of the trilateral agreement, and US and EU mediation. How long can these two processes coexist?

 

– The question is not only how to formalize the agreement with Azerbaijan and under what international guarantees. The question is how the Armenian people will feel this statehood and how they will live with it. After all, what is being discussed now was not even on the table of negotiations five years ago. The generations that grew up in independent Armenia understood their statehood in a certain way, while now they must understand it in some other way and Pashinyan says that this is the best thing he can offer to the Armenian people.

 

The issue of international formats is very important, but much more important is the issue of harmony inside Armenia. The Armenian people must realize that they are determining their fate, probably for a long historical perspective. My point is that the threats to the agreements may come not from the outside but from within Armenia.

 

– Pashinyan’s associates say the Russian plan, which did not write off the issue of Karabakh’s status, was not adopted due to lack of Russia’s proper support to Armenia, which, in its turn, raises concerns about the viability of the plan.

 

– This looks like an attempt to cover up their own failures, to blame them on Russia, to cover themselves up with Russia. This is probably a rational step in domestic political conditions, but rather cynical and unfair to Russia.

Ivan Safranchuk

Photo: Valdai Club

The reasons for the current developments should be sought not in what happened after the trilateral agreements, but in what led to the war and the trilateral agreements to stop it. The root cause is there. Five years ago we discussed the Russian plan, which proposed handing over 5 regions and leaving the issue of the status of Karabakh to the future generations. These were the parameters of compromise then. Today Armenia is in a completely different situation and not because Russia did not do something. On the contrary, at that time the Russian settlement plan was treated without due respect and attention. As to Pashiniyan, he gave it up completely and decided…

 

– To go his own way, as he said.

 

– And the result was a completely different reality. So we should not look at the situation through the prism of the last three years following the war. We should look at the horizon of six or seven years. The situation in which Armenia has found itself is the choice of the Armenian leadership. The result is a long and very complicated crisis. I think Russia would have preferred a more compromised solution, not at the expense of the interests of one side only. But over these six or seven years this option has been lost, it no longer exists.

 

Ara Tadevosyan spoke with Ivan Safranchuk

 

This interview has been prepared as part of a joint project with the Tufenkian Foundation.

US Embassy Warns Of Legal Problems Of Bringing Medical Marijuana To Armenia

UrduPoint

 

MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik – 18th July, 2023) The US Embassy in Yerevan informed Americans on Tuesday that medical marijuana is illegal in Armenia and that bringing it into the country could cause legal problems or deny entry.

"Medical marijuana, CBD (cannabidiol), and other THC (tetrahydrocannabinol) products are illegal under Armenian law. Passengers are routinely denied entry or run into legal issues for possession of drugs," the embassy wrote on social media.

The embassy also advised American visitors to familiarize themselves with local laws before entering Armenia.

The medical use of cannabis is allowed in 38 US states. On June 25, 2018, the US food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved Epidiolex (cannabidiol) oral solution for use.

The drug is approved for the treatment of seizures that can occur in two rare and severe forms of epilepsy: Lennox-Gastaut syndrome and Dravet syndrome. It is the first prescription formulation of plant-derived cannabidiol approved by regulatory bodies in the US and Europe.

The non-medical use of cannabis has been legalized and regulated in Uruguay, Canada, and 23 US states. Colombia partially decriminalized its use for recreational purposes, while Germany, Luxembourg, Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand, and Switzerland are currently discussing cannabis legalization.

https://www.urdupoint.com/en/world/update-us-embassy-warns-of-legal-problems-o-1725123.html

Erdogan’s foul play: Turkey is teaming up with Azerbaijan to punish Armenia

  Monday,

As President Recep Tayyip Erdogan begins his third decade in power, he has solidified his place as Turkey’s second-most consequential leader after Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who founded the republic a century ago.

With the opposition disempowered if not in disarray, Mr. Erdogan now seeks to fulfill his lifelong ambition: the complete and permanent reversal of Ataturk’s legacy of modern reforms.

American and European officials who believe, with the election in the rearview mirror, that they can return to business as usual with Turkey are dangerously mistaken. The issues that concern Mr. Erdogan most are neither interest rates at home nor Swedish NATO accession abroad, but rather laying the groundwork for the renewal of an Islamic state if not formal caliphate.

Just as Russian President Vladimir Putin considers the downfall of the Soviet Union the 20th century’s greatest “geopolitical catastrophe,” Mr. Erdogan believes it was the Ottoman Empire’s collapse.

None of this is idle speculation. Mr. Erdogan has said exactly what he wants.

He has described himself as the “imam of Istanbul” and as “servant of Sharia.” He declared that his goal is “to raise a religious generation.” He has described Turkish forces invading Syria as the “Army of Muhammad.” The reconversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque did not occur in isolation.

The latest foul play by Mr. Erdogan involves Armenia, the world’s oldest Christian nation. As Mr. Erdogan seeks to extend the reach of the Turkic and Islamic world from Turkey’s border with Greece and Bulgaria to China, Armenia, a country just slightly larger than Maryland, stands in his way.

Today, Mr. Erdogan believes he has found his moment to reverse this geopolitical inconvenience. The Turks tried more than a century ago, wiping away more than a million Armenians in a genocide Adolf Hitler cited as an inspiration for the Holocaust.

Armenians say it was no coincidence that Turkey’s chief ally, Azerbaijan, used Turkish-piloted, U.S.-provided F-16s while operating alongside Turkish special forces to launch a surprise attack in September 2020 on the Armenian-populated enclave Nagorno-Karabakh.

The attack came on the 100th anniversary of the Ottoman invasion of newly independent Armenia.

That the two countries act in conjunction is no surprise. Both leaders often describe their relationship as “one nation, two states.” Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev today is to Mr. Erdogan what Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko is to Mr. Putin. Mr. Aliyev is essentially Mr. Erdogan’s Mini-Me.

Today, Russia plays a cynical game. Traditionally, it guaranteed Armenia’s security. But in 2018, Armenia committed what Mr. Putin considers an unforgivable sin: choosing democracy. Today, Mr. Putin sides with Messrs. Erdogan and Aliyev to punish Armenia’s transgression.

The situation now comes to a head. As the Biden administration seeks to negotiate peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, Mr. Aliyev demands the 120,000 Christians of Nagorno-Karabakh become sacrificial lambs.

Azerbaijan has blocked the Lachin Corridor that allows the free flow of aid and people in and out of the Christian enclave. Russia had been the guarantor, but now it looks away.

Messrs. Erdogan and Aliyev are sophisticated. Genocide occurs best in the dark, so he bans journalists and diplomats from Nagorno-Karabakh, so that his propaganda need not confront truth.

After the Holocaust, the world said, “Never again.” Fifty years later, after the slaughter of Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica despite supposed international protection, diplomats swore again, “Never again.”

Today, Nagorno-Karabakh’s regional capital, Stepanakert, is becoming the new Srebrenica. The region’s Christians need action, not empty rhetoric.

The Biden administration seeks to broker peace, but lasting peace rests on values. If democracy will triumph and Nagorno-Karabakh Christians are to survive on land they have lived on for millenniums, the West needs more than words.

https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2023/jul/17/erdogans-foul-play-turkey-is-teaming-up-with-azerb/

Fortunately, Congress already has the necessary policy arrows in its quiver.

Rather than look the other way or waive Section 907 restrictions on providing Azerbaijan military equipment it uses against Armenians, it is time to stop subsidizing slaughter. Azerbaijan’s promises to help Ukraine are as irrelevant as they are cynical.

Like Turkey, Azerbaijan plays both sides of the issue and today serves as a hub for Russian gas exports.

The Safeguarding Humanitarian Corridors Act has no waiver. If Azerbaijan blocks U.S. humanitarian assistance, it must face severe sanctions. Azerbaijan is also ripe for Magnitsky Act sanctions, including those that enable corruption or bless human rights violations.

To act against Azerbaijan but ignore Turkey is akin to treating the symptom but ignoring the disease. It is time to declare Mr. Erdogan’s ambition as incompatible with Western democracy and cooperation. If Lachin remains closed, Turkish steel and aluminum should face American tariffs.

The U.S. presence at Turkey’s Incirlik Air Base should not be a “get out of jail free” card for Mr. Erdogan. Alternatives exist in Romania and Greece. It is time to pull the plug on Incirlik.

Most importantly, the United States must focus on the forest and not the trees. Religious freedom and democracy are not chits to negotiate away to win an agreement that will not last a month.

Standing on principle is not diplomatic inconvenience; sometimes, it is the wisest diplomacy of all.

• Sam Brownback is a former U.S. senator, governor, and ambassador at large for International Religious Freedom. Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.


Russia Losing Its Predominant Role In Negotiations On Karabakh Issue – OpEd

By Paul Goble

Given the increasing activity of the US and the EU in the Caucasus, “Russia is losing the exclusivity it used to have in talks about a possible Armenian-Azerbaijani settlement,” according to Sergey Markedonov, one of Moscow’s leading specialists on the Caucasus.

The director of the ethnic relations department at Moscow’s Institute for Political and Military Analysis says that most people have been so focused on the NATO summit in Vilnius that they have failed to pay attention to other events that should be attended to. Among those is what is happening in the South Caucasus about Karabakh (iarex.ru/news/103200.html).

One reason many have ignored this issue recently is that for a long time, they have viewed the resolution of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict as “hopeless” and thus think that Moscow need not do anything to maintain the status quo which for decades has worked to its advantage.

But a lengthy interview by Armen Grigoryan, the secretary of the Armenian Security Council, to the Voice of America on July 11 suggests that such confidence may be misplaced, that the situation around Karabakh is in motion, and Russia is being increasingly left behind and thus losing its influence.

The Grigoryan interview is in Armenian at amerikayidzayn.com/a/7176553.html and in English at jam-news.net/armen-grigoryans-interview-with-voice-of-america/. Because Grigoryan is a senior policy maker and often articulates new directions in Yerevan’s policies, it should be attracting more attention than it has so far, Markedonov says.

In his interview, Grigoryan makes four key points: first, talks between Aliyev and Pashinyan could take place far earlier than anyone thinks, second, the Russian peacekeeping contingent in Karabakh hasn’t lived up to expectations; third, “the problem of Karabakh Armenians is not about territory but about civil rights” within Azerbaijan; and fourth, Armenia’s relations with the US are especially important and must be strengthened in every possible way.

All this suggests that “a framework agreement mediated by the West is closer than ever before” and that it will be something that both Yerevan and Baku will be in a position to “sell” domestically. According to Markedonov, “for Russia this is not very good news.” Moscow can blame the Armenians but of late Russia has not devoted the attention to this issue it should.

Russians need to realize that Moscow “is losing its political exclusivity on an Armenian-Azerbaijani settlement every day and more and more. A framework agreement orchestrated by the US and the EU will alas intensify this trend.” Moscow must recognize that it has competitors and not assume that it can ignore them and what they are doing, Markedonov concludes.

Russia Stresses Restoration of Normalcy in Nagorno-Karabakh Region

TASNIM News Agency
Iran –
  • July, 18, 2023 – 11:30 
  • World news 


Holding discussions regarding the situation in the South Caucasus, the Russian diplomat has expressed his country’s willingness to organize a tripartite foreign ministers' meeting to implement top-level agreements, which could potentially lead to a peace treaty, BNN reported.

Russia has taken a proactive role in the South Caucasus, leading efforts to strengthen the fragile peace between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, particularly in the contentious Nagorno-Karabakh region.

During the meeting, both sides emphasized the urgent need to swiftly unblock the Lachin Corridor in accordance with the trilateral declaration made on November 9, 2020. The Lachin Corridor, a vital transportation link between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, has been a subject of dispute in the region. Unblocking it is seen as a significant step towards restoring peace and normalcy.

The restoration of traffic flow in both directions through this crucial corridor will facilitate the movement of goods, services, and interpersonal relationships. It will serve as a cornerstone for economic and social recovery in this tense region, and it is a crucial precondition for the return of normal life in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Convening this tripartite meeting could signify a significant diplomatic leap, potentially leading to a summit involving the leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia in Moscow. The summit would ideally conclude with the signing of a peace treaty, solidifying the commitments made by all parties to foster lasting peace in the South Caucasus region.

https://www.tasnimnews.com/en/news/2023/07/18/2927556/russia-stresses-restoration-of-normalcy-in-nagorno-karabakh-region

UAE Vice President invites Armenian Defense Minister to attend Dubai Air Show

 13:11,

YEREVAN, JULY 17, ARMENPRESS. The United Arab Emirates Vice President, Prime Minister, Ruler of Dubai, Minister of Defense Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum has invited Armenian Minister of Defense Suren Papikyan to attend the 2023 Dubai Air Show in November.

The invitation was conveyed to Papikyan by the newly appointed UAE Ambassador to Armenia Nariman Mohammed Sharif Abdulla AlMulla during a meeting on July 17.

Minister Papikyan and Ambassador Nariman Mohammed Sharif Abdulla AlMulla also discussed “issues related to the Armenian-Emirati defense cooperation”, the ministry said in a readout.

The Minister of Defense congratulated the Ambassador on taking office and wished her productive activity.