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Azerbaijani press: David Babayan on private visit in Moscow – Azerbaijani Embassy in Russia

By Trend

David Babayan, who positions himself as “Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh”, is in Moscow on a private visit, Trend reports citing the statement of the Azerbaijani Embassy in Russia.

As the statement reads, due to the dissemination in some Armenian media of rumors of Babayan visiting Russia ‘on a working visit’ and his meetings with the political communities of Russia, the embassy appealed to the relevant structures of Russia.

“According to the information received from the Russian side, the Embassy said that this trip was private, and is considered unofficial. And at the same time, no political consultations with this person were held,” the statement says.

The embassy noted that the replication of such messages in the Armenian media is provocative and aims to mislead public opinion and cast a shadow on the successfully developing Azerbaijani-Russian cooperation.

Azerbaijani press: Azerbaijan developing preliminary conceptual design of railway route to liberated Kalbajar [PHOTO]

By Trend

Specialists of the Azerbaijan Railways CJSC are developing new directions for the construction of railway lines in the territories liberated from Armenian occupation as a result of the 2020 Second Karabakh War, and one of them is the Dalimammadli-Kalbajar route, Trend reports citing the CJSC.

According to the company, a preliminary conceptual design of the route [to be laid from Goranboy district’s Dalimammadli city to Kalbajar district] has been already developed.

Azerbaijan Railways continues to reconstruct the Barda-Aghdam, Horadiz-Aghband railway lines and work on the construction of a new Fuzuli-Shusha railway.

“The length of the Barda-Aghdam railway, the reconstruction of which began in accordance with the order of President Ilham Aliyev on November 24, 2020, is 47.1 kilometers. Within the framework of the project, the Barda and Kocharli stations will be repaired, and the Tazakand and Aghdam stations will be rebuilt,” the company noted.

“It’s also planned to build 114 engineering structures on this railway line. Currently, the design and work on demolition of the upper structure of the railway line in the direction of Barda-Kocharli-Tazakand is completed, work continues on the construction of an earth embankment, engineering structures and design in the direction of Tazakand-Aghdam.”

“The Horadiz-Aghband railway, the foundation of which was laid by President Ilham Aliyev on February 14, 2021, is 110.4 kilometers long. The single-track railway will have eight stations. It’s also planned to build about 300 engineering structures on it within the project. Along with Horadiz station, Marjanly, Mahmudlu, Soltanly, Gumlag, Minjivan, Bartaz and Aghband stations will be also rebuilt,” the company said.

The length of the single-track electrified railway under construction in the direction of Fuzuli-Shusha is 84.6 kilometers. Within the framework of the project, it is planned to build two new stations – Fuzuli and Shusha, as well as design and construction of about 200 engineering structures,” added the company.

Turkish press: Putin admits presence of Russian private military companies in Mali

Elena Teslova   |21.10.2021

MOSCOW

Russian private military companies could be active in Mali, President Vladimir Putin admitted on Thursday.

Such contractors could be serving in roles connected to guarding mining operations, Putin said at a meeting of the Valdai Discussion Club in the resort city of Sochi in southern Russia.

“This is a private business, private interests, related to — among other things — the extraction of energy resources and other resources — gold, gems,” he said.

The president stressed that as private companies, private military companies do not represent the interests of the Russian state and are not deployed by Russian authorities.

If their activities contradict the interests of Russia as a state, however, Russian officials will take action.

Russia, US move forward on Geneva decisions

Turning to Russia-US relations, Putin said a summit in Geneva with US President Joe Biden earlier this year had been “productive” and boosted impetus towards normalization.

“Though the set of issues we agreed on (in Geneva) is small, we’re still on the right track. These are today’s most important issues and in general, the administration on the American side and Russia on the other side are fulfilling their plans and moving forward on this path,” he said on the meeting held in June.

Putin added that he had the impression that Washington aimed to build and revive relations in some important areas.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on Wednesday that a new meeting between the Russian and US leaders could take place by the end of the year.

Thawing Armenia-Turkey relations

Addressing the settlement last year of the conflict for the Nagorno-Karabakh region, Putin said that despite all obstacles, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had managed to stop the bloodshed.

“It is necessary to create conditions for a long-term settlement in the region as a whole, which can be created if the parties accept the agreements on Karabakh as long-term, to be able to assess the benefits of peace,” he said.

Putin underlined that both sides would benefit from the peace, with Azerbaijan now able to have normal connections with its exclave Nakhchivan and Armenia profiting from building economic relations.

“Armenia is interested in establishing normal economic activity, including with Azerbaijan, to unfreeze its relations with Turkey, to give them a modern character,” he said.

The main point will be to create a situation of security and build relationships between Armenia and Azerbaijan in a positive way, he added.

Another important thing, said Putin, will be to settle the situation on the border, adding that this would be impossible without Russia.

Liberation of Karabakh

Relations between the former Soviet republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia have been tense since 1991, when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Upper Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

When new clashes erupted on Sept. 27, 2020, the Armenian army launched attacks on civilians and Azerbaijani forces, and violated several humanitarian cease-fire agreements.

During the 44-day conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages from the nearly three-decade occupation.

On Nov. 10 last year, the two countries signed a Russian-brokered agreement to end the fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.

On Jan. 11, the leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a pact to develop economic ties and infrastructure to benefit the entire region. It included the establishment of a trilateral working group on Karabakh.

The cease-fire is seen as a victory for Azerbaijan and a defeat for Armenia, whose armed forces withdrew in line with the agreement.

Prior to this victory, about 20% of Azerbaijan’s territory had been under illegal occupation for nearly 30 years.


Asbarez: The Armenian Saga Continues in Brazil

The Vardan Travel tour group at the Dourian Armenian school

BY CATHERINE YESAYAN

The idea of traveling to Brazil came to me during my trip to Armenia, where I learned that Vardan Travel was taking a group to Brazil. After several years of visiting different countries and writing about their respective Armenian communities, it was time for me to explore Brazil.

I signed up for the excursion during my visit to Armenia, then returned home to the United States. A month later, I headed to Brazil to join the group in São Paulo, the country’s most populous city.

Before I continue to tell you about the Armenians of Brazil, I will provide a brief history of the country.

Brazil is the “longest” and fifth largest country in the world. The land now known as Brazil was inhabited by several tribal groups before the arrival of a Portuguese explorer named Pedro Alvares who, in 1500, claimed the area for the Portuguese Empire.

Brazil remained a colony of Portugal until 1815, at which time the colony was elevated to the rank of kingdom under a constitutional monarchy. Brazil’s current constitution was framed in 1988, and it is now defined as a Democratic Federal Republic.

The Armenian community of Brazil, after Argentina, is the second largest in Latin America. It is estimated that there are between 50 to 70,000 Armenians living in Brazil. They have maintained a strong presence in the city of São Paulo, as is evidenced by the two churches—a Catholic and an Apostolic one, a few Armenian community centers, and a radio station. There is also a metro station named “Armenia.”

Members of the Brazilian Armenian community have been involved in the country’s political realm, and there are even a few well-known artists and actors who represent Armenia’s ethnic contribution to Brazil’s cultural landscape.

The three most recognizable Armenians from Brazil include: actress Aracy Balabanian, actor Stepan Nercessian, and University of São Paulo President Vahan Agopyan.                

One of the earliest Armenian immigrants to Brazil was Rizkallah Jorge Tahan (1868 to 1949) who arrived to Brazil in 1895. He was fleeing the massacres of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Back home, Rizkallah had learned the trade of copper smelting, a skill which he brought to this new country.

The story goes that Rizkallah made a fortune through melting copper. His success lies in the fact that he discovered a market niche that was untapped in Brazil. He would melt copper and manufacture items.

Riskallah’s business evolved into manufacturing of bathroom items, such as siphons, pipes, valves for water tanks, etc. Three years after his arrival, at the age of 20, Rizkallah opened “Casa da Boia,” a hardware store in downtown São Paulo, for building materials. The building still exists and is considered a historical landmark. In 2018, the store celebrated its 120th anniversary. The Casa da Boia is still a family business—now run by Mário Rizkallah, his grandson. 

Rizkallah later became an accomplished builder. He made his mark by erecting at least six architecturally significant buildings in the center of São Paulo. Riskallah supported the Armenian community in many ways, such as providing aid for new immigrants.

When I research about potential Armenian communities to visit, I try to find members of that locality to meet and learn about the challenges, opportunities, history, and culture unique to that area. Prior to landing in Brazil, I connected with Sarkis Karamekian on Facebook, and he arranged for someone to pick me up from the airport.  

I arrived in São Paulo, at five in the morning. After being picked up by the ride Sarkis had arranged, I was at the hotel around 6:30 a.m., where I had asked for an early check-in. I had enough time to have breakfast and sleep to regain my energy. Having started my trip a day before at 10:30 a.m. (L.A. time), I was quite exhausted. I had first flown from LAX to Miami, and later taken a red eye from Miami to São Paulo. Altogether, I had been on the road for 16 hours with no chance to sleep.

Casa De Boia — the hardware store built by Rizkallah Jorge Tahan in 1989

Later in the afternoon, Sarkis met me at the hotel where we had the opportunity to sit down and chat. Sarkis was born in São Paulo to Armenian parents. His father was an immigrant from Syria, but his mother was born in Brazil. Since he was a young boy, he had patriotic sentiments toward Armenia.

 “At the age of 20, I wanted to fight for Armenia in the first war of Armenia and Artsakh,” said Sarkis. Today, he is actively involved in several Armenian causes. In 2006, he started an Armenian radio station. He has also created a foundation to support Syrian Armenian children who have recently arrived in São Paulo — about 300 kids. His heart is so close to the issues that affect the Armenian community both in the Middle East and in South America. To list all his good deeds, I would need to write a separate column exclusively about his work.

Our group of 80 people from Yerevan arrived at the hotel around 7 p.m., with two buses—a double decker and a regular one. The following day was a Sunday. Our itinerary started with a visit to Paulista Avenue, which is the financial and cultural heart of São Paulo. The headquarters of several financial and cultural institutions are located on this fabled street. Paulista Avenue is also known to be the first paved street in São Paulo, having been paved in 1909. 

On Sundays, Paulista Avenue is closed to traffic and people can walk its 1.5-mile length. There are towering buildings displaying stunning and unique architecturally designed buildings on both sides of the street. It was a true pleasure to have the opportunity to walk that street.

Later, we visited two more sites, and then the tour continued to the Armenian Apostolic Church of St. George in São Paulo. The church was built by Rizkallah in 1948. It was one of the most ornate Armenian churches I’ve visited in the Diaspora.

The spacious interior of the church was decorated with exquisite wall paintings and stained-glass windows. The Diocese welcomed us with a special liturgy, followed by a dinner. We visited the Armenian Genocide memorial, which was right across from the church. 

Adjacent to the church was the Armenian National Dourian school, which was founded 94 years ago. Today the school has 120 students from kindergarten to 12th grade. We visited some of the classrooms, which were truly impressive.

After our visit to the church, we boarded our buses and went to the Armenian Club to have dinner. The Armenian Club is equipped with tennis courts and a swimming pool and accommodates other sports, as well. The club has about 200 members.

The following day – on Monday morning – we boarded our buses to depart for the spectacular Rio De Janeiro. Perhaps the most breathtaking city in the whole world, where urban planning blends with the splendid views of the hills emerging from the ocean and the beaches. 

In Rio De Janeiro there were no Armenian traces to follow. However, we experienced the many attractions and sightseeing options available there. The tour had also organized a few excursions to areas outside of the city, such as a coffee plantation, swimming with fish and a trip to the historic city of Petropolis. 

I must add that our stay at the Sheraton Hotel of Rio De Janeiro was a true delight. It happened that our hotel was the only hotel in Rio that is right next to the beach. It was very convenient. We took the elevators down and the beach and the swimming pools were right there. In all other hotels of Rio, you must cross a street to get to the beach.

This was indeed a wonderful trip.

Asbarez: Senate Committee Calls for Continued U.S. Aid for Artsakh De-Mining

Senate urged to earmark $2 million for Artsakh de-mining

Proposed FY 2022 Foreign Aid Bill Would Continue to Block Arms Sales to Erdogan’s Bodyguards Following 2017 Attack on Washington DC Protesters

WASHINGTON—The Senate Appropriations Committee called for ongoing U.S. aid for Artsakh de-mining and expressed concern about unrest in the Caucasus, in its version the Fiscal Year 2022 foreign aid bill presented Monday, reported the Armenian National Committee of America.

“The Committee recommends up to $2,000,000 for humanitarian de-mining and UXO clearance activities in areas affected by the 2020 fighting in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, subject to prior consultation with the Committees on Appropriations,” stated the report accompanying the Senate FY2022 foreign aid measure.  It went on to note that “the Committee remains concerned with the protracted conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and requests the Secretary of State to consult with the Committees on Appropriations prior to obligating assistance made available under title IV of the act for Armenia and Azerbaijan.”

“We are deeply troubled that to date USAID has provided only $2.5 million in new aid to meet the needs of the 100,000 Armenians displaced from their indigenous Artsakh homeland by an Azerbaijani army which has received over $120 million in U.S. military assistance,” said ANCA Executive Director Aram Hamparian. “Armenian American will continues to work with Appropriations Committee members to expand life-saving U.S. assistance to Artsakh while demanding the enforcement of Section 907 restrictions to end U.S. support for Azerbaijani aggression.”

Pro-Armenia and Artsakh advocates can urge their U.S. Senators and Representative to zero out military aid to Azerbaijan by visiting 

The Senate’s proposed FY2022 foreign aid measure, for the fifth consecutive year, blocked any U.S. arms to President Erdogan’s elite bodyguard unit, which, under Erdogan’s orders, brutally beat peaceful U.S. protesters in Washington, DC on 2017.  Senators also called on the “Government of Turkey to immediately release the remaining locally employed U.S. Embassy employee, and to dismiss the false charges against him and two other locally employed staff whose cases are on appeal.”  The Committee went on express its concern about “widespread arbitrary detention and abuse of the judicial process in Turkey, as well as reports of torture and other mistreatment of detainees.”

The U.S. House version of the FY2022 foreign aid bill, adopted on July 28th, calls for not less than $50 million in U.S. assistance to Armenia, “for economic development, private sector productivity, energy independence, democracy and the rule of law, and other purposes.”  It urges not less than $2 million for de-mining activities in Artsakh.  The recommendation for U.S. assistance to Armenia is over twice that requested by President Biden in his FY2022 proposed budget, which remains silent on U.S. assistance to Artsakh.  It also includes an ANCA-backed amendment, led by Congressional Armenian Caucus Co-Chair Frank Pallone (D-NJ), which restricts U.S. foreign military financing and training assistance to Azerbaijan.

The ANCA shared its FY2022 Armenia and Artsakh assistance priorities with Senate and House Appropriations Committees earlier this year.

Armenpress: ICJ hearings are about forming right international perceptions on Artsakh issue, Armenia’s representative says

ICJ hearings are about forming right international perceptions on Artsakh issue, Armenia’s representative says

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 09:30,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 21, ARMENPRESS. If the International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, approves Armenia’s appeal against Azerbaijan, that would greatly contribute to the strengthening of the facts of the Armenian side in the negotiation process of the Artsakh conflict settlement and the international recognition of Artsakh’s self-determination, Representative of Armenia before the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) Yeghishe Kirakosyan, who is also representing Armenia’s interests at the ICJ, told ARMENPRESS.

He stated that from the perspective of the Artsakh issue, not only the decision of the Court, but also the current process itself are very important because they would contribute to the formation of right international perceptions.

“In general, during the court hearings we are presenting well-grounded facts from the perspective of international law. We are presenting our position which couldn’t not refer to the Artsakh or the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. It refers to it directly. We present the perceptions and positions of the Armenian side in a well-grounded and professional manner and we do this with the language of the international law, which is very important. And I think that the international support on this direction will be formed based on this. Therefore, the importance of this case is not the decision of the court only, but the process itself. When we launch this process, public speeches, oral hearings are taking place at that period, we are clearly presenting our facts, and all see it. Therefore, I think that this is also an opinion-making process. This process is about forming right international perceptions. Thus, I believe that this a very important process from this perspective”, he said.

Kirakosyan informed that the hearings over the case have been completed by the ICJ on October 19. Two hearings took place within two weeks, the one dedicated to Armenia’s request and the other to Azerbaijan’s request.

He said that during both hearings Armenia’s attorney team has presented quite strong and convincing facts and proofs, as well as has very convincingly defended Armenia’s interests during Azerbaijan’s hearings, by presenting counter-facts.

According to Kirakosyan, the process of a judicial case against Azerbaijan is important itself, as some progress has already been achieved, namely that the authorities of Azerbaijan, with Armenia’s demand, have removed the mannequins and helmets of Armenian soldiers from the so-called “Military Trophy Park” in Baku.

“I think that this is the first big achievement, because the Azerbaijani side presented the proof of removing the mannequins and helmets to the court just two-three days before the hearings, which shows that these hearings are already giving results”, Yeghishe Kirakosyan said.

He informed that ICJ will release its decision over the case in 1-1.5 months. “If by that decision we get what we want, that would be more convincing and will raise further pressure on Azerbaijan. It has already raised pressure, and in case of that decision, that pressure will multiply”, he noted.

On September 16, 2021, Armenia instituted proceedings against the Republic of Azerbaijan before the International Court of Justice with regard to alleged violations of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD).

Armenia also requested the Court to indicate certain provisional measures “as a matter of extreme urgency”, including the return of Armenian prisoners of war and civilian captives from Azerbaijan, as well as the closure of the so-called “Military Trophies Park” in Baku.

However, for Armenia only the removal of mannequins and helmets is not enough. Kirakosyan says that from the very beginning that so-called “trophy park” opened based on the anti-Armenian ideology. Therefore, Armenia demands to close that park completely.

Armenia also requests the court to oblige Azerbaijan to refrain from destructing, changing the Armenian cultural values in Artsakh, as well as to present proofs about the crimes committed in the territory.

These are the main demands of Armenia, Kirakosyan said.

Kirakosyan clarified that the talk currently is about the decision of the court, not the judgment as the case is just starting. In any case, the court’s decision will be legally binding, and if the court approves Armenia’s request, Azerbaijan will be obliged to implement all the demands.

“The case is just starting, and we have just requested an urgent measure in order to ensure the interests during the examination of the case for which we have filed an appeal”, he said.

 

Interview by Aram Sargsyan

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Apkarian’s character, initiative, leadership stack up as Armenia’s Consul

The San Jose Sun, CA

Oct 22 2021

HRAIR MESSERLIAN



The following is a response to an Oct. 14 column by Sun editor Alex Tavlian.

Simply put, the article is a misinformed opinion and devoid of journalistic research.

The opinion piece missed a great opportunity to interview [Honorary Consul Berj] Apkarian for a debrief of his activities.

In fact, it denigrated the many strong ties that the “Valley stakeholders and the Near East Republic” have.

Let’s start with FUSD and the long path to the “Tatarian” School. That effort started before this 2021 Board took office.

He and Michelle Assadourian met with the then FUSD Board Chair urging recognition. During this year’s effort, he was part of the internal discussion, with Arax and Assadourian, on selecting and championing the Tatarian proposal throughout the community.

He wrote a letter to the Board urging their consideration, read by community activist, Barbara Mortanian.

As relates to the war in Artsakh, Apkarian lead efforts to lobby Congressional leaders with community representatives, including local attorney Marshall Moushigian.

He obtained both Fresno City Council, Mayoral and County Board of Supervisor recognition and condemnation of Azerbaijan’s hostile ethnic cleansing during the 2020 war.

The virtual flag raising at City Hall was organized by an Armenian community organization, where multiple City officials including Arias spoke, I was there, my daughter and her scout troop raised the flags.

Apkarian went on numerous television, radio and internet programs and platforms seeking support for Artsakh and Armenia. In coordination with a number of local organizations hundreds of thousands of dollars were raised, 1650lbs. of critical medicine, medical equipment and supplies were sent, including bullet proof vests from our Sheriff’s department because of his work with Sherriff Mims.

As the Honorary Consul, he is a diplomat representing the Republic of Armenia. He delivers the Republic’s message, popular or not. There was no “push to dedicate an Honorary Consul” in Fresno. That initiative came from leveraged relationships. He has repeatedly leveraged relationships and advanced the interests of Armenians in the homeland, nationwide, statewide and locally.

He is not a career politician who is underwritten by the Republic, but rather a volunteer who is a family man with a professional career in the medical field. A “rallying cry to unite” the nation is different from our Fresno community’s lament for leadership. Although Apkarian is not a community organizer, he has used the Consul position to bring together an unfocused Armenian community

Our historically splintered community has never seen the type of common purpose as we do today. Community events sponsored by the Consul always bring together the highest caliber of Armenians and non-Armenians across all political and provincial community lines.

Politics, culture, history, economics, medicine, agriculture, trade, education, Genocide recognition and faith are a few subject areas I know the Consul has actively engaged his capitol.Apkarian is a community leader in his own right in a community devoid of Leadership.

He is active in his local church, Armenian School and community organizations. Next April 24th, when we’re at Fresno State, ask those involved about the tribulations and triumphs of erecting the only Armenian Genocide memorial on a major university campus. That didn’t just happen by itself.

His professional accomplishments in the medical administration field have brought the best of medical professionals, Armenian and non-Armenian from Fresno and across the country, together for 6 Medical Mission trips to Armenia.

They just recently returned from Armenia wherein this trip focused on the physical and mental rehabilitation of our most committed men and women of the armed forces. That’s 6 missed journalistic opportunities to promote our “region’s vibrant Armenian community” and to showcase our very real strong ties to the Republic.

Armchair quarterbacking may be in season, but I’ll put up Apkarian’s character, initiative and leadership up against any others.

Talk’s Cheap.

Azerbaijan’s Aliyev is a Strategic Liability, Not an Asset

The National Interest
Oct 22 2021

Aliyev may be a dictator, but Western denial of Azerbaijan’s new reality and neglect of his increasing belligerence promise a far bloodier future for justice and democracy in the region than he does.

by Michael Rubin

lham Aliyev, President of Azerbaijan for nearly eighteen years, sits atop a mirage. Azerbaijan’s capital Baku exudes wealth. Luxury boutiques like Bulgari, Christian Dior, Gucci, and Trussardi line Neftchiler Avenue across Primorsky Park from the Bay of Baku. Luxury hotels like the Four Seasons, Marriott Absheron, and the Hilton Baku overlook the cornice. Car dealerships showcase the latest Rolls Royces, Lamborghinis, and Ferraris. Azerbaijan is hardly the only country to sport such an ostentatious display—Persian Gulf emirates do as well—but the wealth extremes among Azeri citizens are greater, as anyone who has bypassed the official tours to see the mudbrick houses and shantytowns outside the capital can attest. While those associated with the Aliyev family and his inner circle might afford Baku’s luxury goods, most city residents, including the educated and professional class, barely scrape by. Travel an hour or two outside the capital, and the situation is even worse.  

Azerbaijan is among the world’s most corrupt countries; Transparency International ranks Azerbaijan with Russia, Mali, and Malawi. In contrast, neighboring Armenia sits alongside Greece and Slovakia in the rankings, while Georgia scores even better. The recent Pandora Papers exposé showed that family members of senior Azeri officials had bought or sold tens of millions of dollars of luxury real estate.

Politically, Azerbaijan remains an authoritarian dictatorship. Freedom House assesses that Azeris living under Aliyev’s dictatorship enjoy less freedom than Palestinians struggling under Hamas rule in the Gaza Strip and Houthi repression in Yemen; Azeris enjoy fewer civil liberties than the Chinese under President Xi Jinping’s repressive rule.

Why the West Ignores Azerbaijan’s Reality

Western states have ignored Aliyev’s corruption and repression for a variety of reasons:  

The United Kingdom shields Azerbaijan at international forums because of British Petroleum’s interest in the country’s energy market. While China’s trade with Azerbaijan has historically been only a fraction of Great Britain’s, Beijing’s ambitions in Azerbaijan are quickly growing, which ironically makes China and the United Kingdom allies in the United Nations Security Council offering blind support to Azerbaijan, when the United Nations considers issues involving the South Caucasus.

Israel, meanwhile, has long-standing ties with Azerbaijan that are rooted in the arms-for-energy trade. During last year’s Nagorno-Karabakh war, Azerbaijan used Israeli drones against both civilian and military targets to turn the tide of the war after ethnic Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh rebuffed the initial Azerbaijani invasion.  

Traditionally, both Israel and the United States also value Azerbaijan for its strategic location and willingness to allow espionage, if not full-fledged operations, against the Islamic Republic of Iran. While the mostly Shi’ite Azerbaijan once sought to distinguish itself from theocratic Iran to its south, in recent years, Aliyev has played the issue both ways: coasting on Azerbaijan’s past reputation while increasing his ties with Iran (and Russia), recent disputes with Tehran notwithstanding.

Azerbaijan’s reputation for religious tolerance and secularism also attracts many Western supporters. Certainly, Azerbaijan deserves praise in this regard, though the myth does not live up to reality. While Azerbaijan has generally protected its Jewish community, Aliyev’s government has long targeted Azerbaijan’s Christians, in some cases by erasing centuries-old cultural property like the graveyard in Julfa that Azerbaijani troops systematically destroyed. More recently, Aliyev’s cooperation with and tolerance for Syrian jihadi mercenaries, whom he used in his fight against Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenians, raise questions about his outlook. In many ways, Aliyev appears to be taking a page from Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s playbook: Distract the West with paeans to the secular past while quietly co-opting, if not promoting, religious extremists to act as policy proxies. When countries have embraced such tactics, the result has been blowback that harmed the standing of religious minorities. Azerbaijan’s subordination of its foreign policy to Erdoğan’s—even allowing Turkish diplomats veto power over Azerbaijani engagements—should raise questions about Baku’s tolerance and the ability of Israel and the United States to leverage Azerbaijani territory for other strategic pursuits in the near future.

Beyond the strategic reasons for ignoring Azerbaijan’s reality, there is also the reality of caviar diplomacy and golden parachutes. Azerbaijan pays well. The regime spends lavishly on gifts, luxury hotel suites, and dinners and provides access to those who parrot official positions and, more importantly, refuse to research or consider counterarguments. Some Israeli officials openly talk about how they hope to enter the Azerbaijani business scene after retirement. Former American officials might be more discreet in what they say, but their actions do not substantively differ.  

Aliyev’s orientation should raise questions for any honest analyst, but, what really makes Azerbaijan a strategic liability, is Aliyev’s increasing unwillingness to live within Azerbaijan’s borders. This problem goes beyond disputes with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh, the contested territory recognized by most countries as Azerbaijani territory, and extends to Aliyev’s territorial claims over Armenia proper, which the Azerbaijani dictator has increasingly voiced over the past decade.

For example, on November 20, 2012, Aliyev said, “Armenia as a country is of no value. It is actually a colony, an outpost run from abroad, a territory artificially created on ancient Azerbaijani lands.” The following year, Aliyev gave a speech in which he promised not only to retake Nagorno-Karabakh but also all of Armenia. “Azerbaijanis will live on their historical lands in the future. Our historical lands are Irevan [Yerevan] and Zangezur regions,” he said. He returned to this theme on January 22, 2014, during a visit to Ganja, Azerbaijan’s second-largest city, when he described Armenia as “historical Azerbaijani lands” that his countrymen will eventually regain. While Minsk Group diplomats pushed a land-for-peace and security deal, Aliyev promised Azeris that an Armenian withdrawal from Nagorno-Karabakh and the adjacent districts would only be the first phase of a final solution.   

At Nowruz celebrations the following year, Aliyev tripled down on the theme. “The Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict must be settled only within the framework of Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territorial integrity,” he said, then added, “after that, we will return to our ancient lands—to Yerevan, Geicha, and Zangezur.”

While successive secretaries of state took Aliyev at his word when he promised to settle his disputes with Armenia diplomatically, Aliyev did not try to deceive his home audience. Speaking in the central Azerbaijani district of Terter in December 2016, he explained, “Today, we are not claiming any in the modern Republic of Armenia. We do not intend to reclaim Yerevan, Meghri, Goris through military force but I’m sure that time will come, and we, Azerbaijanis, will return to all our historic lands,” He then promised, “The main factor [for success] is strength. This is true. We live in the real world. So we have to become even stronger, to create a more powerful army.”

In recent years, especially as his economy has stagnated or declined against the backdrop of falling oil prices, Aliyev has increasingly turned toward revanchist claims to distract the public from his own mismanagement. During a speech to his New Azerbaijan Party, for example, Aliyev claimed that Yerevan, the territories of Lake Sevan, and the province of Syunik, also known as Zangezur, are historical Azerbaijani lands and that their return was a “strategic and political goal.” During a Baku military parade after the Azeri victory in the most recent Nagorno-Karabakh war, Aliyev called Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, as well as Armenia’s Syunik and Sevan regions “historical lands” of Azerbaijan. Such rhetoric dashes hopes for peace. Just last month, Aliyev threw cold water on Armenia’s request for talks about the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, warning Armenians that they should refrain from raising the subject since Azerbaijan has more historical grounds for claiming parts of Armenia like Zangezur and Lake Geicha.

It is one thing for Azerbaijan not to have diplomatic relations with Armenia—that can be rectified—but it is quite another to reject Armenia’s right to exist.

A Perfect Storm

Family fiefdoms seldom succeed in countries without formal, institutionalized monarchies. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak fell when he tried to promote his son to power. Likewise, Muammar Gaddafi fell as he tried to have his son Saif succeed him. Hafez al-Assad’s son Bashar did come into power, but Syria ultimately paid a far higher price as it descended into civil war.

For dictators, the problem with multi-decade rule is that political scapegoats are in short supply. For example, Erdoğan cannot blame his predecessors for the corruption and economic mismanagement that drained Turkey’s foreign reserves and crashed its currency. For all of Azerbaijan’s hydrocarbon wealth, the per capita income of Azerbaijanis is actually less than that of Georgians and Armenians, the latter of whom subsist under a Turkish-Azerbaijani economic blockade. While the citizens of Gulf emirates arguably accept a contract in which they sacrifice freedoms for wealth, the comparison between the Gulf states and Azerbaijan falters because ordinary Azeris receive little in exchange for political pliancy.

Azerbaijan now faces a perfect storm. As Aliyev seeks to promote his wife and son to succeed him, ordinary Azerbaijanis grow increasingly frustrated with their plight. They also see the cost of Aliyev’s Nagorno-Karabakh victory: infringement on Azerbaijani sovereignty by Russian and Turkish troops. Aliyev sponsors trips for foreign officials and some Azeris to recaptured areas of Nagorno-Karabakh, but few Azeris who originate from the territory are prepared to return permanently, given the region’s lack of jobs and their new roots in and around Baku. In effect, Aliyev wants to spend billions of dollars on infrastructure and Potemkin ghost towns that few Azeris want to reside in permanently during a shaky time for  Azerbaijan’s economy, the rise in oil prices notwithstanding.

In this situation, Aliyev’s only recourse will be like that of Iraqi president Saddam Hussein’s in 1990—to distract and play the nationalist card. Aliyev may believe Armenia is weak, but no invasion of Armenia proper will be limited to the two states. Any attack on Armenia proper will draw Turkey, Russia, and perhaps even Iran into the fight, creating an immediate crisis for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Even if aggression brings no outside intervention, an Azerbaijani conquest of Armenian territory will not solve but rather delay the solving of Azerbaijan’s internal problems, weaken its economy, and set the cycle on repeat.   

On the other hand, if Azerbaijani pressure forces Armenia to sacrifice some sovereignty for security and enter a broader security alliance with Russia, the United States and NATO would soon face ramifications elsewhere. Russia would use Armenia as an example to push other former Soviet states—not only in the Caucasus and Central Asia but also in the Baltics—into a new Russia-dominated union.

Aliyev may be a dictator, but Western denial of Azerbaijan’s new reality and neglect of his increasing belligerence promise a far bloodier future for justice and democracy in the region than he does. At issue is not simply some theoretical dispute between two small states but the West’s strategic position against retrograde forces like Russia, Iran, and jihadism that want to reimagine the post-World War II liberal order.

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

Russian Vote Monitor Named ‘Foreign Agent’ After $3 Donation From Armenian

Oct 22 2021

Golos, an independent vote-monitoring movement, was named a “foreign agent” by Russia’s Justice Ministry in August after receiving a $3 contribution from an Armenian citizen, the movement’s co-chairman Grigory Melkonyants said on Facebook. 

A Russian court denied Golos’ challenge against being designated a “foreign agent,” explaining that the grounds for the vote-monitoring organization being added to list was two transfers of “about 200 rubles” ($2.80) from a citizen of ex-Soviet republic Armenia, Melkonyants said.

The Russian Justice Ministry included Golos, a local organization that observes elections, in its list of “foreign agents” just weeks before September’s parliamentary elections in a move widely decried as a ploy to frustrate their efforts to monitor and report on election fraud.

Created in 2000, Golos had notably denounced election rigging in the 2011 parliamentary election and the 2012 presidential vote which saw President Vladimir Putin return to the Kremlin. 

“Despite the lack of evidence, the court dismissed our claim. We will appeal,” Melkonyants said in a post. 

Melkonyants disputed the Justice Ministry’s claims, and said that the movement did not even have a bank account where the transfer could be sent to. He added that he was “discouraged by the lack of evidence and supporting documents” that the Justice Ministry used as grounds for the “foreign agent” label. 

The development mirrors other incidents of organizations being designated “foreign agents” after having received small donations from foreign citizens or people living in other countries. Last year, the League of Voters non-profit was added to Russia’s “foreign agent” registry after receiving a transfer of 225 rubles ($3.20) from a Molodvan citizen.

Kremlin critics say authorities are using the “foreign agents” law to silence opposition voices and independent media. News organizations, NGOs and individuals which are added to the registry must follow rigorous financial reporting requirements and attach a 24-word foreign agent disclaimer to every publication, including social media posts.



Armenian authorities dissatisfied with Ombudsman’s activity, official says

PanArmenian, Armenia
Oct 22 2021

PanARMENIAN.Net – Authorities in Armenia are dissatisfied with the activity of Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan, Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan said Thursday, October 21, according to Rusarminfo.

Grigoryan weighed in on the Ombudsman’s political position, maintaining that Tatoyan “distorts the reality” and “behaves like an oppositionist”.

“He has several months left before he can engage in more obvious political activity. His term expires, and I am sure that the ruling [Civil Contract] party will propose a new candidate for the post of Ombudsman of the country,” Grigoryan added.

Tatoyan on Thursday published evidence of the Azerbaijani military’s reinforcement on Armenia’s territory, following a statement from the Defense Ministry denying Tatoyan’s earlier claims. The Ombudsman said authorities have embarked on a campaign to discredit his activity, and that the Secretary of the National Security Council has now joined it.