16:21,
YEREVAN, AUGUST 21, ARMENPRESS. A 35-year-old man from Martakert region in Nagorno-Karabakh has gone missing, local police said Monday.
He was last seen on August 19.
According to police, the man (pictured above) left his home around 17:00 on August 19 in the town of Martakert to search for his livestock and hasn’t returned since. He was wearing a blue shirt, black jeans trousers and sneakers.
17:43,
YEREVAN, 21 AUGUST, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 21 August, USD exchange rate down by 0.25 drams to 385.88 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 1.04 drams to 420.53 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate down by 0.02 drams to 4.10 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 0.65 drams to 491.65 drams.
The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.
Gold price down by 48.12 drams to 23493.86 drams. Silver price up by 0.87 drams to 282.74 drams.
17:30,
YEREVAN, AUGUST 21, ARMENPRESS. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia continues its activities in the UN and other platforms, foreign ministry spokesperson Ani Badalyan said in response to media inquiries on the UNSC emergency meeting on Nagorno-Karabakh and possible subsequent developments.
She said that the international community, the members of the UN Security Council interested in real, lasting stability in the region must take clear steps, unite efforts in order to lead the developed understanding regarding the importance of reopening the Lachin corridor and the immediate resolution of the problem with effective use of existing mechanisms.
Question: On August 16, an urgent meeting of the UN Security Council was held regarding the humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh. The countries expressed their positions, but it was not reflected in any document. Why was there no decision made, no document adopted? Did Armenia present such a document?
Answer: As we have already noted, we highly appreciate the principled positions voiced so far by our partners, international bodies during this and the previous meeting of the UN Security Council held in December, as well as on other international platforms, which are in line with the primary mandate of the UN Security Council of maintenance of international security and peace, the universal values of human rights protection and, perhaps what is the most urgent at the moment, the understanding of the need to prevent Azerbaijan's aggressive actions and a new humanitarian catastrophe in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Procedurally, the format of the emergency meeting of the UN Security Council is a discussion, it does not directly imply adoption of a document (resolution or statement). In addition, the 15 (permanent and non-permanent) members of the UN Security Council have the right to submit and initiate voting of draft resolutions of the UN Security Council. Not being a member of the UN Security Council, Armenia does not have such authority.
The discussion in the format of the UN Security Council provides an important platform, an opportunity to focus the attention of the international community on the possible catastrophic consequences of the situation, to activate the Council's efforts to address it and to foster their possible coordination and to outline the further steps.
Question: Is that the end of the process?
Answer: By no means. This is an ongoing process. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia continues its activities in the UN and other platforms. Today, the international community, the members of the UN Security Council interested in real, lasting stability in the region must take clear steps, unite efforts in order to lead the developed understanding regarding the importance of reopening the Lachin corridor and the immediate resolution of the problem with effective use of existing mechanisms.
Question: Why was the emergency meeting of August 16 convened under the title "The letter of September 13 of the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the UN addressed to the President of the UN Security Council"? Why wasn't a new letter or application sent by Armenia?
Answer: After Armenia’s request to the UN Security Council after Azerbaijan's aggression against the sovereign territory of Armenia in September 2022, a relevant agenda point of the UN Security Council was formed under the title you indicated. This is an accepted practice in the UN Security Council and has a very simple technical justification – not to burden the Security Council agenda with different formulations of the same or very similar issues.
I would like to emphasise that, in the letter of September 13th, Armenia brought to the attention of the UN Security Council the letter of the Minister of Foreign Affairs which indicated Azerbaijan's armed attack and the ongoing aggressive actions against both Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh highlighting that they threaten international peace and security.
Later, starting from December 2022, discussions regarding the blockade of the Lachin corridor and the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh took place with reference to the mentioned letter and under the relevant agenda point.
It is noteworthy that ahead of the both meetings in December 2022 and in August this year, Armenia presented concrete requests, letters to the attention of the members of the UN Security Council aimed at raising the issue of the blockade of the Lachin corridor. In addition, several dozen letters were distributed addressing the blockade and the humanitarian crisis both in the UN Security Council, the General Assembly, and other international platforms.
19:15,
YEREVAN, AUGUST 21, ARMENPRESS. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs Rena Bitter will travel August 21-28 to Yerevan, Amman, and Cairo, the U.S. State Department announced Monday.
“During her trip, the Assistant Secretary will observe U.S. consular operations and meet with foreign government counterparts to underscore our deep and sustained commitment to the protection of U.S. citizens overseas and the facilitation of legitimate travel to the United States,” the U.S. State Department added in a statement.
09:56,
YEREVAN, AUGUST 18, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has visited servicemembers of the National Security Service Border Guard in an outpost in Kapan, Syunik Province.
The Prime Minister arrived in Syunik on Thursday on board the Let L-410 Turbolet twin-engine aircraft which will be used for the regular Yerevan-Kapan passenger flights starting next week.
11:27,
YEREVAN, AUGUST 19, ARMENPRESS. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has called on decision-makers to find a compromise and make it possible to resume urgently needed humanitarian deliveries to blockaded Nagorno-Karabakh.
“The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) remains the only humanitarian organization operating across the Lachin corridor to respond to growing humanitarian needs. The latest deliveries of medical supplies occurred July 7, while the latest delivery of food occurred June 14. The ICRC is urging decision-makers to find a compromise and make it possible to resume urgently needed humanitarian deliveries,” the ICRC said in a statement.
The Lachin Corridor, the only road connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia and the rest of the world, has been blocked by Azerbaijan since late 2022. The Azerbaijani blockade constitutes a gross violation of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement, which established that the 5km-wide Lachin Corridor shall be under the control of Russian peacekeepers. Furthermore, on February 22, 2023 the United Nations’ highest court – the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – ordered Azerbaijan to “take all steps at its disposal” to ensure unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin Corridor in both directions. Azerbaijan has been ignoring the order ever since. The ICJ reaffirmed its order on 6 July 2023.
Azerbaijan then illegally installed a checkpoint on Lachin Corridor. The blockade has led to shortages of essential products such as food and medication. Azerbaijan has also cut off gas and power supply into Nagorno Karabakh, with officials warning that Baku seeks to commit ethnic cleansing against Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh. Hospitals have suspended normal operations.
The current situation in Nagorno-Karabakh is desperate and has descended from crisis to catastrophe. Faced with a blockade imposed by Azerbaijan back in December 2022, the Armenian population of Karabakh is forced to endure severe shortages of basic foodstuffs, critical medicine and other needed supplies. With reports of worsening conditions, and the first death directly attributed to starvation and malnutrition, the coming days and weeks will be critical.
Driven by the urgency of this challenging situation, Armenia has focused on diplomacy, forging the intervention of the UN Security Council and a forceful response by the international community.
Yet beyond the severe shortages of food, medicine and other staples of daily life, more recently, the siege has only triggered the dangerous curtailment of local emergency services, such as fire and police response, and an end to trash collection, which prompts concerns over a public health emergency in this hot summer season.
The Azerbaijani Strategy
From a broader perspective, Azerbaijan’s siege of the Armenian population in Karabakh is neither new nor unprecedented.
The Azerbaijani policy to retake Nagorno-Karabakh goes even beyond this weaponisation of food and has also been matched by the sporadic yet effective disruptions of gas supplies, interference with electricity and the enforced closure of the Lachin Corridor, the sole access for the Armenian population in and out of Karabakh.
More specifically, Azerbaijan's reliance on siege warfare is only the latest move in Azerbaijan’s strategy to drive out the Armenian population from the region. This strategy has succeeded mainly due to increasing Azerbaijani strength and Russian weakness.
While around 2000 Russian peacekeepers, deployed in November 2020 as part of the fragile ceasefire that ended the second war for Karabakh, have yet to break the stalemate and enforce the terms of the truce, which promises free and unfettered access through the Lachin Cor
Armenian frustration with Russian inaction has prompted a perception of Russian complicity. This was most recently evident with the display of desperation by local Karabakh Armenians who blocked access to the Russian peacekeeping base. While the weakness of the Russian peacekeepers in the face of Azerbaijani aggression only encouraged escalation by Baku, the peacekeepers’ use of force was limited to dealing with the local Armenian population.
This was the case on 16 August when a Russian armoured personnel carrier was used to remove the protesters forcibly. And this was only the latest affirmation that Russian “peacekeepers” fail to keep any sense of “peace.”
In open defiance of Moscow, Azerbaijan exploits Russia’s inability to act. This weakness, mainly due to Russia being distracted and overwhelmed by its invasion of Ukraine, has triggered a degree of collaboration, with Russian peacekeepers unwilling to challenge the blockade.
Against that backdrop, Russia has become a severe challenge to Armenia as an unreliable security partner and provider. The unwillingness to counter Azerbaijan’s siege of Karabakh has shown Russia’s failure to fulfil even the most fundamental obligation to uphold the ceasefire agreement.
Thus, in diplomatic terms, Azerbaijan has already taken advantage of the situation by increasing pressure on Armenia and Karabakh. Azerbaijan’s strategy consists of more than simply taking advantage of the distraction presented by the war in Ukraine or increasing pressure on Armenia, however. It stands out as a bold defiance of Russia. In this context, Azerbaijan has become quite emboldened to challenge Russia. And bolstered by Turkish support, this Azerbaijani strategy is only likely to continue.
The Outlook for Diplomacy
After a series of concessions and compromises from Armenia, the post-war period has done little to foster security or forge stability. In fact, since the end of the war in November 2020, a dangerous precedent remains. That precedent is rooted in the seeming victory of the authoritarian states of Azerbaijan and Turkey over the struggling democracy of Armenia.
It is further distressing as an apparent validation of the force of arms over diplomacy. Such a “might make right” lesson also undermines European values and, if left unchallenged, legitimises using force as a military solution to an essentially diplomatic dispute.
The blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh also undermines the diplomatic negotiations underway between Armenia and Azerbaijan. These bilateral talks focus on a draft Armenia-Azerbaijan peace treaty.
Yet even with a peace treaty likely to be signed by the end of the year, any such treaty will be limited to bilateral, inter-state relations, with little real bearing on the status and no binding element on the security of Nagorno-Karabakh.
The core question, however, is what kind of peace and on what terms? Any possibility of a punitive peace, based on coercive diplomacy and maximalist posturing by Azerbaijan, does nothing to inspire confidence in future stability.
An additional concern stems from the lack of confidence in Azerbaijan to uphold the terms of such a peace treaty, making the “day after” any peace treaty a particularly significant worry. Instead, there needs to be much more done by the West to ensure a more durable and lasting peace after a treaty is concluded. And there must be a punitive price to pay for any violations of any such peace treaty.
What is Driving Azerbaijan’s Maximalist Posturing?
But the underlying motivation for Azerbaijan’s creation of the humanitarian catastrophe and aggressive threats stems from weakness, not strength, insecurity, and confidence. More specifically, the 2020 war for Karabakh was a dangerously incomplete “victory” for Azerbaijan.
Despite the unprecedented direct support from Turkey, Azerbaijan did not win enough militarily. By failing to retake Nagorno-Karabakh by force, Azerbaijan has relied on a steady escalation designed to threaten Armenia and isolate Karabakh.
An essential domestic political agenda drives Azerbaijan’s escalation and maximalist posturing in this context. This is evident in the very nature of the Azerbaijani regime, where the father-son Aliyev dynasty has ruled the country for over a quarter of a century.
And to distract from the lack of democracy and entrenched family corruption, the Azerbaijani leadership follows a classic authoritarian model of needing an enemy. The apparent lack of legitimacy makes Azerbaijan more dangerous, and its demands for concessions are insatiable, demonstrating that Azerbaijan is the primary obstacle to post-war peace and stability.
As a survivor of the Khojaly massacre, I have often said that the only thing worse than what I went through is to witness the denial of my experience, and the tragic experience of thousands of my friends, relatives and fellow citizens. Thankfully, in these times, the horrific tragedy I endured is universally recognized and the denial of it is universally condemned.
Across 30 years of violent occupation, Armenia left a most unforgettable mark on Azerbaijan’s Karabakh region; including the ethnic cleansing and utter destruction of 900 Azerbaijani villages and 7 cities; altogether over 10,000 sq km of territory. Generations of Azerbaijanis from occupied territories, nearly 1 million people, have spent decades as internally displaced people (IDPs) while their hometowns were literally plundered & obliterated under Armenian occupation. 20,000 Azerbaijanis did not survive the brutal invasions of the early 1990s; including murdered women, children and the elderly. When Armenia invaded Karabakh, nothing was sacred and nobody was spared.
In 2020, as a result of the second Karabakh war, Azerbaijan liberated its territories from the occupation and immediately began the extraordinary task of rebuilding. The degree of devastation, across what was once the most beautiful region in the country, is nothing short of overwhelming. Since liberating Karabakh, Azerbaijan has already invested nearly 7 billion dollars toward reconstructing many of the destroyed cities and villages, all decimated under occupation.
Azerbaijan’s proactive reconstruction is for the sake of the forcibly displaced, to honor and facilitate their right of return to their ancestral lands. Since 2020, over 1,000 Azerbaijani refugees have returned home; 10,000 more are projected to return before 2024.
Horrifically, there are over 1 million landmines Armenian forces planted and scattered across the occupied territories during 30 years and during their withdrawal in 2020. Azerbaijan has been removing these precarious deathtraps since 2020, and has been doing it all alone, without much international assistance. These landmines, which have killed or seriously injured over 300 Azerbaijanis since the end of the 2020 war, present an enormous challenge for rebuilding the liberated areas and bringing back the forcibly displaced.
While Azerbaijan focuses on reconstruction, Armenia has spent the last 2.5 years since the war ended on efforts to disrupt and undermine the recovery and the long overdue peace they agreed to. Armenia has been misusing the Lachin Road, which connects Karabakh to Armenia, to smuggle in more landmines, weaponry, soldiers, and for other illegal activities. In order to end these illegal activities, which endanger peace and stability in the region, Azerbaijan was compelled to establish a checkpoint on its state border with Armenia on April 23, 2023. Nearly. 2,000 Armenians safely used this checkpoint to travel to and from Armenia till June 15, when Armenia fired at Azerbaijani border guards, seriously injuring one of them. Since then the checkpoint has been open for medical evacuations. Overall, more than 700 Armenian patients have been transferred by ICRC to Armenia via the Lachin Road since last December.
Azerbaijan has offered a much shorter road via the city of Aghdam to deliver all supplies to Karabakh Armenians. Regrettably, the Armenian side has installed concrete barriers on this road to prevent such deliveries.
The refusal to utilize Aghdam, and the hoaxful, public accusations against Azerbaijan regarding a so-called blockade into Karabakh, further demonstrate Armenia’s priorities. Rather than abide by international law, and allow the transfer of aid to the Armenians of Karabakh, the Armenian side and its lobby groups in the West are spending millions on media campaigns and politicians decrying a “blockade”. The goal is to gain international sympathy toward the full opening of the Lachin Road without any control, and continue smuggling arms, soldiers and landmines into Azerbaijan’s sovereign territories.
With so many challenges on the table, I am proud of my homeland for doing everything possible to make Karabakh a safe home for everyone, including ethnic Armenians.
I feel deeply privileged to witness the restoration of Azerbaijan’s Karabakh region to its stunning and thriving history and beauty, and to know that my own daughter and generations to come can live in peace and prosperity in our ancestral homeland. I’m hopeful that these efforts to demoralize and destroy our sovereignty and safety will end; that the nationalist and diaspora movements perpetuating violence and spending millions to resuscitate a lost and unlawful war, will change course, and choose peace. I believe the world will see through the games, and take a stand against the misuse of public trust, and demand Armenia truly engage in the peace process with Azerbaijan for the sake of reconciliation between our two people. Despite the bloody wars and conflict, I am certain Azerbaijanis and Armenians can once again live peacefully together. It’s time to make it a reality
The Associazione per i Popoli Minacciati (APM) ( Association for Threatened Peoples) reacted with dismay and anger to the news of the death of K. Hovhannisyan, 40, from Stepanakert in Arzakh. Arzakh Human Rights Ombudsman Gegham Stepanjan announced yesterday that Hovhannisyan had literally starved to death. He suffered from severe malnutrition and could no longer receive medical care. He thus became a victim of Azerbaijan’s eight-month-long blockade of the Lachin Corridor which was drastically tightened in mid-June 2023, cutting off the Armenian population of Arzakh from all supplies. Since the beginning of the blockade, human rights organisations, genocide researchers and currently also Luis Moreno Ocampo (first chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court 2003-2012) have warned of the consequences of the blockade in an expert opinion on international law. Ocampo confirms that the Armenian population of Arzakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) is at risk of genocide. The President of the Republic of Arzakh defines the situation as “genocide in a large concentration camp”. All of these warnings fell on deaf ears. We cannot stand by while more people die in Arzakh.
On several occasions, the Association for Threatened Peoples, together with other NGOs, has called on European politicians to initiate effective sanctions against Azerbaijan’s blockade, so that the International Court of Justice order of 22 February 2023 to lift this blockade is finally implemented. To date, however, these steps have not yet materialised.
The blockade of the Arzakh region, inhabited almost exclusively by people of Armenian ethnicity, has very serious existential consequences for all the approximately 120,000 inhabitants and now represents a real threat. Food is no longer available for 2,000 children under the age of 12 months. The number of premature births and miscarriages has tripled. A baby abortion was reported today as an ambulance was not available due to a lack of fuel. The consequences of the blockade are being felt especially in the health sector of Arzakh, affecting the most vulnerable groups such as children, pregnant women, the chronically ill and the elderly. Lack of food has led to malnutrition and starvation.