Film: 100 Years of Making Films: The Centenary of Armenian Cinema

Filmmaker Magazine
Oct 23 2023
by Sona Karapoghosyan
in Filmmaking

When thinking of Armenian cinema, the names of Sergei Parajanov and Artavazd Peleshyan come to mind. These two titans are influential not only for Armenian or Soviet cinema but world film heritage. Both introduced unique storytelling methods—one infusing the screen with poetry and collaged images, the second conceiving of the “Distance Montage” technique. But Armenian cinema, which marks its 100th anniversary this year, has other notable filmmakers whose work deserves no less recognition. 

ArmenFilm (HayFilm), the first and main film production body of Armenia, was established in 1923 as a separate department within the People’s Commissariat of the Soviet Armenia. As in the Soviet Union as a whole, cinema was considered a tool for propaganda, so Daniel Dznuni, former head of propaganda in the People’s Commissariat for Education, was appointed its director. Young, ambitious and imbued with forbidden nationalist ideas, he planned to build his own little Hollywood in Yerevan. As the government had allocated very little funding for the department (60 rubles [30 USD, equivalent to 460 USD today]), the first step for the newly-appointed director was to raise money to start production. In a country eaten up by continuous wars against Turkey and the Red Army, with streets full of homeless orphans and survivors of the genocide, Dznuni managed to collect 5 million rubles for ArmenFilm and started producing. 

Dznuni had outlined four main roles for the company: production, “cinefication,” distribution and construction. With two cinemas were functioning in Armenia—in Yerevan and Gyumri, the country’s second major city—they first needed to build new cinemas (construction). While the production department was busy fighting censorship by rewriting, changing and adapting scripts to please Moscow, the “cinefication” section was responsible for bringing cinema closer to people. Hundreds of film clubs were established in cities and villages, and mobile screens and “cinemas on wheels” traveled around the country to make films accessible for everyone. 

By 1933, there were 110 screens available; the mission of the distribution section was to provide them with films. Besides distributing what was produced at ArmenFilm, the department was also purchasing theatrical rights for Russian and American films, screening them not only in Armenia but Iran. In cooperation with the Armenian church in Tehran, ArmenFilm was organizing screenings for the big Iranian-Armenian community and also for Iranians. Unsurprisingly, the government in Moscow was not fond of having such an independent body within its structure—soon, Dznuni was accused of promotion of nationalist ideas and waste of funds. He was put in jail, and although after several-year-lasting trials he was released was never allowed him to come back to ArmenFilm.

The first film produced by ArmenFilm was Soviet Armenia, a six-episode documentary series about quickly-developing Soviet Armenia. Propaganda praising communist norms, the film traveled around the world, including France, Lebanon, Egypt and other countries with dense Armenian populations. Currently, the film is considered to be lost. 

Namus

Dznuni was not only involved in executive arrangements but reading and commissioning scripts from famous Armenian playwrights and writers for new stories to be adapted for the screen. In 1925 he invited Hamo Bek-Nazaryan, who would become the founder of Armenian cinema, to work in ArmenFilm. An emerging filmmaker and celebrated silent-era actor of pre-revolutionary Russian cinema, in 1925 Bek-Nazaryan directed the first Armenian fiction film, Namus (Honor), followed by Zare (Zare) in 1926. Both challenged the patriarchal norms of Armenian society by telling stories of female characters who become victims of these norms, and both were shown widely internationally, even reaching New York. In Namus, Susan, the main character, is murdered by her husband who suspects her of unfaithfulness. In Zare, a Kurdish girl is forced to marry the influential governor of the region. Angry with her for refusing him, the governor announces that Zare is not “clean” and the villagers decide to kill her. Fortunately, the girl’s lover saves her life.

The thematic interests of Bek-Nazaryan were diverse and strategically well-planned. Mostly getting inspiration from the Armenian literature, along with Dznuni he was looking for narratives that would not bother the censorship authorities while, at the same time, addressing Armenian society and reshaping traditional perceptions. In addition to Armenian narratives, Bek-Nazaryan also collaborated with other Soviet countries, co-producing films with Azerbaijan (House on the Volcano, 1928) and Uzbekistan (Nasreddin in Khojent)making films about the ethnic minorities of Siberia (Igdendu, 1930), an Iranian villagers’ uprising (Khaspush, 1928). (The latter is included in the “Iranian Cinema before the Revolution, 1925- 1979” program currently at MoMA.) Some of his films were killed by Soviet censorship before or even during production. One of the most important ones, The Second Caravan, depicted the American-Armenian repatriates who decided to move to the Soviet Union to escape the “terror of capitalism” but, for unknown reasons, the production was halted on the last week of the filming. Until recently considered lost, the almost complete materials of the film were recently found in the film archive of Moscow. 

In general, confirmation and financing of film projects within the Soviet Union was a complicated and long process, requiring lots of dedication and energy. Filmmakers were supposed to submit their scripts to the Artistic Committee of ArmenFilm. With their green light, the project would be sent to Moscow for consideration. If confirmed, funds would be transferred and directors could start production. The filming stages were strictly outlined as well: pre-production in spring, production in summer, post-production in autumn, dubbing in winter. Usually, approvals and confirmations were received through good connections in the committees and the famous Armenian cognac. 

Along with Hamo Bek-Nazaryan, other directors producing silent cinema included Patvakan Barkhudaryan (Evil Soul, 1927; Kikos, 1931) and Amasi Martirosyan, whose Giqor (1934) is the last work of silent Armenian cinema. Most of the films were inspired or adapted from Armenian literature and were either comedies or dealing with social injustice, describing clashes between rich and poor, good and evil. The first sound film, Pepo (1936) was directed by Hamo Bek-Nazaryan and very much in line with the thematic interests of Armenian cinema, telling the story of a fisherman who fights against a greedy merchant. 

During the Second World War and years following it, film production went down. Lack of funding, loss of human resources on the front and the overall depressive mood left almost no space for creativity. One of the few directors to create on those years was still Bek-Nazaryan who chose to tell the epic stories from the past to raise the spirit of the nation (David Bek, 1943). But in the following ten years, only four films were produced by ArmenFilm.

The situation changed in the second half of the 1950s, when new and young voices started to appear on the cinema landscape making mostly comedies, documentaries or musical dramas. These were not masterpieces but prepared the ground for the cinematic breakthroughs of the 1960s, a period that is arguably the New Wave of Armenian Cinema during a decade that was fruitful for the country’s overall cultural life. Mostly connected to the death of Stalin and subsequently eased censorship, previously banned topics, such as the Genocide, started to be actively discussed and presented in various art forms. 

Nahapet

Hello, It’s Me (1965) by Frunze Dovlatyan officially launched the New Wave. The first Armenian feature to premiere at the Cannes Film Festival, Hello, It’s Me explored fast technological developments and post-war trauma that force an individual to reassess their lives. With both Russian and Armenian actors in the cast, the film masterfully played with languages, indicating the social and linguistic differences influencing everyday life within Soviet Armenia and the Soviet Union. Henrik Malyan, another beloved director, also started his filmmaking career in the 1960s and made some of the most important Armenian classic films in the following years (Triangle, 1967; We and Our Mountains, 1970). Malyan’s Nahapet (Life Triumphs, 1977) had its premiere in the Certain Regard section of Cannes and told the story of a man who lost his home and family during the Genocide in 1915 and is trying to start his life anew in an Eastern (Soviet) Armenian village. 

Lyudmila Sahakyants’s The Congregation of Mice

While there were other successful male directors (Yuri Yerznkyan, Armen Manaryan, Grigor Melik-Avagyan, Laert Vagharshyan), the Armenian film industry was not the most favorable place for female artists. The patriarchal mood of ArmenFilm was much looser in the Department of Animation. Inhabited by free-spirited rock music fans, it had a creative and empowering environment for female directors. The department was led by Rob Sahakyants, whose rebellious films reshaped the history of Armenian animation history and brought him fame not only inside the Soviet Union but also in the West. Female animators of the department— Gayane Martirosyan, Lyudmila Sahakyants, Elvira Avagyan, Narara Muradyan—were also widely known and beloved within Soviet Armenia, creating unique, sometimes dark worlds of animation inspired by the folk and lyric literature of Armenia. Almost forgotten, their animations were recently restored and a special program of the films will be playing at the Film Restored-The Film Heritage Festival in Berlin, Germany at the end of this month.

During the period leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union and after the establishment of the Republic of Armenia in 1992, the general themes and style of Armenian cinema drastically metamorphosed. Dark and pessimistic, infused with eroticism, violence and anger, these films were inspired by the European classics of Antonioni and Bergman, following highly politicized and lonely urban characters stuck in never-ending depression. Suren Babayan, Dmitri Kesayants, Don Askarian and Vigen Chaldranyan were the new names of cinema, with their films were travelling to international festivals in Rotterdam, Trieste and Berlin. Displacement, migration and identity crisis were the central theme for the cinema of Harutyun Khachatryan, whose Kond (1987), The Wind of Emptiness (1989) and Documentarist (2003) were shown and awarded in Karlovy Vary, Visions du Reél and  Cairo IFF, among others. 

The catastrophic economic situation that followed the first war in Nagorno-Karabagh (1991-1992)—collapse of infrastructures, blockage, hunger, cold winters without electricity—made many directors quit their filmmaking careers and look for jobs to survive. The film industry almost stopped functioning for several years. The revival started to take place in 2000s, but a corrupted funding system brought only frustration and amateur films. 

The establishment of the Golden Apricot International Film Festival in 2004 played a crucial role in the development of the Armenian film industry. Through its 20 years of existence, the festival became the only alternative source for distribution introducing Armenian audience to independent cinema. Various workshops, trainings and the co-production market within the festival have brought up a generation of aspiring filmmakers and opened a path for alternative film funding opportunities. The Velvet Revolution of 2018 became another turning point for the film industry development. Shushanik Mirzakhanyan, the newly-appointed head of the National Cinema Center of Armenia, NCCA (the successor of ArmenFilm and main film funding body of Armenia) and her team considerably improved the transparency and funding regulations of the organization, thus providing many young filmmakers with a chance to make films. As a result, more Armenian films are produced and presented at the international film festivals: Cannes (Should the Wind Drop, Nora Martirosyan, 2020), Busan (Chnchik, Aram Shahbazyan, 2020), DOK Leipzig (Village of Woman, Tamara Stepanyan, 2019 and Nothing to Be Afraid Of, Silva Khnkanosyan, 2019), Visions du Reél (5 Dreams and a Horse, Vahagn Khachatryan, Aren Malakyan, 2022), Annecy (Aurora’s Sunrise, Inna Sahakyan, 2022). Besides auteur cinema, NCCA also finances entertaining films that get wider distribution in the country.

Currently, Armenia has a small but relatively stable rate of film production with around 15 films a year. Mostly funded by NCCA, many of these films are co-produced with Europe. The number of female directors has considerably increased in the recent years, bringing more female stories to the screen, thus making it one of the current topics of Armenian cinema. Other prevailing themes of the contemporary cinema are the wars in Nagorno- Karabagh and the Velvet Revolution.

The industry still has many problems to solve but hopefully, the first hundred years of the experience will make the second hundred easier to pass.

A cohort of the Critics Academy of the Film at Lincoln Center, Sona Karapoghosyan is an Armenian film critic and curator. Since 2018, she has curated the Regional Competition program of the Golden Apricot International Film Festival focusing on films from Western Asia. A member of The International Federation of Film Critics (FIPRESCI), Karapoghosyan contributes to several local and international publications.



Speaker Alen Simonyan, German legislator Michael Roth discuss need for sanctions against Azerbaijan

 13:56,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 23, ARMENPRESS. Speaker of Parliament Alen Simonyan met on Monday with German lawmaker, Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundestag (German parliament) Michael Roth.

Simonyan and Roth attached importance to the sustainable development of the bilateral friendly relations and strengthening of interparliamentary cooperation, the parliament’s press service said in a readout.

The depopulation of Nagorno-Karabakh and its aftermath resulting from the Azeri policy of ethnic cleansing was also discussed. The German lawmaker said that they did not take sufficient steps to prevent the Azerbaijani aggression against the population of Nagorno-Karabakh.

On behalf of the Armenian parliament, Speaker Simonyan expressed gratitude for the principled and targeted speech regarding the war unleashed by Azerbaijan made during the September 21 UNSC meeting on Nagorno-Karabakh.

The Speaker and the German parliamentarian discussed the need for possible sanctions against Azerbaijan. Speaker Simonyan reiterated that Armenia has adopted an agenda of peace and is proposing a roadmap of regional peace.

Armenian PM to attend 4th Tbilisi Silk Road Forum

 14:29,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 23, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan will participate in the 4th Tbilisi Silk Road Forum.

Pashinyan is scheduled to deliver a speech during the opening ceremony on October 26, organizers .

https://armenpress.am/eng/news/1122576.html?fbclid=IwAR3Yl5qRKbWZEdeceWp8Twj8LHLJ8lhOFW3tkut87O8WUBly5cF6dB2hlkk

With the support of Ucom, the 18th annual International Microelectronics Olympiad was held

 15:27,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 23, ARMENPRESS. The results of the 18th annual International Olympiad of Microelectronics, with Ucom as the main supporter, were announced during a solemn ceremony held at Synopsys Armenia. This Olympiad featured 270 participants from 14 countries and followed its traditional format of two stages. The first round, serving as a preliminary test, took place simultaneously in 14 participating countries. The second and final round, which involved complex engineering challenges requiring comprehensive solutions, occurred on October 19 in Armenia at the Synopsys Armenia Education Department.

Out of the 270 participants who took part in the first round, 28 advanced to the final round. Among them, 12 were from Yerevan, while the rest came to Armenia from countries such as the UAE, Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brazil, Iran, Jordan, Chile, Peru, Russia, Serbia, and Vietnam.

"One of the primary objectives of the Olympiad is to establish an international community of young specialists in the field of microelectronics. Over the years, hundreds of exceptional young individuals from more than 25 countries worldwide, who represent the future creators of leading technologies, have participated in the Olympiad," said Hovik Musayelyan, Vice President of the Olympiad's Organizing Committee and Director of Synopsis Armenia.

"Technologies have evolved to a point where microelectronics is indispensable. I have been the main supporter of this event for 18 years, and I will continue to be because I firmly believe that the future is intricately linked with microelectronics. We must make every effort to promote this field, especially among Armenian youth and students. I have even encouraged my son to pursue a study of microelectronics because it represents the future, the foundational technology when we discuss artificial intelligence and intelligent solutions," stated Ralph Yirikian, Director General of Ucom, the key supporter of the Microelectronics Olympiad.

Let us note that Nikola Babic from Bosnia and Herzegovina secured the first prize in the Olympiad, followed by Filip Stefanovic from Serbia in second place, while the third prize was jointly claimed by Azra Jelezovic from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Edgar Papyan from Armenia. 

The Olympiad covered the following topics:

  • Design and testing of digital integrated circuits,
  • Design and testing of analog and mixed signal integrated circuits,
  • Semiconductor devices and technology,
  • Mathematical and algorithmic support for automated design of integrated circuits.

Azerbaijan Could Invade Armenia. The U.S. Must Intervene

TIME
Oct 24 2023
BY SIMON MAGHAKYAN
OCTOBER 24, 2023 6:00 AM EDT
Maghakyan is a visiting scholar at Tufts University and a Ph.D. student in Heritage Crime at Cranfield University. He writes and speaks on post-Soviet memory politics and cultural erasure, and facilitates global conversations on protecting Armenian heritage

“History has taught us that when terrorists and dictators don’t pay a price, they cause more death and destruction,” President Joe Biden said on Oct. 20, explaining Washington’s backing of Israel and Ukraine.

Exactly a month before those remarks, an oil-rich dictatorship conducted a foreseeable and preventable operation against a disputed democratic region, committing atrocities—including against women and children—and prompting the entire population’s exodus. But the Biden administration is yet to hold last month’s aggressor, Azerbaijan, accountable for the onslaught and ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh.

More than 100,000 indigenous Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh endured Azerbaijan’s medieval starvation siege for over nine months. On Sep. 19, as they waited in long bread lines, starving Armenians heard the sound of bombs. For 24 hours straight, Azerbaijan shelled Nagorno-Karabakh with Israeli- and Turkish-made weaponry until the Armenian population capitulated to stop the slaughter. Within days, every surviving family left behind their homes and lives—and an ancestral culture of two and a half millennia—fleeing through the very corridor that Azerbaijan had sealed for a final, one-way exit.

Now, with the world’s eyes on Gaza, experts believe that sovereign Armenia is the next Turkish-Azerbaijani target—and the U.S. is aware of these developments. 

The most evident signs of an impending invasion are the joint Turkish-Azerbaijani military exercises taking place on October 23-25 in Nagorno-Karabakh, to Armenia’s east, and Nakhichevan, another formerly Armenian-populated region to Armenia’s west, with the conspicuous arrival of Turkish F-16 fighter jets in Azerbaijan. Last time such a massive exercise took place, in 2020, it preceded the 44-day war against Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh, preparing ground for last month’s “final solution.”

Another sign of an impending invasion is the reported appearance of “!” on Azerbaijan’s military trucks headed toward Armenia. The symbol roughly resembles a severed Armenia and ostensibly serves as the conclusion of the 2020-2023 “Karabakh is Azerbaijan!” war slogan. 

Despite celebrating Armenia as a democracy, the U.S. has been cautious to reprimand its petro-aggressor. Even after last month’s ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Biden administration has merely extended the non-renewal of a statutory sanction on Azerbaijan, rather than imposing targeted financial sanctions. The coming weeks may prove to be the next test.

An elderly woman waits among fellow Armenian refugees in Goris on September 29, 2023.Alain Jocard—AFP/Getty Images

Armenia is the lowest hanging fruit for Turkey's leader, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is desperate for a show of power. Oct. 29 marks an important milestone for the country—the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the Turkish Republic—with no significant planned celebrations. Erdoğan, who recently extended his two-decade rule, is desperate to make the jubilee all about himself: out of nine official posters celebrating the centennial, the Republic’s founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, is only depicted once. It’s of no surprise—Erdoğan has been determined to go down in history as a bigger figure than the revered Atatürk, but he has not delivered on such grandiose promises. A successful invasion of Armenia would realize the Armenian Genocide-era goal of connecting Azerbaijan and Turkey continuously—something that even Atatürk couldn’t accomplish.

Read More: What Erdoğan’s Victory Means for Turkey—and the World

Despite Russia being Armenia’s ally on paper, President Vladimir Putin stands to gain from an invasion as well. Putin has made it clear that the democratically-elected Armenian government must be punished for its pro-Western flings, including the recent move to finalize its International Criminal Court membership; just last week, a top Russian official referred to Armenia as the next Ukraine. But it’s more business than personal: the envisioned Turkish-Azerbaijan land-link at the expense of a splintered Armenia would be patrolled by Russia, thereby offering the latter enormous economic and geopolitical leverage. And finally, teaching Armenia a lesson in loyalty can give Putin instant gratification amid his failing operation in Ukraine.

As the Nagorno-Karabakh refugees fled last month, foreign media and Western delegations came to southern Armenia. Among them was Yuri Kim, a top U.S. official who five days prior to Azerbaijan’s attack warned that the U.S. would not tolerate it. When confronted with the empty threat, the official dodged the question. 

The U.S. had the tools to prevent the ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh. It has even more tools to prevent an invasion of democratic and sovereign Armenia. Just ask Joe Biden. 

“While he brags about his deal-making skills at campaign rallies,” candidate Joe Biden chided his opponent in 2020, “Trump has yet to get involved personally to stop this war.” The reference was in regards to Azerbaijan’s 2020 war against Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh which saw the former register partial victory, building the ground for what’s happening today.

Read More: The U.S. Keeps Failing Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh

Tellingly, Azerbaijan’s 2020 attack was not only opportune—happening at the time of the U.S. election, let alone a global pandemic—but also coincided on the 100th anniversary of Turkey’s invasion of Armenia. Which is why the upcoming centennial of Turkish independence should not be discounted. Turkey is not subtle with its intention to mark the anniversary with violence. This week’s military exercises on both sides of Armenia have been named Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 2023, making it clear that the intended impact, at the bare minimum, is connecting history to last month’s ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh in name. 

That the U.S. is privately aware of but publicly downplaying the even gutsier scenario of an invasion of sovereign Armenia, not least because of a focus on support for Ukraine and Israel, points to one conclusion: history is teaching us that some democracies—like some lives—are worth more than others.

"France to help protect Armenia’s skies". Signing of documents in Paris

Oct 23 2023


  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Agreement on arms transfers from France

The Armenian Defense Minister is on a working visit to Paris. The French military ministry’s X account published a report according to which Prime Ministers Suren Papikyan and Sebastien Lecornu met to “formalize the acquisition of weapons that will allow Armenia to protect civilians and secure its borders”.

The details of the agreement have not yet been disclosed. The volume and type of weapons, when and by what route they will reach Armenia, are unknown. The French Armed Forces Minister said in an interview with Le Parisien that an “agreement will be signed that will allow Armenia to ensure the defense of its skies.”

In early October, French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna also stated in Yerevan that she was ready to sign a document with Yerevan on the supply of French military equipment.

Political observer Hakob Badalyan believes that the conclusion of the agreement is undoubtedly important from the point of view of replenishing and modernizing Armenia’s armaments and increasing the country’s defense capacity. At the same time, he emphasizes that it is important to understand where the Armenian authorities are going: “whether they are looking for a new guardian or an important political partner in the person of France”.


  • “Granada annulled the 2020 trilateral declaration”. Opinion from Yerevan
  • Pashinyan-Aliyev-Michel meeting in extended format: Macron and Scholz did not help?
  • The active phase of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Who will mediate?

Despite the heightened interest of Armenian residents in the issue of acquiring French weapons, the Defense Ministry published only one sentence before Suren Papikyan’s visit to France. It was reported that the Armenian Minister left for Paris on a working visit at the invitation of his French counterpart.

Journalists tried to find out some details from the Chairman of the Parliamentary Commission on Defense and Security Affairs Andranik Kocharyan. He replied that during the meeting with Lecornu, “many issues will be discussed, including some elements of military cooperation”.

Kocharyan stressed that the 2020 Karabakh war revealed the necessity not only to have friends, but also to build relations that will make the country’s security “more inclusive” and give an opportunity to ensure stable defense.

French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna said the countries will sign a corresponding agreement for French arms supplies

Political observer Hakob Badalyan believes that the agreement on military-technical cooperation between Armenia and France essentially means a new level of political relations. He wonders “what kind of complement Armenian-French interstate relations will receive at this new level” in terms of political content:

“This is the main question that will also determine the international value, the “currency rate” of the new level of Armenian-French political relations, the degree of Armenia’s subjectivity in them. Thus, the starting points for the attention and interest of other players to the new level of these relations will be formed.”

According to Badalyan, France seeks to increase cooperation with Armenia based on its strategic views and interests. And this means that “Armenia should form a counter position in terms of its content.”

Badalyan puts forward two key issues:

  • Armenia through France is looking for a new patron or an important political partner,
  • Is Armenia’s current political elite capable of being a partner rather than a consumer of French interests?

He believes that if Yerevan gives its relations with Paris a serious political content, it will become “a prerequisite for new opportunities in other areas of partnership.”

https://jam-news.net/agreement-on-arms-transfers-from-france-to-armenia/

Azerbaijan, Turkey launch joint military exercise as Fidan meets Armenia FM

Oct 23 2023
The joint military exercise coincided with a five-country summit in Tehran between Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Iran and Russia.


Ezgi Akin

ANKARA — Azerbaijan and Turkey on Monday launched a joint military exercise, including in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, as Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan met with his Armenian counterpart on the sidelines of a five-country regional summit in Iran. 

The Azerbaijani Defense Ministry announced that up to 3,000 military personnel, 130 armored vehicles and 100 artillery would participate in the drill, which will be held in various parts of Azerbaijan, including its exclave of Nakhchivan bordering Turkey and the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which saw an Armenian exodus following an Azeri military offensive in September against the Armenian separatists.  

Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler also traveled to Baku on Monday to follow the drill, dubbed Mustafa Kemal Ataturk 2023 exercise, after the founder of modern Turkey. The country will celebrate the republic’s centennial on Oct. 29. 

The exercise comes after the 24-hour Azeri offensive last month that ended the Armenian separatists' self-rule in the contested territories that are internationally recognized as Azerbaijani territory and put it under the full control of Baku, prompting a massive Armenian exodus. Prior to the Azeri offensive, the United States and Armenia held combined military exercises last month designed to train Armenian troops to participate in international peacekeeping missions.

The exercise also coincided with the regional summit in Tehran on Monday between Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Iran and Russia, aiming to boost cooperation and stability in the southern Caucasus.  

The gathering marked the first meeting where all regional actors, except Georgia, came together after Azerbaijan's offensive, which drew the ire of both Tehran and Moscow as well as the Western capitals. 

While Turkey backs its ethnic kin in Azerbaijan, Iran has been a leading regional backer of Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, where Russian peacekeepers have been stationed to maintain a cease-fire between Azeri and Armenian troops. 

Fidan stressed the need for a comprehensive peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia during the summit, the Turkish Foreign Ministry said. The two countries have been fighting over the Nagorno-Karabakh region for decades.

Fidan also stressed the need for transport links, in a thinly veiled reference to the so-called Zangezour corridor. Ankara and Baku have been pressing Armenia to allow the corridor linking Nakhichevan to the Azerbaijani mainland through Armenian territories. 

Turkey’s top diplomat also held one-on-one meetings with Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan, as well as Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi on the sidelines of the summit, the ministry said. 

The Fidan-Mirzoyan meeting marked the first between the duo after the Azeri offensive, which Turkey vocally supported. Ankara and Yerevan have been engaged in normalization talks since 2021 in a bid to establish diplomatic ties and open the land border between the two countries. Turkey sealed off its land border with Armenia in the 1990s in solidarity with Baku over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. 

As part of the ongoing normalization talks, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was among the foreign leaders who attended Erdogan’s inauguration in June.

Visa rules eased for UAE tourists to travel to Armenia

Khaleej Times, UAE
Oct 24 2023
by 

Published: Tue 24 Oct 2023, 6:00 AM

Last updated: Tue 24 Oct 2023, 4:44 PM

Armenia has made travel more accessible for tourists from the UAE with streamlined visa regulations. The mountainous country has simplified visa requirements for Emiratis, with UAE passport holders now enjoying visa-free travel for up to 180 days within a year.

Visa regulations are also simplified for those with UAE residency visas.

Sisian Boghossian MBA, head of Tourism Committee of Armenia, Ministry of Economy, told Khaleej Times: “Citizens from more than 50 countries, including Egypt, India, Iraq, Morocco, the Philippines, and Saudi Arabia, may obtain a visa at the Armenian border (on-arrival or by e-visa) if they hold a valid resident card issued by GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) member states, which includes the UAE.”

The new visa rules aim to encourage cultural exchange, tourism, and deeper connections between the two nations, Armenia’s tourism body said. “As Armenia opens its doors to UAE tourists, there has never been a better time to explore this gem of the Caucasus.”

Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, the country has seen a “significant upswing” of travellers from the UAE. “The short direct flight (three hours) and affordability make it an attractive choice for those looking for a memorable but convenient getaway. The variety of activities, from ziplining and water rafting to paragliding and winter sports, provides a well-rounded experience for visitors,” said Boghossian.

“Overall, Armenia's visa facilitation, proximity, affordability, rich culture, delicious cuisine, and beautiful landscapes make it a popular choice among UAE travellers seeking a unique and unexplored destination.”

Many travellers from the UAE explore regions beyond capital Armenia, she added. “Armenia's appeal to UAE tourists is further enhanced by its picturesque winter landscapes and a range of snow-related activities, ensuring year-round tourism. Moreover, the affordability and variety of Armenia's tourism offerings align well with the desire of UAE visitors to experience new and exciting activities.”

The country is home to hidden gems like a grape spa in Ararat Valley that offers grape-based treatments. Scenic getaways include Lake Sevan and the stunning peaks of the Armenian highlands. Armenia also boasts a rich cultural heritage, with ancient monasteries, churches, and historical sites.

https://www.khaleejtimes.com/travel/visa-rules-eased-for-uae-tourists-to-travel-to-armenia?_refresh=true

Armenia, Azerbaijan hold talks in Iran as Russia claims main issue resolved in Nagorno-Karabakh

WION, India
Oct 24 2023

The meeting was also attended by the ministers and a joint statement was issued stating that the participants decided to respect the countries' territorial integrity

The foreign ministers of Azerbaijan and Armenia held talks in Iran on Monday (Oct 23), marking their first meeting since the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh went under the control of Azerbaijan, with Russia stating that the main issue was resolved and further work needs to be done on a peace treaty.

The meeting which took place in the aftermath of the lightning offensive of Azerbaijan into the disputed territory happened amid rising tensions in the Middle East.

"The conflict has, on the whole, been settled. Both sides agree that Karabakh belongs to Azerbaijan and that was the main issue to be settled,” Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov was quoted as saying by Russia's Tass news agency in Tehran.

"Of course, practical steps remain for a full normalisation of relations, particularly preparations for a peace treaty, the demarcation of borders and the establishment of economic transport links without impediment,” he added.

The ministers from Turkey, which is a key ally of Azerbaijan and Iran also attended the meeting. A joint statement stated that the participants decided to respect the territorial integrity of countries in the region.

Before the meeting, Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian stated that the talks represented a "historic opportunity…. The war in South Caucasus has ended, and it is time for peace and cooperation."

"The presence of outsiders in the region will not only not solve any problems but will also complicate the situation further," he stated, without elaborating.

Meanwhile, the state media quoted Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi saying Tehran "was ready to assist in resolving the existing disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia".

Russia sees itself as the security guarantor between Armenia and Azerbaijan, both being former Soviet republics, however, the distractions and demands of its war in Ukraine have weakened its influence in the South Caucasus.

In a statement posted on the X social media platform, Turkey's Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said that Ankara wished the talks would "give impetus to normalisation and peace processes".

French Defence Minister Sebastien Lecornu in Paris stated that France has been helping in improving the air defence capacity of Armenia with the sale of three radars and an agreement on the Mistral anti-air missiles' future delivery.

https://www.wionews.com/world/armenia-azerbaijan-hold-talks-in-iran-as-russia-claims-main-issue-resolved-in-nagorno-karabakh-650517

Two-thirds of refugee children in Armenia enrolled in school, efforts must now focus on expanding access to education for all children

UNICEF
Oct 24 2023

GENEVA/YEREVAN, Armenia,  – Two-thirds of refugee children in Armenia are enrolled in national school systems, one month after more than 21,000 school-age children fled their homes. Efforts must now focus on increasing access for the remaining 1 in 3 children currently not attending school, UNICEF said today.

Children who arrived in Armenia have not had continuous access to quality education in recent years, making an inclusive school system that provides catch-up classes and tailored support critical.

“Schools are more than places of learning. This is especially true in times of displacement and uncertainty. Access to education provides refugee children with the structure and support needed to help them overcome their experiences. Schools also provide children with nutrition and mental health services, socialisation and much more to support their health and well-being,” said Christine Weigand, UNICEF Armenia Representative.

“Investment must be made in increasing access to schooling for the 1 in 3 refugee children not enrolled in education and ensuring schools are inclusive for all children.”

UNICEF is on the ground working with the Government of Armenia and other partners to help refugee children access the care and support they need. Together with the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport, UNICEF is identifying needs and gaps in the current education system. This includes identifying areas that need bolstering and expansion to support effective inclusion of all refugee children. 

UNICEF is providing educational kits including schools-in-a-box and early childhood development kits. In addition, UNICEF and its partners are distributing a first batch of schoolbags with stationary for 1,000 children. Procurement of an additional schoolbags to address the additional emerging needs of a further 2,000 children is ongoing. UNICEF is also gearing up to expand learning spaces in host schools and preschools across the country.

So far UNICEF has provided mental health and psychosocial support, and health and nutrition support for up to 10,000 refugee children and their caregivers. UNICEF and partners have also provided more than 1,000 children and caregivers with child protection case management support, and over 3,000 with psychological first aid.

UNICEF is appealing for US$ 12.6 million to provide critical services including education, health, child protection, nutrition and water, sanitation and hygiene in the first six months.

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https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/two-thirds-refugee-children-armenia-enrolled-school-efforts-must-now-focus-expanding