Enclaves – islands of Armenian-Azerbaijani confrontation



  • Arthur Khachatryan
  • Yerevan

Exchange or return enclaves

The conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan outside of these countries is perceived through the prism of the Karabakh issue. Meanwhile, the bilateral agenda has expanded significantly, especially after the 2020 44-day war. Yerevan and Baku are now negotiating the unblocking of transport communications, a peace treaty, as well as demarcation and delimitation of the state borders. On the same agenda, another rather important topic for Armenia is enclaves.


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A common definition of an enclave is the territory or part of the territory of one state, surrounded on all sides by the territory of another state.

Azerbaijan has three enclaves in Armenia, which include six villages. They remained so only on paper. Where there used to be Azerbaijani settlements, now no one lives, there are no buildings left. Just like in the only Armenian enclave on the territory of Azerbaijan – Artsvashen (in Azerbaijan the village is called Bashkend).

Azerbaijani enclaves in Armenia are located in the Tavush and Ararat regions. These are the villages of Baghanis-Ayrum, Nerkin Voskepar (Ashagi Askipara) and Verin Voskepar (Yukhari Askipara), Barkhudarly, Sofulu, and Tigranashen (Kyarki).

These settlements were ceded to Armenia as a result of hostilities in the 90s, during the first Karabakh war. The village of Artsvashen, in turn, came under the control of Baku. There were no inhabitants left in any of the settlements due to hostilities.

It is known that enclaves on the territory of Armenia and Azerbaijan appeared during the Soviet period. But on the basis of what decisions and what legal basis these lands were transferred to another Soviet republic, remains unclear, says cartographer Shahen Shahinyan:

“At this moment, the documents on the basis of which the exchange was made are unknown. There are decisions that were made in Moscow, there were also verbal justifications. The main thesis is this: the territories were transferred due to the fact that the majority of their inhabitants were representatives of the neighboring republic.

In other words, it is believed in Armenia that the decisions on the transfer of territories were made groundlessly.

“In the 1920s, these villages were part of Soviet Armenia. Under the influence of some circumstances, an exchange took place. We received some territories from Soviet Azerbaijan – and these enclaves were created. The borders between the two Soviet republics changed at intervals of 5-10 years. And this process was not regulated in any way, everything was decided at the level of local leaders – and not even the leaders of the republics, but local party leaders”, notes journalist Tatul Hakobyan, who has been studying the problem of enclaves for many years.

In the Soviet period, few could have imagined that a large country would fall apart and a struggle would begin between the republics for every kilometer of land. The enclaves have also become a bone of contention.

The following questions remain open:

  • Who decided to make territorial changes and why?
  • Why do these changes need to be enforced now?

This position is shared not only by the expert community of Armenia, but also by the leadership of the country.

“We need to understand what is the legal basis used for the drawing of enclaves on the map and whether there was a legal basis at all. Either this is just a contour on the map, or, say, the decision of two collective farms that one gives part of its territory to another. We strongly doubt that these actions have a legal basis”, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said earlier.

Although it is not officially mentioned, the topic of enclaves was included in the negotiation process between Yerevan and Baku at the initiative of Azerbaijan. Ilham Aliyev insists that this issue should be discussed and resolved, he stated this in numerous interviews.

In the summer of 2021, information appeared about a document that the Armenian authorities were supposedly going to sign. According to the leaked information, Yerevan agreed to transfer the enclaves to Azerbaijan in exchange for the withdrawal of Azerbaijani armed forces from the sovereign territories of Armenia, which they had penetrated in May. The document was never signed.

The Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, despite the legal problems, believes that it is necessary to find a solution acceptable to the two countries regarding the enclaves. According to him, there is a common logic based on international best practice and law:

“According to it, the situation that exists now remains unchanged. Why? Because we also have an enclave – Artsvashen, under the control of Azerbaijan. Our logic is as follows: an enclave should be exchanged for an enclave. What is under their control remains under their control. What we control, we keep”.

It is not yet known whether Baku agrees to this option, because there are more Azerbaijani enclaves in the territory of Armenia than Armenian in the territory of Azerbaijan.

In addition to maintaining the current situation, that is, the exchange of territories, there is another solution to the problem of enclaves – the parties can go for the return of territories, that is, recognize the territorial division that existed during the Soviet Union. This will mean that Baku will receive three enclaves under its jurisdiction and Yerevan – one.

The option of returning the territories is beneficial for Azerbaijan and fraught with certain problems for Armenia. If Baku gains control of the enclaves, some settlements in Armenia will be within a few meters of Azerbaijani positions.

The village of Azatamut is considered to be located at the border area. From here to the combat positions no more than a kilometer. The settlements of the neighboring state are visible to the naked eye.

The village of Azamatut. Photo: Arman Gharajian, JAMnews

Azamut itself is located on a hill, behind the mountain is already Azerbaijan. Nearby are rusty railway tracks that lead to the neighboring country. Trains stopped running here already at the beginning of the first war in Karabakh.

The inhabitants of Azatamut still remember the times when Azerbaijani villages were very close. Azatamutians have heard talk about the possible return of these territories to Azerbaijan, but they are trying not to worry yet, since there is no official confirmation yet.

“We heard people talking about enclaves on TV. Aliyev said he wanted all the lands. How true this is, I don’t know. People live peacefully with their everyday problems. If these lands are given away, it will harm us. If they get so close, people will start to worry”, said Hrant Baghdasaryan, a resident of the village.

In addition to security issues, the return of the enclaves is fraught with other problems. For example, Azatamut will lose part of its pastures. In the absence of fodder for livestock and the close proximity of Azerbaijani positions, the future of this settlement becomes rather doubtful.

But the main problem for Armenia in the case of the transfer of territories to Baku is related to roads.

Azerbaijani enclaves are located in close proximity to two interstate roads.

“If these enclaves are surrendered to Azerbaijan, the front line in Tavush will be destroyed – the Azerbaijanis will be in the rear of our troops. Armenia will exist until the Azerbaijanis close the roads leading from Tavush to Georgia and Russia or from Syunik to Iran. If this happens, which is a very realistic scenario during a possible escalation, the country will be in a total blockade,” notes political scientist Edgar Elbakyan.

The Tigranashen enclave is located near the border with the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic. The state highway Yerevan-Goris-Kapan-the border of Iran also passes there. If Tigranashen goes to Baku and the armed forces of a neighboring country are located in this territory, Azerbaijan will receive full control over the main logistical artery of Armenia. There may be a situation similar to the Goris-Kapan highway, in some sections of which Azerbaijan has already set up checkpoints.

Another potential problem area is the M-4 highway, which connects Yerevan with the north of the country and goes to the border with Georgia. With the loss of the villages of Verin and Nerkin Voskepar, this route is also under the supervision of Azerbaijan. In fact, Armenia can be cut off from Georgia and Iran, with all the ensuing consequences.

Be that as it may, at the moment the most likely scenario seems to be the preservation of the current configuration, where the parties simply exchange enclaves. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated this in his last interview.

This avoids many of the problems that will arise in the event of the return of the enclaves. Whether the parties will come to any solution at all will depend on the dynamics of the negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Azerbaijani villages can be seen from Azatamut with the naked eye. Photo: Arman Gharajyan, JAMnews

The material was prepared with the support of the Russian language news exchange


Armenpress: Saudi Arabia denies reports of US Secretary of State visit in near future

Saudi Arabia denies reports of US Secretary of State visit in near future

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 10:37,

YEREVAN, MARCH 19, ARMENPRESS. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Saudi Arabia denied the media reports according to which US Secretary of State Antony Blinken is going to visit the Kingdom in the near future, Saudi Press Agency (SPA) reports.

Earlier some media outlets reported citing the US, Israeli and Palestine sources that Blinken plans to visit Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Israel in late March.

Sports: Norway vs Armenia Preview and Prediction Live Stream International Friendly 2022

Live On Score




Fixture: Norway vs Armenia
Tournament: WORLD – Friendly International
Date/Time: 21:00 GMT +4  29-th March

Match Preview :

Norway vs Armenia match is going to be held on 29-th March.

It’s a very  interesting football match at International Friendly.

They will  try to show us their best skills, combinations and tactics to win this match.

The favorite team is Norway, but Armenia try to show us their best game and win this match.

Last Matches:

LAST MATCHES: NORWAY
16.11.21WC Netherlands Norway2 0
13.11.21WC Norway Latvia0 0
11.10.21WC Norway Montenegro2 0
08.10.21WC Turkey Norway1 1
07.09.21WC Norway Gibraltar5 1


LAST MATCHES: ARMENIA
14.11.21WC Armenia Germany1 4
11.11.21WC  Armenia North Macedonia0 5
11.10.21WC Romania Armenia1 0
08.10.21WC Iceland Armenia1 1
08.09.21WC Armenia Liechtenstein1 1

HEAD-TO-HEAD MATCHES
06.10.01WC Armenia Norway1 4
02.09.00WC Norway Armenia0 0

Norway vs Armenia – Prediction of LiveonScore:

1. Norway win.  

2. over 2.5 goal


Armenia reports over 30 COVID-19 cases in a day – 03/19/2022

Armenia reports over 30 COVID-19 cases in a day

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 11:06,

YEREVAN, MARCH 19, ARMENPRESS. 32 new cases of COVID-19 have been confirmed in Armenia in the past one day, the ministry of healthcare reported.

The total number of confirmed cases in the country has reached 422,286.

The COVID-19 recoveries rose by 81 in a day, bringing the total to 409,277.

The death toll has risen to 8593 (1 death case in past day).

2416 COVID-19 tests were conducted on March 18. 

The number of active cases is 2748.

Sports: International Friendlies – Armenia vs Montenegro Preview & Prediction

The Stats Zone
Alex Lawes

THE FACTS

When is Armenia vs Montenegro taking place? Armenia vs Montenegro will take place on Thursday 24th March, 2022 at 16:00 (UK)

Where is Armenia vs Montenegro taking place? Armenia vs Montenegro will take place at Vazgen Sargsyan anvan Hanrapetakan Marzadasht in Yerevan, Armenia

Where can I get tickets for Armenia vs Montenegro? Ticket information for Armenia vs Montenegro can be found on official national team websites

What TV channel is Armenia vs Montenegro on in the UK? Armenia vs Montenegro will not be televised live in the UK

Where can I stream Armenia vs Montenegro in the UKArmenia vs Montenegro cannot be streamed live in the UK

THE PREDICTION

Armenia’s 2021 was nearly oh so special. They began their 2022 FIFA World Cup qualification with three successive victories in March before collapsing out of the top two and missing out on a playoff place. Montenegro come into this on the back of a 2-1 defeat at home to Turkey in November to continue a poor finish to their qualification campaign. The visitors managed just three wins with two of those coming against Gibraltar. Both teams scoring looks a good bet for this one.

Opinion | Russia’s war could spell trouble for Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh

 

The invasion of Ukraine could see an isolated and resurgent Russia in the South Caucasus, which has troubling implications for the sovereignty of Armenia and the security of Nagorno Karabakh.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine completely changed the entire dynamic of Russo-Western relations in a matter of days. By launching its large-scale offensive against Ukraine, Moscow crossed a red line, becoming the target of unprecedented Western sanctions. The collective West has now adopted a policy of total isolation and exclusion towards Russia. 

Moscow’s revisionist actions along with major policy shifts in Western capitals will undoubtedly have serious implications for the entire South Caucasus and for Armenia in particular. Regardless of the outcome of the war, the world and the region will not be the same again.

The trend will have particularly significant repercussions for the mediation process of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. 

The OSCE Minsk Group is the only internationally mandated format for mediating the conflict. However, it has been greatly marginalised in the aftermath of the 2020 Second Nagorno-Karabakh War due to the increased Russian role and Azerbaijan’s reluctance to carry on with the format. 

For many years, the Minsk Group (co-chaired by the US, France, and Russia) has been one of the few venues where Russia and the West have cooperated and not confronted each other. This no longer seems to be the case. 

The Russo-Ukrainian war could be the last nail in the coffin of the Minsk Group. The West’s new policy of total isolation of Russia as well as Moscow’s aspirations to tighten its grip on the South Caucasus won’t leave much space for the existence of such relics of the post-Cold War world order. 

Another serious implication of the Russian invasion of Ukraine could be the gradual marginalisation and delegitimisation of the Russian peacekeeping mission in Nagorno-Karabakh. Several thousand Russian troops were deployed to the conflict zone as part of the agreement brokered by Russia to put an end to the 2020 war.

A Russian peacekeeping unit in Nagorno-Karabakh. Photo: Russian Ministry of Defence.

The attitude of key Western actors towards the peacekeeping force had been quite constructive before the invasion of Ukraine. There had been a clear understanding in the West that the presence of the Russian peacekeepers plays a positive and stabilising role in the conflict.

However, in light of the invasion, this approach might change. It is no accident that since the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian war, Azerbaijani state-affiliated media outlets and pro-government experts have been spreading baseless claims about the alleged deployment of some Russian troops from Nagorno-Karabakh to Ukraine.

For Armenia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, this is an issue of existential importance. Without the presence of a permanent peacekeeping force in the conflict zone, Nagorno-Karabakh will face a grim prospect of ethnic cleansing and there seem to be no realistic alternatives to the Russian peacekeeping mission at present.

One of the biggest implications of the Russian invasion of Ukraine for the South Caucasus will be to further decrease Western influence in the region. 

Russia and Turkey will most likely continue their pragmatic interaction with the South Caucasus, aiming to minimise the role of outside actors. This process started after the end of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War with the creation of the 3+3/3+2 format (Russia, Turkey, Iran, Azerbaijan, Armenia and possibly Georgia) and will only intensify in the aftermath of the war in Ukraine. 

The Russo-Western confrontation will also substantially shrink Armenia’s room for manoeuvre in foreign policy issues. 

The war is not over yet, but the first signs of this trend are already visible. Since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the Armenian leadership has been exerting maximum efforts to preserve neutrality. Officials in Yerevan have attempted to keep a low profile and have called for a diplomatic solution to the conflict. 

Armenia abstained in the UN General Assembly on a resolution condemning the Russian invasion. Yerevan has also been reluctant to recognise the independence of the self-proclaimed People’s Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk. 

Armenia was not among the five countries to vote against a resolution condemning the Russian invasion at the United Nations General Assembly.

Yerevan’s neutral stance has noticeably irritated the Kremlin. On 4 March, two days after the afore-mentioned UN General Assembly vote, a phone call took place between the foreign ministers of Russia and Armenia — Sergey Lavrov and Ararat Mirzoyan. The official readout of the call published by the Russian MFA said that the ministers, among other things, discussed the issue of ‘coordinating approaches’ in the international arena. It is pretty obvious that Moscow was upset with Yerevan’s abstention in the UN and used this call to reproach its junior partner. After the end of hostilities in Ukraine, Russian pressure on Armenia will surely increase.

Moreover, there is a significant risk that in the aftermath of the war in Ukraine, Russia will try to integrate Armenia into its union state with Belarus, aiming to solidify its hold on Yerevan. Moscow has been trying to push the agenda of the union state in Armenia since the end of the 44-day war in Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia will most likely become more persistent after the war in Ukraine, instrumentalising its allies within Armenia in this process. 

It is also evident that the invasion of Ukraine will move Russia towards further authoritarianism. The ‘Fortress Russia’ model is not supposed to tolerate any dissent within the country. The last remnants of the country’s civil society, free media, and political activism will be suppressed in the near future. This drift towards greater authoritarianism within Russia might affect Armenia’s domestic politics as well.

In recent years, the Kremlin’s approach towards domestic developments in Armenia has been quite pragmatic. It tolerated democratic changes in the country as long as they did not affect Yerevan’s foreign policy vector. For instance, Moscow issued neutral and balanced statements both during the 2018 Velvet Revolution and the failed quasi-coup attempt by the Armenian military’s top brass in 2021. 

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan led street demonstrations which swept him in to power in 2018. Photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.

After the end of the Russo-Ukrainian war, Moscow’s interference in Armenia’s domestic politics may well grow. The enhanced siege mentality in Moscow could reinvigorate the Kremlin’s desire to have greater control over the domestic processes in countries like Armenia. 

Thus, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has significantly complicated Armenia’s precarious geopolitical situation. Yerevan’s balancing act between Russia and the West will become even more difficult over time. 

Moreover, Armenia will be facing a tough challenge in resisting Russia’s expansionist agenda. 

Russia’s military campaign in Ukraine, alongside the drastic deterioration in Russo-Western relations, have already jeopardised the fragile peace in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone and will cause more uncertainties in the future. 

It will take enormous efforts from the decision-makers in Yerevan to preserve Armenia’s sovereignty and safeguard Nagorno-Karabakh’s security in this new period of geopolitical turbulence.

[Read more: Silent and uneasy: Armenia’s response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine]

The opinions expressed and place names and terminology used in this article are the words of the author alone, and may not necessarily reflect the views of OC Media’s editorial board.

https://oc-media.org/opinions/opinion-russias-war-could-spell-trouble-for-armenia-and-nagorno-karabakh/

Natural gas already being supplied to Artsakh

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 11:17,

YEREVAN, MARCH 19, ARMENPRESS. The use of the natural gas will be available to the subscribers of the Artsakhgaz CJSC from March 19, the Artsakh Information Headquarters said in a statement.

“Dear compatriots, as we already informed, the repair works of the damaged gas pipeline have been completed during the day. We want to inform that at the moment the natural gas is already being supplied to the reception point of Artsakhgaz CJSC”, the statement says.

Serdar Berdymukhamedov takes office as president of Turkmenistan

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 12:10,

YEREVAN, MARCH 19, ARMENPRESS. Serdar Berdymukhamedov, who won Turkmenistan’s presidential election on March 12, has taken office as the country’s president, TASS reports citing the Turkmenistan State News Agency.

The inauguration ceremony took place in Turkmenistan’s capital of Ashgabat.

The country’s Central Commission on Elections and Referendums announced on Tuesday that Serdar Berdymukhamedov had won the snap presidential elections, receiving 72.97% of the vote.

Four killed in US military plane crash in Norway

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 13:15,

YEREVAN, MARCH 19, ARMENPRESS. All four people on board a US military aircraft were killed when it crashed in northern Norway, the local police said in a statement.

The aircraft, which belonged to the US Marine Corps, was taking part in a Nato exercise when it came down on Friday, BBC reports.

“It is regrettably confirmed that all four on board the plane have perished”, the statement says, adding that the victims were all US nationals.

An investigation into the cause of the accident was paused due to bad weather, but police said it would resume once the weather improves.