Who will become the mayor of Yerevan? Election campaign in the capital of Armenia

Aug 23 2023
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Election campaign for the Yerevan Council of Elders

The election campaign has started in Yerevan, in which 14 political forces – 13 parties and one bloc – are participating. They are competing for seats in the Council of Elders, which actually fulfills the role of the capital’s parliament.

If we take into account that almost half of the country’s residents live in Yerevan, the result of these elections will actually reveal which political force is favored in Armenia as a whole. The results of these elections will also determine who will become the mayor of the capital.

The mayor can become the first number of the electoral list of the political force participating in the elections – a bloc or a party, which gets 40 or more percent of the mandates in the Council of Elders. If none of the participants in the election succeeds in achieving such a result, the parties elected to the Council may form a coalition and decide who will be elected mayor.

The election campaign will last until September 15. Elections will be held on September 17.

According to the results of a poll conducted by MPG (Marketing Professional Group), a sociological organization representing GALLUP International in Armenia, there is no clear leader yet. But among those polled, Tigran Avinian, who was nominated for the post of mayor by the ruling Civil Contract party, got the most votes at 9.3%. He is a former deputy prime minister of Armenia and now serves as deputy mayor of Yerevan.


  • Internal political situation in the unrecognized NKR. Forecast from Yerevan: what to expect
  • “A curious proposal on Karabakh”: a document attributed to Lavrov
  • Man dies of starvation in unrecognized NKR, blockade continues

Most of the candidates for mayor are unknown to ordinary residents of Yerevan. But there are some former high-ranking officials among them:

  • Tigran Avinian, a member of the ruling Civil Pact party and former deputy prime minister,
  • Hayk Marutyan, former mayor of Yerevan, who heads the list of the National Progress party,
  • Mane Tandilyan, candidate of the “Country for Life” party, former Minister of Labor and Social Affairs of Armenia, as well as of the unrecognized NKR.

Most of the political forces running in the elections met with Yerevan residents on the first day of the campaign and presented their programs. Some chose to start the campaign with marches and rallies.

Former Yerevan mayor Hayk Marutyan has returned to the stage in a one-man show which opponents say is a run-up to the mayoral race

Aram Navasardyan, head of the Armenian representative office of GALLUP International, said that the poll was conducted by telephone from July 27 to August 5. He said the majority of respondents do not believe in fair and honest elections:

“Only 16.1% of respondents unequivocally believe in holding fair elections, 28.9% responded that they are rather inclined to trust the results of elections, 19.9% are more inclined not to trust them, 32.1% unequivocally do not believe in fair elections, 3.3% found it difficult to answer the question.”

33.4% of respondents found it difficult to answer the question for whom they will vote in the upcoming elections. 11% stated that they are not going to vote for any of the participants, 19.2% do not intend to participate in the elections at all, 5.7% refused to participate in the poll.

While 9.3% of respondents expressed their readiness to vote for Tigran Avinian, nominated by the ruling party, 3.7% expressed their readiness to vote for former Mayor Hayk Marutyan.

2.8% are ready to vote for the “Armenia” bloc, 2.2% for the “Country for Life” party, and 2% for the “Enlightened Armenia” party.

According to the results of the poll, it was found out what problems the residents of Yerevan are more concerned about:

  • garbage disposal – 33.4%,
  • work of public transportation – 29%,
  • poor condition of roads and traffic jams – 10.5%,
  • environmental problems – 7%.

Under the previous, “pre-revolutionary” government, a part of the park in the very center of the capital was leased until 2040, and no one can now prohibit the owner of the territory

Political technologist Vigen Hakobyan believes that the Armenian authorities will do everything to win these elections, as they understand that Yerevan is the political center of the country, the most oppositional city, where ratings and spheres of influence are formed.

In his opinion, this victory is vital for the current government headed by Nikol Pashinyan:

“With this victory, they will try to regain their lost legitimacy, because they came to the previous elections [snap parliamentary elections] with other slogans, particularly on the Artsakh issue. But after they were elected again, they actually surrendered Artsakh [to Azerbaijan]”.

However, the expert believes that it will not be easy to achieve victory in Yerevan with the current rating of the current government. At the same time, he pointed out that after the appointment of his candidate, Tigran Avinian, as deputy mayor, “administrative resources were also used”.

As for the other participants of the elections, everyone has his own goal and objectives. Some claim just to be on the political field, there are forces that really seek to win, and there are “spoiler parties.”

“Their goal is to promote one or another of the parties that spawned them. They will try not only to level votes in favor of their competitors, but also to do on the propaganda wave what the “mother party” considers beneath its dignity. That is, black PR in relation to a particular competitor”.

According to the Hakobyan’s assessment, these elections cannot be considered purely municipal in their content and character, as “Yerevan is the political brain and heart of Armenia, political trends are formed here”.

He believes that those forces, which will present “a hybrid of political and urban programs,” will be able to succeed.

According to Hakobyan, “National Progress” led by former mayor Hayk Marutyan and “Country for Life” with mayoral candidate Mane Tandilyan have chances to become part of some coalition in the future.

“As for the “Country for Life” party, in my opinion, the process will be influenced by the extent to which the de facto leader of this party Ruben Vardanyan [former state minister of the unrecognized NKR, big businessman], who actually heads the opposition in Artsakh, will directly position himself as its leader. If he does, it will strengthen the party’s position.”

https://jam-news.net/election-campaign-for-the-yerevan-council-of-elders/

Novena for deliverance of the Armenian people

Aug 23 2023

One year after the beginning of the conflict in between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Bishop Mikael Antoine Mouradian of the Armenian Catholic Eparchy in the USA is starting a novena for the deliverance of the Armenian people.

While diplomacy between Armenia and Azerbaijan remains at an impasse, all Catholics are invited to unite their prayers for nine days in order Pray for the Armenian Christians who are being persecuted and that a solution may be found to help them.

Azerbaijan is currently blocking 120 000 Armenian Christians from receiving any help and is pushing them from their homes in Artsakh.

An initiative of Armenian Catholic Eparchy of Our Lady of Nareg, USA and Canada, this international novena begins on August 25, 2023. It invites people to pray to the Armenian saints and to fast for the end of persecution and a just peace.

The novena invokes intercession of the Virgin Mary and St Gregory of Narek to help the Armenian people and help find a resolution to this nightmare for them.

We invite people to repeat this novena as many times as they can and to fast and to pray for their Armenian Brothers and Sisters in Christ. As the situation in Armenia is very difficult, and people there are afraid if a repetition of the genocide of 1915-1917, all prayer is more than welcome.

As the Church prayed for Peter when he was in prison, pray for the Armenians imprisoned and persecuted in their homeland.

https://www.indcatholicnews.com/news/47858








Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh face acute shortages amid Azerbaijan blockade

MedyaNews
Aug 23 2023

The people of Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan’s territory, are enduring a grim humanitarian situation. A blockade imposed by Azerbaijan has led to acute shortages of vital necessities, forcing residents into a life of hardship and uncertainty. Luke Harding, writing for The Guardian, provides an inside look at the unfolding crisis.

Hovig Asmaryan, a resident of the enclave’s capital, Stepanakert, described the daily struggle to feed his family on a diet of potatoes for every meal: “We fry them. And then we boil them…”

Since last December, the blockade has choked off supplies of food, medicines, and fuel. The situation escalated in June when the road to Nagorno-Karabakh was entirely blocked by Azerbaijani guards. Residents are left to barter for essentials, and many areas are without water and electricity. “We don’t have gold. Or oil. Or gas. We have nothing that interests the west, or the east,” Asmaryan lamented, expressing frustration at the lack of international attention.

Azerbaijan has dismissed allegations of a blockade, despite the International Committee for the Red Cross’s confirmation of the scarcity of essential items in the region. “They will not be satisfied until we die in the streets,” Asmaryan told The Guardian.

The blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh has taken on a disturbing facade of environmentalism. As reported by Simon Maghakyan in Time, the authoritarian regime of Azerbaijan has masqueraded the blockade as an “eco-protest” against ore mining operations in the region. This has left Nagorno-Karabakh on the brink of starvation, with the local economy and mining operations halted. The International Court of Justice ordered Azerbaijan to end the blockade on 22 February, but without immediate enforcement, the situation remains dire.

Azerbaijan’s weaponisation of environmentalism, blending ethnic cleansing with environmental causes, sets a dangerous precedent. President Aliyev’s cynical approach has not only exploited a vital global cause but also further corroded Azerbaijan’s civil society, symbolised by the strangled dove at the blockade—an ethnic cleansing strategy sugar-coated as environmentalism.

https://medyanews.net/armenians-in-nagorno-karabakh-face-acute-shortages-amid-azerbaijan-blockade/

Why Washington Is Reluctant to Help Armenia

Aug 23 2023

Azerbaijan is currently starving more than 120,000 Armenians in Nagorno Karabakh. Founding International Criminal Court Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo states that it is “reasonable to believe” Baku’s blockade constitutes genocide.

For months, the Armenian National Committee of America’s pleas to U.S. policymakers fell on deaf ears. Last week, members of the United Nations Security Council convened to read speeches to each other. Meanwhile, a 40-year-old man died of starvation in Stepanakert. Thoughts and prayers remain the order of the day. Never again becomes again and again and again.

Put simply: While the international community lacks the collective hard power, political will, and moral backbone to do anything about Baku’s blockade, America – the only state which possesses all three – is reluctant to help Yerevan and Stepanakert due to geopolitical considerations.

 

Armenia

Sandwiched between a hostile Turkey to the West and an even more aggressive Azerbaijan to the East, Armenia’s greatest allies are Russia and Iran. Yerevan is a member of key Russian-led institutions such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Instead of entering a free-trade agreement with the European Union, Armenia joined the Russia-dominated Eurasian Economic Union. Yerevan recently signed a memorandum of understanding on energy cooperation with Iran. It also acquired drones and missiles from Tehran in contravention of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act.

 

Azerbaijan

Azerbaijan maintains close cultural, economic, and security ties to NATO member state Turkey. Baku’s gas and oil feed Europe’s insatiable appetite for energy. Given that the “enemy of my enemy is my friend,” Azerbaijan’s disputes with Iran translate into strategic partnerships with Israel and America. Washington provides security assistance to Baku through a presidential waiver to Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act. Israel has replaced Russia as Azerbaijan’s principal supplier of weapons. The Azerbaijani army is also trained by the Turkish military. Undeterred by an abysmal human rights record, Azerbaijan remains an invaluable strategic partner for the West.   

 

The United States

The U.S. is not allied to Armenia. They maintain cordial diplomatic relations, but Washington is not legally bound to Yerevan by any bilateral or multilateral security agreements. While the U.S. owes nothing to Armenia, it has nonetheless provided billions of dollars in humanitarian aid and development assistance to Yerevan since its independence. There are urgent moral imperatives but unfortunately few strategic incentives for America to help Armenia or the Armenians of Karabakh because of Yerevan’s alliances with Tehran and Moscow, two of Washington’s sworn enemies.

At the top of America’s long list of foreign policy priorities is dealing with Russia’s genocidal invasion of Ukraine. Tehran supplies Moscow with drones and munitions that destroy Ukraine’s critical infrastructure and rain terror down on innocent and defenseless Ukrainian civilians. When Armenia isn’t serving as a corridor to traffic Iranian-made weapons to Russia, Yerevan bolsters Putin’s war chest by helping Moscow evade sanctions and export controls imposed by the West. While Armenia reaps enormous economic benefits from this arrangement, this does not evoke empathy in Washington.

Even America’s generosity has limits. Washington is unlikely to sabotage its partnership with Baku for a CSTO member state that violates U.S. law and imperils its national interest. In fact, Yerevan is lucky that Washington has yet to impose sanctions against it. Other U.S. allies, like Turkey and the United Arab Emirates, have not been as fortunate.

 

The Nagorno Karabakh dispute

The Armenia-Azerbaijan Nagorno Karabakh dispute centers around the separatist Republic of Artsakh, which declared independence from the Azerbaijan SSR during the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991. The international community did not recognize its independence. Neither did Armenia. Despite being occupied by Armenian soldiers and paramilitaries for almost three decades, the region is still internationally recognized as Azerbaijan’s sovereign territory. This includes by Armenia’s greatest allies: Russia and Iran.

While Armenia seeks to protect the Armenians of Artsakh, Azerbaijan is determined to regain control of Nagorno Karabakh. Given that Russia is bogged down in Ukraine, Baku has foregone another military operation and resorted to blockading the Armenians of Artsakh– a form of ethnic cleansing – to accomplish this objective. The situation is dire, and there is no Armenian-led military solution to the Nagorno Karabakh dispute that ends well for Yerevan or Stepanakert. A third full-scale war in the South Caucasus will be devastating for landlocked Armenia and even worse for the Armenians of Artsakh.

 

Solutions

Many have argued for a US-led humanitarian airlift to Nagorno Karabakh. Although possible and necessary, there are at least two issues with such an operation.

First, that responsibility is incumbent on Iran and Russia, Armenia’s allies, and should not fall on America’s shoulders. It doesn’t because both Tehran and Moscow lack the moral predilection to perform such a task. Even worse, this type of operation would be detrimental to their respective national interests. The status quo, which keeps Armenians in Stepanakert starving, Yerevan at odds with Baku and therefore within Moscow’s and Tehran’s respective geopolitical orbits, suits both Iran and Russia fine.

Second, a humanitarian airlift to Nagorno Karabakh is a band-aid for a bullet wound. Even if the Armenians of Artsakh are supplied and Baku finally ends its blockade, the root of the problem remains: Nagorno Karabakh is Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territory occupied by both Russian “peacekeepers” and Armenian soldiers and paramilitaries without Baku’s consent. When this episode concludes, Azerbaijan will still seek to liberate its territory from the occupying militaries and reclaim its land.

Therefore, the problem to solve is determining the status of the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh moving forward: Are they going to be citizens of Armenia, Azerbaijan, or Artsakh?

With every passing day, Armenia’s hand grows weaker while Azerbaijan’s negotiating position improves. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s rhetoric evolved from bestowing a “special status” upon the Armenians of Artsakh to “full integration” into Azeri society since the second Nagorno Karabakh War ended. Given both Baku’s human rights record and the Armenophobia prevalent in Azerbaijan, that solution is unlikely to bode well for the Armenians of Artsakh.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is aware of Azerbaijan’s strategic advantage over Armenia, understands Yerevan needs alternatives to Moscow and Tehran to prosper in the 21st century, and has sought to make deals with both Baku and Ankara. Days after stating Armenia would recognize Azerbaijan’s sovereignty over Nagorno Karabakh provided that Baku respects the rights of the Armenians of Artsahk, Pashinyan attended Turkish President Erdogan’s inauguration. These developments are small steps on the long road to peace and reconciliation.

Nevertheless, Pashinyan must go further in courting the West. In January 2023, I argued that Armenia should withdraw from the CSTO because Moscow’s strategic designs diverge from Yerevan’s national security concerns. This would enable Armenia to pursue a policy of strategic ambiguity. In other words, Yerevan could finally cooperate with whichever “great power” it sees fit on a case-by-case basis instead of limiting its military options to treaty allies like Russia and authoritarian neighbors like Iran. To say this would be perceived positively by Washington is an understatement.

None of this absolves America nor the West of their responsibility in this matter. They also have an important role to play in resolving the Nagorno Karabakh impasse. The Free World cannot claim to champion human rights while one of its partners ethnically cleanses a minority community from its territory.

The West has significant leverage with Azerbaijan. Washington consents to Jerusalem’s arms sales to Azerbaijan. It also provides security assistance to Baku through an exception to Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act. The European Union maintains lucrative energy deals with Azerbaijan. British Petroleum owns and operates many of the gas production facilities and pipelines in the country. The list goes on and on. They could easily put their money where their values are, and pressure Baku to make concessions to the Armenian minority in Nagorno Karabakh.

 

Conclusion

To be clear: Armenia has locked itself into a geopolitical alliance with Russia and Iran. This is detrimental to Armenia’s national interest and the welfare of the Armenians of Artsakh. Both of its authoritarian allies are heavily sanctioned. They do not share the same values nor long-term interests as Armenia. The status quo, which keeps the Armenians of Artsakh starving and Yerevan locked into their respective spheres of influence, suits both Iran and Russia fine.

From a geopolitical perspective, Azerbaijan checkmated Armenia years ago. It is time Yerevan read the writing on the wall, resolve the Nagorno Karabakh dispute, and make peace with Baku.

Politicians make mistakes. All humans do. But doubling down on a losing horse is compulsive gambler behavior, not a recipe for long-term success. Short-term thinking will only lead to another war. A brighter path, of peace and prosperity, is possible for those wise enough to build it.

 

George Monastiriakos is a Fellow at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy. You can read his published works on his website. 

The views expressed in this article belong to the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com.

https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/why-washington-is-reluctant-to-help-armenia/

Asbarez: Artsakh President’s Office Denies Claims of Accepting Aghdam Road Offer

Artsakh resident block the road connecting Askeran to Aghdam on Jul. 18 (Facebook photo by Arshak Abrahamyan)


The Artsakh presidential office has denied claims made by media outlets suggesting that President Arayik Harutyunyan supposedly has accepted Azerbaijan’s proposal to utilize the Aghdam road to Stepanakert for commercial transit.

The refuted claim was made by the opposition-leaning Yerevan-based Hraparak newspaper, which reported that on Tuesday Harutyunyan convened a security council session and told officials that he had made a decision to begin transport of fuel, medication and other through Aghdam, while food would be supplied through the Lachin Corridor by the Russian peacekeeping contingent.

Harutyunyan’s spokesperson Lusine Avanesyan confirmed to Armenpress on Wednesday that a closed-door session was held with officials on Tuesday but no such decision was mede or conveyed.

She said that Harutyunyan held meetings on August 22 and 23 with various political and public figures to discuss the humanitarian and security issues resulting from Azerbaijan’s blockade, the Artsakh government’s upcoming actions and the proposals received from various mediators aimed at resolving the situation.

“No decision was made, and the discussions continue, and soon President Harutyunyan will personally present the information on the situation and the approaches of the authorities,” Avanesyan added.

Meanwhile BBC, citing Azerbaijani media reports, reported that Artsakh authorities are poised to accept the opening of the Aghdam road and in coming days the sides will meet in Barda to discuss this matter.

Late last month Western-mediated talks between Stepanakert and Baku were canceled, with the Artsakh foreign ministry later confirming that the July 29 abduction and subsequent detention of Artsakh resident Vagif Khachatryan by Azerbaijani forces contributed to the cancellation of the meeting.

Since Azerbaijan announced its scheme to use the Aghdam road for transport of goods to Stepanakert, Artsakh residents have blocked road. The use of the Aghdam road would completely cut Armenia off from Artsakh.

U.S. Denies Having Pressured UN Security Council Members to Not Sign Artsakh Resolution

The UN Security Council meets to discuss Azerbaijan's blockade of Artsakh on Aug. 16


UK Says Not Aware of Plans for a Resolution or Statement

The United States has denied claims that it is pressuring United Nations Security Council member countries to not sign a resolution on Artsakh’s humanitarian crisis following an emergency session held by the body last week to address the matter.

Meanwhile, the United Kingdom said it was not aware of a resolution at the UN Security Council about the Artsakh humanitarian crisis.

Official Yerevan said on Tuesday that it anticipates that the United States will play a role in resolving the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh, stemming from Azerbaijan’s more than eight-month blockade of the Lachin Corridor.

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan told reporters on Tuesday that the U.S. can play a role in advancing a resolution by the United Nations Security Council to resolve the crisis.

Mirzoyan’s was responding to a reporter’s question about media reports suggesting that the U.S. actively obstructed the adoption of a resolution by the UN Security Council after it held an emergency session last week to discuss the Artsakh crisis.

An overwhelming majority of the countries represented last week at the UN Security Council session called on Azerbaijan to end the blockade and ensure free movement along the Lachin Corridor. However, no tangible statement or resolution emerged from the meeting aside from declarations of support for the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace talks.

In a written response to inquiry by Armenpress, the U.S. Embassy in Armenia said that the U.S. has “not seen a draft resolution, and claims that the U.S. is pressuring member countries not to sign a resolution are completely false.”

When asked whether the U.S. was planning to submit a draft resolution following last week’s UN Security Council session, the embassy expressed Washington’s “deep concern” over the humanitarian crisis unfolding in Artsakh.

“At the United Nations Security Council meeting last Wednesday on the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh, led by our Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the Council discussed key issues related to the current humanitarian situation,” the U.S. Embassy told Armenpress.

U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield speaks at Aug. 16 UN Security Council session

“As noted in our statement at the UNSC session, we remain deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation in NK and we’re encouraging the Azerbaijani government to open the Lachin Corridor to humanitarian, commercial and private traffic expeditiously,” the embassy added.

The UK Embassy in Armenia also told Armenpress that it was not aware of plans for a UN Security Council resolution or statement regarding the humanitarian situation in Artsakh.

When asked whether the UK was planning to submit a resolution to the Security Council, the embassy simply expressed “concern.”

“The United Kingdom remains deeply concerned at the ongoing disruptions to the Lachin corridor, which threatens the supply of life-saving medication, health care, and other essential goods and services – resulting in humanitarian consequences for the local population,” the UK Embassy told Armenpress.

“It is therefore crucial that the ICJ order of February 2023 is respected to ensure unimpeded movement along the Lachin corridor in both directions,” added the embassy.

Asbarez: Australia Supports ICJ Ruling Calling for Lachin Opening

Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs has voiced its support for the International Court of Justice ruling ordering Azerbaijan to “ensure unimpeded movement” along then Lachin Corridor, as the blockade of Artsakh moves into its ninth month creating an acute humanitarian organization, reported the Armenian National Committee of Australia.

The Armenian National Committee of Australia welcomed this statement, calling it “a welcome shift” in department’s narrative, which had until now preferred statements urging “both sides to de-escalate tensions and to ensure freedom and security along the corridor”. 

“We support the provisional measures order issued by the International Court of Justice on 22 February 2023, which was reaffirmed by the Court on 6 July 2023. The Court ordered Azerbaijan to ‘take all measures at its disposal to ensure unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin Corridor in both directions,’” said Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in a letter sent to the Australian-Armenian community.

The ANC-AU welcomed the statement from DFAT on behalf of Senator Wong, and now expects the Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to publicly echo this in all possible settings. 

Australia now joins the United States of America, Canada, the United Kingdom, the European Parliament and many other nations, and prominent non-governmental organisations in supporting the International Court of Justice’s provisional measures. 

“For the second time now, an Australian Government has recognized Azerbaijan’s belligerent actions, first in November 2022 acknowledging Azerbaijan as the responsible party for a specific series of crimes against Armenian prisoners of war and the desecration of Armenian cultural and religious sites, and now as the instigator of an illegal blockade in violation of international law,” said ANC-AU Executive Director, Michael Kolokossian.

“We look forward to this positive shift in Australia’s position being echoed in all bilateral and multilateral international channels by both Prime Minister Albanese and Foreign Affairs Minister Wong until the genocidal blockade is lifted.”

More than 2,000 Armenian-Australians signed an Australian Parliamentary petition over the past month, calling for the Federal Government’s support to end Artsakh’s blockade, which was presented to the House of Representatives who passed it on to Foreign Minister Wong before the release of the above letters.

“The Armenian National Committee of Australia extends its warm gratitude to all community members who passionately advocated in support of Artsakh, the Australian civil society organisations who wrote to the Foreign Minister, and state and federal parliamentarians who have signed the Statement of Support for the people of Artsakh calling on this important shift in Canberra’s policy. Through our collective and united efforts, we have secured this victory,” Kolokossian added.

On Anniversary of Armenia’s Declaration of Independence, Pashinyan Criticizes the Document; Says it Sows Conflict

Armenia's Declaration of Independence was adopted on August 23, 1990


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan chose the 33rd anniversary of Armenia’s Declaration of Independence to criticize the document, which laid the foundations for the modern-day independent Republic of Armenia, saying that the document sowed conflict in the region.

On August 23, 1990, Armenia’s first post-Communist legislative body adopted the Declaration of Independence, which served as the basis for Armenia’s declaring independence on September 21, 1991.

The document makes reference to a 1989 unification act adopted jointly by Armenia’s Supreme Soviet and the legislative equivalent of the then Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast, calling for the unification of Artsakh with Armenia—the spark that started the Karabakh Liberation Movement in February, 1988.

Armenia’s Declaration of Independence also calls for the recognition of the Armenian Genocide in “the Ottoman Turkey and Western Armenia.”

It is unusual and frowned upon for a head of state to so openly criticize the founding document of the state. In his head-scratching statement marking the declaration’s anniversary, Pashinyan said that the document essentially was a vestige of the USSR and had made Armenia dependent on the Soviet system.

He made reference to his government’s “peace agenda” in the region saying that was “as long as we do not have peace, the ghost of the USSR will haunt our skies.”

In May Pashinyan pledged to recognize Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, which meant Baku would have sovereignty over Artsakh. He later declared that a peace deal with Azerbaijan would grant Armenia a “deed” to its territory. His statement on Wednesday signals that Pashinyan would prefer to have no reference of Artsakh or the Armenian Genocide as they complicate his “peace agenda,” which he called the only true path to independence.

“The Declaration of Independence is a crucial document, which laid the foundation for our current statehood. It was adopted during the culmination of the 1988 Karabakh movement, in conditions of economic, political and ideological crisis in the Soviet Union,” Pashinyan said.

“Before and especially after the 2020 war I have read and re-read the text of the declaration on numerous occasions. And I have to confess, my post-war interpretation, to some extent, has differed from the pre-war readings,” added the prime minister.

“An analysis of the text of the declaration shows that we had eventually chosen the kind of narrative and discourse which is based on the formula that made us part of the Soviet Union—a confrontational narrative with a regional outlook that would keep us [embroiled] in constant conflicts with our neighbors,” Pashinyan offered an explanation.

“With the Declaration of Independence, we set in motion the trajectory of leaving the Soviet Union, but also closed all roads to leaving the Soviet Union. In other words with the Declaration of Independence adopted in the end of the 20th century we adopted a formula which had already led us to lose our independence in the beginning of the 20th century,” said Pashinyan saying that it was unclear what other options Armenia had after the fall of the first Armenian Republic. He said, however, that “analyzing and understanding the road we have traversed is our historical duty.”

“In 2018, before and after assuming the post of the Prime Minister of Armenia, I treated the Declaration of Independence of Armenia as a ‘biblical message.’ Nevertheless, as fundamental as it [the document] is, the declaration needed and needs a deep analysis, because it is a political document, with all its inherent consequences,” Pashinyan said.

“And now, on the 33rd anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, I would like to underscore that the peace agenda adopted by our government is an agenda of independence, because we shall have independence when we have peace,” he said.

“As long as we do not have peace, the ghosts of the USSR will haunt our skies and the skies of our region. I choose independence, sovereignty and democracy. The citizen of the Republic of Armenia choses independence, sovereignty and democracy,” Pashinyan declared.

AW: A Walk Through the ARF Archives

In the basement of the Hairenik Association in Watertown, Massachusetts, more than a century of history lies safely tucked away. Here, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Bureau keeps the party’s archives, with material spanning from its founding in 1890 until 1992. George Aghjayan, who has been director of the archives since 2017, guided me through a tour of the ARF Archives, some new acquisitions and ongoing projects. 

History permeates every level of the Hairenik building. Prior to the descent to the basement, a part of the archives is stored on the first floor, which houses the Armenian Weekly office. In a small storage room, four-page spreads, entirely in Armenian, are bound into massive tomes by year, dating as early as 1899. Their digitized versions are available in the Hairenik Digital Archives collection. As the books grow older, the pages grow yellower and more delicate, the covers loose and faded, until they are too risky to flip through for fear of damage. Those nine decades of storytelling rest next to the computers housing the stories of today. The 90th anniversary of the Armenian Weekly is approaching next year, along with the 125th anniversary of the Hairenik newspaper, and decades from now, this week’s paper may sit on those big shelves in a tome, waiting to be rediscovered.

The Spirit of Armenia painting by Haroutiun (Harry) Shahbegian in the offices of the Hairenik and Armenian Weekly

The first floor also houses a painting revering Armenian history and culture: Spirit of Armenia, painted by Haroutiun (Harry) Shahbegian. Shahbegian was born in 1889 in Kharpert and fled to America at age 17 after the Turks issued papers to have him hanged. The family he left behind did not survive the Genocide. He volunteered as a Freedom Fighter during the Genocide and was well regarded by the generals for his skill. He married and had three children, to whom he passed down his Armenian values. 

Spirit of Armenia represents Shahbegian’s love of Armenian history and culture, as well as his belief in Armenian independence. The piece was completed on May 28, 1963, on the 45th anniversary of Armenian independence, and honors those who aided the Armenian cause. Depicted are Armenian Kings, President Woodrow Wilson and the founders of the ARF. Shahbegian also paints Soghomon Tehlirian, a personal friend of Shahbegian’s whose impacts on Armenian history have recently been expanded upon in the ARF Archives. Though self-taught, Shahbegian’s work reflects the memories of his homeland and his dreams of Armenia’s independence, and it watches over the staff of the Armenian Weekly as they write for and about the Armenian people. 

Down in the basement, every piece of paper from 1890 to 1926 has been cataloged, microfilmed and organized into 27 chronological volumes of catalogs. The documents from 1926 to 1940 are organized by theme or subject, and materials after 1940 are split into 225 cataloged boxes. “The archives also include the archives of the First Republic of Armenia, including the 1918 Declaration of Independence, and continuing past the fall of the Republic to the Diplomatic Mission in France and the Paris Peace Conference,” Aghjayan shared while he and his colleague Mary Choloyan were busy cataloging documents in the archive.

Margaret DerManouelian’s passport page 2

The archive’s current project reflects the time after the Republic fell, when Armenia’s government was acting in exile, and Armenians had no citizenship in any country, similar to other post-WWI refugees. The League of Nations, an international organization resolving post-war disputes, created the Nansen passport in 1922 to aid refugees, but Armenians were not added to the program until 1924 and could not travel. In response, they applied to the Diplomatic Mission in France. Aghjayan’s grandmother “came to the United States in 1928 on a passport issued by the Republic of Armenia in 1928. There had been no Republic of Armenia for eight years at that point, but the United States Government still recognized and honored that passport, and she was able to enter the U.S. on it.”

The archives hold 20,000 of these passport applications. Each one features “a photograph of the person, their name, where and when they were born, the father’s name and the mother’s maiden name,” Aghjayan said. Also collected are letters attached to the applications and some actual passports, stamped and signed in swooping cursive on large stationary sheets, edges perforated as they were torn out of a register book. These applications are a significant acquisition. They may be the only pages containing so much genealogical information about these Armenian communities. Aghjayan’s team hopes to have the passport applications entirely cataloged and available online by the end of the year. The first 2,000 are already accessible on the ARF Archives website, arfarchives.org.

Alongside the passports, Aghjayan’s team is completing high-resolution scans of thousands of historical photographs, housed in over 30 boxes. They span a wide range of themes and years, and they are being cataloged and uploaded to the ARF Archives website. 

With the archive’s current work explained, it was time to venture into the vault for a peek at the passports and alternate acquisitions. Beyond the basement’s working room lies a large vault. Stepping up into the sealed, temperature-controlled gray room, rows of ceiling-high shelves boast small charcoal boxes. Walking across the room is like a chronological walk through history, each row of shelves preserving a different block of years. Here lie some of the ARF’s great treasures. 

The vault stores letters to the editors of Hairenik’s monthly magazine, which ran from 1922 to 1970, including content that was never published; private papers from influential Armenian figures; and copies of a book celebrating the 100th anniversary of the ARF, filled with photographs and history. 

Aghjayan stopped near the entrance to the vault to point out an unassuming box. Inside lies a collection donated by the grandson of Manoug Hampartsumian, the editor of the Hairenik newspaper from 1914-1916, with documents detailing his life and work. Several of the correspondences are on Hairenik letterhead from the time. The collection also contains letters from his time at Anatolia College in Merzifon, including correspondences to the woman he would later marry while she was at Euphrates College. An active member of the party, Hampartsumian wrote several political letters in the 1920s and 1930s. He was later appointed as a delegate to the World Congress in the 1950s, from which the archive retains his postcards detailing his journey through France, Switzerland, and Cairo, Egypt. The collection is a portrait of his life as conveyed through postage. 

The scrapbook about Soghomon Tehlirian acquired by director George Aghjayan for the ARF Archives

Additionally, Aghjayan recently purchased a scrapbook compiled by someone in Germany during the trial of Soghomon Tehlirian. Tehlirian was found not guilty and freed after assassinating Talaat Pasha, the former Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, in Berlin in 1921. The scrapbook contains news clippings detailing the assassination and trial. It is believed that Shahbegian, the artist behind Spirit of Armenia, gave Tehlirian the Luger pistol used to assassinate Talaat. Tehlirian’s story and his friend Shahbegian’s painting are now housed under the same roof. 

Last, Aghjayan presented a metal box donated by the Mike Mugerditch Paloulian family of Worcester. The tarnished box is small enough to fit in the palm of a hand, with a keyhole in the center. The rest of the center plate is engraved with the ARF name and logo. This box was used for collecting money to buy bullets. There is a hole to insert bills on the left side and a coin slot on the right. Among boxes of paper records, this box is a unique artifact addition to an archive dedicated to preserving Armenian history.

Metal box used to collection donations for bullets (Donated by the Mike Mugerditch Paloulian family of Worcester)

The ARF Archives are ever-expanding. The next addition is a recent acquisition of Hunchak material, expected to arrive soon. After that, the Archives will continue to collect and preserve Armenian culture. 

Consider supporting the archives and its projects preserving history through a donation. Please reach out if you have any ARF documents or photographs that you would like to share.

Alexandra O’Neil is a rising junior at Boston College majoring in Communications with minors in Journalism, English and Theatre. She is an arts contributor for Boston College's newspaper The Heights, and she has written for ECHO Magazine, an online music publication based in Boston and Los Angeles. Her work focuses on performing arts coverage as well as film, music and literary reviews, and she is passionate about telling stories bringing attention to people making a difference in their communities.


To those who seek to destroy us, I see you

I didn’t realize it was a date – I never do. This skin, wrapped in so many layers, has forgotten where it begins. 

He was sweet – he always is. The conversation simmered as the cocktails flowed. A good date, by most people’s standards. 

But I returned home, heavy – as I always do – and sank my face beneath cold water. 

I turned off the faucet and opened my Instagram. Two young men – boys – had jumped off a bridge. Holding hands, they fell. All 301 feet. Back into history. Two fleshed-lovers, now at one with the river. 

My knees buckled and collapsed onto the cold tile. I streamed. This is the only time the layers come off. Alone, in grief, holding the pain of the ones who could bear it no longer. 

Love is cream, kati ser (milk’s love) – in the mouth, in the guts, in the bloodstream. Booze is a preservative. Kills the mold.

That was the last date I ever went on with a man.

In the Zulu language of South Africa, strangers greet each other, not with hello or a polite nod, but sawubonameaning, “I see you.”

What does it mean to be seen in this skin?

My cousin’s child is 16, Arsen’s age. She asks if I know any gay people. Yes, I tell her.

She pauses. “Are you friends with any of them?” I hear my uncle’s footsteps, his heavy gait, picking up pace. “Yes,” I say, flinging open the door.

Earlier that day, I sat by the edge of the pool with the cousin who raised me in the moments when my mother, an ocean away, could not. 

“It feels like the gays have disappeared lately,” she says. 

What do you mean? 

“With Nikol’s revolution, they were everywhere. But now, they’re gone.”

My silence invites more commentary.

“I understand that those people are born that way – it’s a sickness – but they shouldn’t be preaching anything to our children. They should be getting help.”

This cousin, my step-mama, often separated by half a world, now just inches from my feet, never felt farther away. 

Her husband is a journalist in Armenia. He often posts lengthy tirades about the LGBTQ+ community. Only, he’s not talking to his followers. His words are directed at us. A love letter, in reverse. 

“If you are gay, trans, no gender, every gender – I don’t care. If any of you come near my children, I will grab my gun and shoot you dead. I will kill you and I will sit in jail. This country is not yours to take.”

I meet my cousin in the eyes. “I see you,” I wanted to say. I only wished that she could see me, too.

“And what do you feel now ”

Two nights ago, a trans woman – my sister’s age – was stabbed inside her apartment then burned to a crisp. The authorities took their time starting an investigation. I read the comments. The love they turned inside out – and set ablaze.

Three years ago, to the date, I put on a lullaby from my ancestral land. One that many mothers sang to their babies on the marches, in the caves, where love reeked like spoilt milk. 

I laid down on the ground and wrapped a noose around my neck. It was not the first time.

During the genocide, a mother abandoned her wailing child – to save the rest. Drifting, she sang…

Rouri rouri rouri rouri rouri rouri rouri, lao.

My young one, may you grow old kindly.
May wild sheep feed you with their milk, to keep you alive.
May God and nature protect you in your loneliest hour.

As I faded away, I heard my dad’s screams, calling me back. Those final seconds never came. I was pulled back to shore by love’s cry. 

Nowhere to hide, nowhere to settle, nowhere to be free. The only way to find the light is to become it. To sway between the notes – of ghosts and angels. To become our own lullaby.

A cry that never reached Tigran, Arsen, Adriana. Their love, abandoned by the skin. In Armenian, our mornings begin with bari luys, “good light.”

We are used to queer bodies outlasting the light. May you come and go in shadow, they tell us.

In Armenia, the worst thing – the absolute worst thing – that anyone can be is queer.

In Turkey, the worst thing – the absolute worst thing – that anyone can be is an Armenian. 

Not a Kurd, not an atheist, not a communist, not even queer. 

Armenian. Listen to the tremors of my skin.

Last winter, I visited a dear Turkish friend. Someone who’s become something more, but a nameless more. A mooring on foreign lands.

A NYE gathering – a celebration of Turkish, Kurdish, Cypriot queers. The most marginalized bodies in Turkey, they tell us.

When my nameless-more was in the bathroom, I approached these bodies. They seemed safer than the Turkish bodies I met in the kabob shops in London, the taxi attendant in Istanbul, the ‘proud’ bodies outside Talaat Pasha’s house museum. 

The body, in nothing but a thong, who moments earlier, flexed glitter and joy, smiled back at me. “Are you Turkish?” he asked. “No, Armenian.” 

I watched the blank glare creep over his once-expressive face. I politely found an exit – as always.

Almost immediately, a lesbian couple appeared and asked where I’m from. “Sounds like an American accent.” 

“Yes, but I’m actually Armenian.” 

“I lived in NYC for awhile, worked in investment banking there. It was nice.” Strike two. 

Again, I watched the word disappear – not beneath a flag or angry chant – but behind leather belts and sticky glasses. Even in this room, our bodies were not the same. Mine might as well have been a ghost. One of the millions abandoned in their home country – out of sight, out of mind. 

Rainbows in the sky but bumpy waves on this ship – as always.

I didn’t hear much of the rest. My nameless-more reappeared and took the reins.

That night, I told her that I was grateful to be in her safe space. I did not tell her that it was not mine.

To be a queer Armenian means to be reviled by both Armenians and Turks. Queer Turks do not even see us. SawubonaSouth Africa is a long way from here.

Nowhere to hide, nowhere to settle, nowhere to be free. The only way to find the light is to become it. To sway between the notes – of ghosts and angels. To become our own lullaby.

Rouri is a survival song. The mother in the story could not destine her child to memory. So, she returned and found her babe, still swaddled, still breathing. 

The vibrations had kept him alive. 

Lilly Torosyan is a freelance writer based in Connecticut. Her writing focuses on the confluence of identity, diaspora and language – especially within the global Armenian communities. She has a master’s degree in Human Rights from University College London and a bachelor’s degree in International Relations from Boston University, where she served on the ASA Executive Board. She is currently working on her inaugural poetry collection.