Category: 2022

Dr. Asya Darbinyan

Exactly nine years since being invited to join the Strassler Center’s doctoral program at Clark University, Dr. Asya Darbinyan is “delighted and honored” to be returning as visiting professor in Armenian Genocide Studies in the fall.

“I read that acceptance letter signed by Dr. Deborah Dwork—the founding director of the Center and one of my role models in academia—and it felt like a dream come true,” Darbinyan told the Weekly. “Now imagine how thrilled I am to be invited back and this time as a professor.”

The university community and friends of the Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies learned of Darbinyan’s return last week via an email from executive director Mary Jane Rein, Ph.D

Darbinyan’s research and teaching expertise stand at the intersection of Armenian history, the history of the Russian Empire, genocide, refugees and humanitarian interventions, with a focus on the agency and actions of refugees in addressing their suffering and plight. Having completed her Ph.D. in 2019 under the direction of Taner Akçam, Darbinyan currently is a postdoctoral scholar at the Martin-Springer Institute in the Department of Comparative Cultural Studies at Northern Arizona University. From 2019-2020, she was a Fellow in Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Stockton University. She holds M.A. and B.A. degrees in international relations from Yerevan State University. Before joining Strassler’s doctoral program, Darbinyan was a senior researcher and the deputy director of the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute in Yerevan from 2008-2013.

Darbinyan told the Weekly that she is enthusiastic about the prospect of returning to the vibrant intellectual community at Clark University. “I will seize the opportunity to learn more from and work with the exceptional group of professors and students at the Strassler Center, and in a variety of departments,” she said.

Darbinyan’s postdoctoral experiences at both Stockton University and the Martin-Springer Institute include offering undergraduate and graduate-level courses on Armenian Genocide and Holocaust history, along with women’s experiences during genocide and others. In addition, she has been revising her dissertation into a book manuscript while also working on a book proposal which she plans to submit to academic presses in the coming months. 

In the fall 2022 semester, Darbinyan will have two offerings at Clark: a lecture course titled “History of Armenia,” which will cover the history of the Armenian people from antiquity to the 21st century, and a seminar course she designed and is currently teaching on “Genocide and Women.” She explained that the seminar “examines the multifaceted roles women have played in genocidal and post-genocidal societies by conducting gendered analysis of mass atrocity. Focusing on women’s experiences during the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust, as well as the genocides in Bangladesh, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Iraq, this course analyzes the relation between gender, ethnicity, class and violence.”

“I am eager to support, engage and help grow the Strassler Center’s current and future initiatives and programs with participation of my colleagues, students and local communities in Worcester, in the Greater Boston area and around the world,” Darbinyan told the Weekly. Regarding her work in the classroom, Darbinyan concluded, “I approach teaching as a special chance to build trust with students as I motivate, challenge and learn from them. I look forward to returning to and teaching at Clark next academic year.”

Photo: MoD of Armenia, March 13, 2021

It’s been over a year and a half since Pashinyan dragged Armenia into catastrophe in the 44-day war. Azerbaijani soldiers continue to occupy parts of Armenia and Artsakh and attack their people. Yet, the Pashinyan regime shows little signs of having learned from its egregious mistakes and rebuilding the Armenian military accordingly.

In this article, I’ll outline some arms acquisitions that should be heavily considered for defending against Azerbaijan. If Russian peacekeepers leave the borders of Armenia and Artsakh, it will be up to us to prevent another Armenian Genocide.

The survival of a nation cannot be left to the mercy of a single allied government. Our resounding victory is completely attainable, but we have urgent, hard work to do.

Tor 

When Azerbaijan started the 44-day war, the Armenian military was equipped with a small number of high-quality Russian Tor-M2KM anti-aircraft systems. These systems registered outstanding successes throughout the course of the war.

According to Captain Sergey Mkrtchyan, who operated a Tor during the war, a single Armenian Tor division “in the course of 44 days destroyed 87 aircraft, including three planes, two helicopters, four Bayraktar-type unmanned aerial vehicles, as well as other aircraft.”

Former President Serzh Sargsyan revealed in a post-war interview that Armenia was supposed to receive three batches of the Tor system, but instead received only one, because the Pashinyan administration decided not to carry out the Sargysan administration’s arms acquisition program.

How many young men died and how much of our homeland was lost needlessly because of this decision? These are the poison fruits of the 2018 western-supported regime change.

It’s urgent that the Pashinyan regime be replaced by one that has the desire and skillset to defend the Armenian people. And when such leadership comes into place, the acquisition of additional units of the Tor system should be seriously examined based on their effectiveness in the 44-day war. 

Pantsir

The Pantsir medium-range anti-aircraft system should also be strongly considered. In both Libya and Syria, the Pantsir has reportedly scored repeated successes shooting down Turkish Bayraktar TB-2 drones, which were used against Artsakh in 2020.

According to the site “Lost Armour,” which claims to catalog destroyed military vehicles based on video and photo evidence, Turkey lost at least 19 TB-2 drones and a number of other drones in Libya. Furthermore, Turkey lost four TB-2 drones, two Anka-S drones and other aircraft in Syria.

Both the Libyan National Army and Syrian Arab Army were in possession of Pantsir systems, which were reportedly the weapon responsible for many of the destroyed Turkish drones.

Don’t fear the drone boogeyman. Toil and drudge to replace the capitulation regime in Armenia with one that actually fights for Armenia, and it will rain scrap metal, God willing.

Ironically, Armenia’s greatest weapon against Azerbaijan’s drones may not be an anti-aircraft weapon at all. As I noted in a prior article, when the war began, Armenia already possessed four types of ground-to-ground missiles and rockets that have the range to reach Azerbaijani airfields and destroy military aircraft on the ground: Smerch, Scud, Tochka and Iskander.

Why didn’t Pashinyan exercise this option during the 44-day war? Why did he let thousands die, including women and children? Why did he let our homeland of thousands of years be stripped from us, while his government constantly told us we would win?

If the Armenian people restore true leaders to the government, a preemptive strike with these missiles can go a long way to help win the next war before it even begins. It worked for Israel. In the Six-Day War, “Israel staged a sudden preemptive air assault that destroyed more than 90 percent [sic] Egypt’s air force on the tarmac.”

Orlan-10

The Russian Orlan-10 drone has been used in the Donbass and in Syria, as well as in the 44-day war. In the final days of the conflict, videos emerged of what were apparently Armenian Orlan-10 drones coordinating with artillery to destroy invading hostiles.

The Orlan-10 is used for reconnaissance, target-finding for artillery and electronic warfare. According to one source, an Orlan-10 drone costs between $87,000 and $120,000.

For the sake of simplicity, suppose the price of an Orlan-10 drone is $100,000. Pashinyan notoriously wasted approximately $100 million on four SU-30 jets without missiles. The Armenian government could have purchased a staggering 1,000 Orlan-10 drones or other cost-effective assets with these wasted resources.

In fact, President Sargsyan had a similar idea. Sargsyan stated in an interview that his administration had drafted a multi-year plan to acquire 2,500 drones by the year 2024, consisting of a combination of reconnaissance and attack drones, among other weaponry.

Slightly over 1,000 of these 2,500 drones were to be acquired between 2018 and 2020. After the 2018 regime change that brought Pashinyan to power, these plans were not fulfilled.

What is to be done?

I’ve briefly presented three systems that may prove useful in defending Armenia: Tor, Pantsir and Orlan-10. There are many more possibilities that cannot be covered in a single article.

Further still, weapons acquisitions are only one part of an effective defense. There are also the questions of leadership, training, infrastructure, fortifications, etc.

We must immediately rid ourselves of Pashinyan and labor alongside true leadership to rebuild our military and society. If we do so, not only will we be able to defend ourselves, but we can also be a victorious people again as we were not long ago. 

Armenian PM Nikol Pashinyan, European Council President Charles Michel and Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev in Brussels (RA Government, April 6)

Armenian PM Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev agreed to start work on a peace treaty during a trilateral summit hosted by European Council President Charles Michel in Brussels on April 6.

Michel noted Pashinyan and Aliyev’s “stated desire to move rapidly towards a peace agreement” in a statement released after the 4.5 hour meeting. Each of the leaders will instruct the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of their respective countries to “work on the preparation of a future peace treaty, which would address all necessary issues.” The statement does not specify what those issues include. 

Pashinyan and Aliyev also agreed to launch a Joint Border Commission to “delimit the bilateral border between Armenia and Azerbaijan” and “ensure a stable security situation along, and in the vicinity of, the borderline.” The joint commission is expected to be convened by the end of April.

Michel “stressed that ensuring the appropriate distancing of forces is an essential element of incident prevention and tensions reduction.”

Armenian PM Nikol Pashinyan, European Council President Charles Michel and Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev in Brussels (RA Government, April 6)

The leaders also discussed the restoration of communication and transport links between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Michel “welcomed the steps towards the restoration of railway lines” and encouraged the countries to “find effective solutions for the restoration of road links.”

Michel additionally stated the “need for the full and speedy resolution of all outstanding humanitarian issues, including the release of remaining detainees and comprehensively addressing the issue of missing persons.” 

“The EU will likewise continue to support confidence building measures between Azerbaijan and Armenia as well as humanitarian demining efforts, including by continuing to provide expert advice and stepping up financial assistance, and assistance to conflict-affected populations, rehabilitation and reconstruction,” the statement reads.

“I do not underestimate the challenges, the difficulties on both sides, but I feel there is a common will to make progress. There is a common will to cooperate. There is a common will to identify what are the priorities and what are the concrete steps that we will be able to make together,” Michel told reporters after the meeting. 

Michel previously hosted Pashinyan and Aliyev in Brussels on December 14, 2021 following an earlier escalation of fighting along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border in the fall. The leaders had agreed to “reduce tensions on the ground to ensure a conducive environment” for negotiations on demarcation and delimitation and “proceed with the restoration of railway lines.” Aliyev has repeatedly called for the creation of a “corridor” connecting Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan through Armenia, which Armenian officials say has stalled progress on unblocking regional economic and transport links.

Last month on March 24, Azeri forces crossed the line of contact separating Armenian and Azerbaijani soldiers in Artsakh and seized the village of Parukh in the Askeran region. Three Armenian soldiers were killed and at least 15 wounded in intensive fighting that persisted for two days. On March 27, the Artsakh Defense Army announced that Parukh had been placed under the control of the Russian peacekeeping contingent, yet Azeri soldiers retained a fortified post on the strategic Karaglukh height near Parukh. 

The attack represented the latest in a series of escalations by Azerbaijan’s military in the past month. Videos have circulated online depicting Azeri soldiers ordering Armenian civilians to evacuate their homes in Artsakh by loudspeaker. Early in March, Azeri forces shelled the villages of Khramort and Nakhichanik in Askeran and Khnushinak and Karmir Shuka in Martuni. 

During a cabinet meeting on March 31, Pashinyan said that Armenia is ready to sign a peace treaty with Azerbaijan. He said that Azerbaijan falsely accuses Armenia of refusing to pursue negotiations on a peace treaty in order to justify military aggression. 

“The principle of mutual recognition of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders is acceptable for Armenia,” Pashinyan said during a cabinet meeting on March 31. 

Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs publicized a list of five principles on March 14 that it had submitted to its Armenian counterpart several days earlier. The principles included mutual recognition of each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual affirmation of the absence of territorial claims to each other and a legally binding obligation not to make such claims in the future, refraining from threatening each other’s security, delimitation and demarcation of the border and unblocking of communication and transport links. 

In response, the Armenian Foreign Ministry announced that it had applied to the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs to “organize negotiations on the signing of a peace agreement” between the two countries. 

Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan also told reporters that the principles do not address all of the existing problems in the region, namely the status of Artsakh and the rights and security of its Armenian residents. 

According to Pashinyan, Azerbaijan hopes to “close” the issue of the status and security of Artsakh. “Azerbaijan is trying to annihilate all Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, thus considering the issue closed,” he said during his March 31 speech. 

“If we are wrong, then let Azerbaijan demonstrate concrete interest in discussing the rights and security guarantees of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh—an issue is raised not only by Armenia but also by the entire international community,” he continued.

Ahead of the scheduled talks between Pashinyan and Aliyev, Armenia’s opposition parties held a rally in Yerevan attended by thousands of people to warn Pashinyan against ceding Artsakh to Azerbaijan. 

“Defend Armenia by Defending Artsakh” demonstration, April 5, 2022 (Photo: Hayastan Dashinq/Twitter)

The Armenia Alliance and I Have Honor Alliance organized the “Defend Armenia by Defending Artsakh” march from Madenataran to France Square. Participants held posters reading, “Artsakh will never be part of Azerbaijan,” “The Turk is my enemy,” “Armenia is not a Turkish corridor” and “Nikol does not represent Armenian interests.” 

Vice president of the National Assembly and chair of the ARF Supreme Body of Armenia Ishkhan Saghatelyan declared the “start of a new struggle” during his speech at Freedom Square.

“Today with your presence and determination, you announce that these leaders do not have the mandate of the people to make new concessions under false promises of peace,” he said. 

Saghatelyan accused the government of “frightening people with the prospect of war” to “prepare them for new concessions” by presenting war or the loss of territory as the only viable options. 

Ishkhan Saghatelyan addresses demonstrators in Freedom Square, April 5, 2022 (Photo: Hayastan Dashinq/Twitter)

“We do not want war. Our struggle is for dignified peace for the sake of Artsakh and Armenia. But [the government] tries to present the situation as if it is impossible,” he continued. 

Former President and head of the I Have Honor Alliance Serzh Sargsyan was also present at the rally. 

“Such conflicts are not easy to resolve even in 40 to 50 years. It is not our fault that people rose to power who said that ‘it is none of your business what we negotiate; we will negotiate whatever we want,’ and brought us to this point. I have never negotiated on concessions. I have negotiated on what we can receive,” Sargsyan told reporters at the demonstration. 

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken held separate phone calls with Pashinyan and Aliyev the day before the trilateral meeting in Brussels. The State Department released two nearly identical statements after the talks, stating that Blinken had “reiterated the United States stood ready to help by engaging bilaterally and with like-minded partners, including through our role as an OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chair.” The statement released regarding the call with Aliyev added a line that Blinken had “called for restraint, de-escalation, and renewed diplomacy.”

The Artsakh National Assembly also released a statement ahead of the talks calling for “nationwide unity on issues related to the fate of Artsakh.”

“We are convinced that with the full support of the Armenian communities of the Diaspora, the republics of Armenia and Artsakh can resist the regional challenges in defending our national interests,” the statement reads.