President of Artsakh to address video message

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 15:29, 15 December, 2020

STEPANAKERT, DECEMBER 15, ARMENPRESS. President of Artsakh Arayik Harutyunyan will address a video message on December 16, he said on social media.

“Dear compatriots, tomorrow, on December 16, at 12:00, I will address a video message on the current situation, the expected developments and our vision on the future”, the Artsakh President said.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Posthumous Medal of Combat Service bestowed upon Artsakh war soldiers

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 15:46, 15 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 15, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has bestowed the posthumous Medal of Combat Service to a number of servicemen who were killed in action in the second Nagorno Karabakh war.

The decision was formalized by a presidential decree signed by President Sarkissian.

The posthumous honor was bestowed upon:

Major Aren Verdyan, medic, chief of service

Captain Levon Aslanyan, Platoon Commander

Senior Lieutenant Artush Taroyan, Platoon Commander

Master Sergeant Ruslan Israyelyan

Sergeant First Class Tigran Hovhannisyan

Private Karen Grigoryan

Private Gevorg Hovhannisyan

Sergeant First Class Hayk Khachatryan

Private Aren Ghukasyan

Private Edgar Sazbandyan

Private Armen Ispiryan

Private Garik Stepanyan

Private Arman Derdzyan

Sergeant First Class Arman Khachatryan

Private Aram Ghazaryan

Private Poghos Hakobyan

Private Eduard Martirosyan

Private Khachatur Khachatryan

Private Alen Navasardyan

Private Norayr Sargsyan

Private Armen Arakelyan

Private Rafik Gasparyan

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Artsakh intelligence agency warns citizens on Azerbaijani disinformation attempts

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 16:42, 15 December, 2020

STEPANAKERT, DECEMBER 15, ARMENPRESS. The authorities of the Republic of Artsakh warned citizens that the Azerbaijani intelligence agencies are again attempting to spread disinformation and that the photo of a purported document generated online under the headline “On Evacuating the residents of Artsakh” is a fake document spread by Azerbaijan.

“The Azerbaijani special services are again actively carrying out attempts to spread disinformation because the document’s content is fake. We urge our citizens to refrain from circulating such information online and from discussing military topics with strangers and follow only official news,” the Artsakh National Security Service said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

France to continue providing humanitarian aid to Artsakh

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 15:14, 15 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 15, ARMENPRESS. France will continue to provide humanitarian aid to Artsakh and its displaced residents caused by the recent war launched by Azerbaijan, the Office of Armenia’s High Commissioner for Diaspora Affairs said in a statement.

High Commissioner for Diaspora Affairs Zareh Sinanyan met with French Ambassador to Armenia Jonathan Lacôte to discuss the assistance provided by the French-Armenian community to Artsakh and the displaced families.

“During the meeting they touched upon the solidarity demonstrated by the French people to Artsakh and the Armenian people during the whole period of the war. The Ambassador reaffirmed that France will continue to provide humanitarian aid, and touched upon the further deepening of the bilateral relations”, the statement says.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Nagorno-Karabakh and the Fresh Scars of War

The National Interest
Dec 20 2020

With the cease-fire, Armenia has finally disentangled itself—albeit violently and haphazardly—from a prolonged territorial conflict that it could never win.

by Mark Episkopos
With a little over one month since the signing of the Nov. 10 cease-fire to end what is now called the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, the two belligerents have retrenched in their postwar domestic messaging. At least on this, there has been a remarkable degree of convergence between the two opposing sidesYerevan and Baku broadly agree that the latter decisively won, and the former badly lost. Azerbaijan is holding back-to-back celebrations, culminating in a grand victory parade last week: “If Armenia dares to show its fascism towards Azerbaijan once again, it will face our iron fist. A new period is beginning for Azerbaijan,” said Azerbaijan’s President İlham Aliyev during a recent victory ceremony. Armenia, meanwhile, continues to be roiled by an explosive mix of nation-wide mourning and anti-government rage. Opposition parties have launched repeated efforts to remove Pashinyan from power over his government’s alleged mishandling of the Armenian war effort. Earlier this week, protesters tried again to storm a state building in Yerevan with demands for Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to resign immediately.

These sentiments are amplified by a broad international consensus stretching from Washington to Moscow. To be sure, there is an undeniable kind of logic to the mainstream reading of the war. Azerbaijan successfully retook wide swathes of territory lost during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War of 1988–1994, including the cultural landmark of Shusha and seven Azerbaijani districts. Armenia, by contrast, was forced to evacuate several occupied territories after over a month of heavy fighting.  

However, this simplified rendition only tells part of the story. A closer look at the circumstances behind Azerbaijan’s offensive suggests that Baku’s victory may prove more costly in the long-run than Yerevan’s defeat.  

There is a mounting body of evidence that the Azberbaijani war effort was planned, coordinated, and in large part executed by Turkey. Military aid from Ankara included, but was not limited to, Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones, special forces commandos, and Turkish-affiliated Syrian mercenaries. Turkish control over Azerbaijan’s armed forces is so deeply embedded that there are reports of Azerbaijani military officers being fired at Ankara’s behest after criticizing the extent of Turkish involvement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s recent participation at a victory parade in Baku evoked a striking portrait: the two leaders stood side by side, behind them a row of Turkish and Azerbaijani flags arrayed in equal numbers. Indeed, Turkish flags were just as ubiquitous on the streets of Baku as their Azerbaijani counterparts.

To the extent that Aliev won, his victory came at the price of Azerbaijan’s sovereignty. In what is increasingly taking the form of a suzerainty arrangement, there will be a continued Turkish military presence in Azerbaijan. Turkey’s emerging veto power over Azerbaijani foreign and military policy is only likely to solidify under the auspices of Ankara’s pan-Turanic vision for expansion in the South Caucasus. Erdoğan’s gains are abundantly clear, but what exactly did Aliev win? Following forty-five days of heavy fighting and thousands of Azerbaijani casualties, large swathes of the occupied territories remained under Armenian control. It was only after the Russian intervention on Nov. 9 that Armenia was forced to evacuate the remaining Azerbaijani districts as part of the cease-fire agreement. Even so, the ethnically Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh is now under the indefinite occupation of Russian peacekeepers. This point bears repeating: as a direct result of the war, Aliev no longer has a clear pathway for returning Nagorno-Karabakh under Azerbaijan’s control. Not only has Baku failed to fully restore Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, but it is now faced with a two-pronged foreign military occupation with no end in sight.

Consider this same set of facts from Yerevan’s vantage point. Armenian leadership agreed in principle that Nagorno-Karabakh is the legally recognized territory of Azerbaijan, but has long refused to take any meaningful steps to cede the enclave or any of the seven territories captured by Armenian forces during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. Whether by intent or through inertia, the sum total of Armenian policy toward Nagorno-Karabakh was to keep it a frozen conflict. That, in essence, is precisely what the cease-fire agreement has achieved. Barring any drastic geopolitical shifts in the South Caucasus, Nagorno-Karabakh will remain an autonomous Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan’s de jure borders. The negotiated presence of Russian peacekeepers, far from a defeat for Armenia, will grant the people of Nagorno-Karabakh a kind of security that could have never been achieved by Armenian force of arms alone.

Yerevan bemoans its loss of the seven captured regions, but here, too, we must look at recent history. As aptly noted by the prominent Russian political scientist Andranik Migranyan, there was both a tacit and formal recognition among Armenia’s political class that they cannot hold on to the captured districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh forever. The goal has long been to trade these territories, sometimes called the “security belt,” in exchange for a robust autonomous status for Nagorno-Karabakh on the best possible terms. With the Russian peacekeeping mission already guaranteeing the internal autonomy of Nagorno-Karabakh, there is no longer anything to bargain for. Thus, these seven territories are more of a liability than an asset; their possession by Armenia offers no strategic value but is merely a chronic source of Azerbaijani revanchism.

With the cease-fire, Armenia has finally disentangled itselfalbeit violently and haphazardlyfrom a prolonged territorial conflict that it could never win. The fresh scars of war will fade in time and Yerevan, whether under Pashinyan or any other administration, can hopefully rededicate itself to the many domestic needs of the roughly three million people living within Armenia’s current borders. Baku, on the other hand, is poised to pay a steep price for “victory” as it navigates existential questions of statehood and sovereignty in the coming years.  

Mark Episkopos is a national security reporter for the National Interest. 

https://nationalinterest.org/feature/nagorno-karabakh-and-fresh-scars-war-174690

Syrian potter preserves centuries-old craft

Rudaw, Kurdistan Province, Iraq
Dec 20 2020

                                                 

                                                                                             

AFP @afp                                    

QAMISHLI, Syria  — Inside a dusty and dark workshop on the banks of the Jaghjagh river in northeast Syria, Misak Antranik Petros uses an ancient pottery wheel to throw different shapes from clay.

The 85-year-old Syrian potter of Armenian origin said his family has practised the craft for more than 450 years. 

"The profession was passed down from one generation to another like an inheritance," he said. "Now, my son is taking it up."

His workshop is located inside an ancient mud-brick house near the city of Qamishli, administered by Kurdish authorities who control much of northeastern Syria. 

It is cluttered with pots, tools and classically shaped vases, mostly covered in dust. 

Petros and his two sons spend most of their time in the humid space, heated by an old wood-burning stove.

"I dont like to clean the clay off my hands because I like the texture," he told AFP from his workshop.

Petros was only a teenager when he had to take over for his sick father and become the main potter of the family.

He has since become a master of the craft, and is keen to pass his skills on. 

"I am happy when I see the door of the workshop open and my son working inside," he said.

"This craft deserves to be preserved."

Syria's nine-year-long war has killed more than 387,000 people and displaced millions from their homes.

Petros and his family were largely spared with their home and workshop dodging damage.

Of Petros's two sons — Anto and Yerevan — the former is likely to follow in his footsteps as a professional potter, especially after receiving training from his father.

"His hands need to be balanced," Petros said of his son, like a trapeze artist "walking on a tight rope".

Sitting at the pottery wheel, Anto, 43, moulds a clay vase with expert hands while his father watches.

The young man said he is just as enthusiastic about the craft.

"I can't stop pottery for even two days because my hands miss it," Anto said.

"If God blesses me with a child, I will teach them this craft the way my father taught me."

Photos By DELIL SOULEIMAN

See all photos at

Senior advisor stresses Iran-Armenia cooperation

Mehr News Agency, Iran
Dec 20 2020

TEHRAN, Dec. 20 (MNA) – Iranian Parliament Speaker's Special Aide for International Affairs emphasized the need to expand cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Armenia.

Speaking in his meeting with Armenian representatives in the Parliament on Sunday, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian emphasized the diverse cooperation between the two countries.

According to a tweet by Amir-Abdollahian, in a meeting with intelligent and active representatives of Armenians in the North and South, Messrs. Begrian and Shaverdian praised the key role of former Iran’s IRGC Quds Force Commander Martyr Lt. Gen. Soleimani in the fight against terrorism.

While reviewing the developments in the region, “We said that Islamic Republic of Iran and Republic of Armenia are two good neighbors and have a lot in common."

MA/FNA13990930000973

Six Armenian soldiers return home after 70 days in obscurity

Public Radio of Armenia
Dec 20 2020

As a result of search operations carried out in the Azerbajani-controlled areas today, six conscripts, who fought heroically in obscurity for more than 70 days have returned home due to the efforts of the Artsakh Emergency Situations Service, the Russian peacekeeping mission in Artsakh and the International Committee of the Red Cross, Artsakh’s President Arayik Harutyunyan informs.

He expressed gratitude to the Russian President Vladimir Putin, thanks to whose direct efforts, intensive work continues to find the missing, and, of course, to return the bodies of the dead.

“I express my special gratitude to Rustam Muradov, the commander of the Russian peacekeeping mission in Artsakh, Arthur Baghdasaryan and Temur Arzumanyan, who accompanied the rescuers to the location and the entire staff of the State Emergency Service of Artsakh, whose heroic work I will have an opportunity to refer to,” Harutyunyan said.

Below are the names of the six soldiers:

Ayvazyan Arsen Karen
Sahakyan Davit Gegham
Nikolay Seyran Stepanyan
Arthur Garik Harutyunyan
Armaghanyan Arman Arshak
Ruslan Sargis Tumanyan

Armenians say goodbye to their churches in Nagorno-Karabakh

Christian Today
Dec 20 2020
 
 
 
Open Doors UK | 8:20 AM
 
 
It was a dire day for Father Hovhannes when he learned that the medieval Armenian monastery complex Dadivank in Nagorno-Karabakh would now go under the control of Muslim-majority Azerbaijan. The region of Qarvachar where the monastery is located would need to be vacated from Armenians within days.
 
Nagorno-Karabakh is a small, mountainous, landlocked area in the South Caucasus lying between Armenia and Azerbaijan, bordering Iran to the south. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Nagorno-Karabakh with a majority-Armenian population remained a disputed territory between the two post-Soviet countries. The two-year war came to a halt in 1994 with an indefinite ceasefire and Nagorno-Karabakh went under ethnic Armenians' control.
 
The new phase of the war lasted 44 days, ending in November of this year. Large parts of Nagorno-Karabakh passed into Azerbaijan's control and Russian peacekeepers were placed in the region for five years.
 
The military conflict ended with the fall of Shushi, a town overlooked by the 19th century Cathedral of the Holy Saviour. When the Azerbaijani army entered the town following the ceasefire signed on the night of 9 November, the cathedral was one of their first targets: the inner and outer walls were immediately vandalised by graffiti. The cathedral had already been heavily shelled and extensively damaged by the Azerbaijani Army, which among its militants had thousands of Syrian Jihadist mercenaries.
 
The early 19th century Church of St John the Baptist in Shushi saw its domes destroyed during the war, while the Church of Saint Mary built and consecrated more recently in the town of Mekhakavan was shelled and almost completely demolished.
 
Armenians in the region fear that their ancestral Christian heritage is now threatened under Azerbaijan's control. Father Hovhannes, the Abbot of Dadivank, says these fears are well-founded: in 1993, when Armenia won control of the territory, they discovered Dadivank and other holy sites desecrated. The walls of their churches and chapels bearing frescoes, engraved crosses and Biblical writings in the Armenian script had become shelters for animals.
 
"On 3 April 1993, after the liberation of Qarvachar and Dadivank, I was one of the first people who entered the monastery with the soldiers," Father Hovhannes recalls.
 
"It had been turned into a barn for animals. The interior was badly damaged. We started cleaning and restoring it. I washed all the engraved crosses myself. Thanks to many donations, Dadivank started thriving again!"
 
The first chapel of the monastery was founded in the 1st century by St Dadi who was the pupil of Christ's disciple Thaddeus. As Christianity spread in Armenia and was adopted as a state religion in 301AD, Dadivank kept growing over time and was completed in the 13th century. The grave of St Dadi was discovered under the holy Altar of the main church in 2007.
 
 
Surrounded by picturesque natural scenery, Dadivank is one of the symbols of the Armenian Christian heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh. Over the centuries it has withstood numerous attacks and remained one of the most-cherished holy sites for Armenians for pilgrimages, baptisms and marriages.
 
Father Hovhannes declared that despite security concerns, he was not going to leave the monastery, but would stay and ensure the holy site was not desecrated. He was soon joined by other clergymen from other churches.
 
Thanks to the efforts of the high-ranking Armenian religious leaders, Dadivank came under special protection of Russian peacekeepers. Armenians, however, were not consoled, knowing that this is only a temporary arrangement. They flocked into the monastery in hundreds to light a candle, pray and receive Father Hovhannes's blessings before the entire territory went under Azerbaijan's control.
 
Outside the monastery, Father Hovhannes was joined by Baroness Caroline Cox, a strong supporter of self-determination for the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh.
 
"I have seen cathedrals badly damaged by bombs," Baroness Cox said. "It breaks our heart to be here today. We weep with you, but we want to say thank you to the people of Armenia and Artsakh (the Armenian name of Nagorno-Karabakh) because you have held in the frontline of faith and freedom, for the rest of the world."
 
 
 
The Christian heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh consists of churches, monasteries, chapels, cross-stones, frescoes, engraved religious writings dating back to the earliest stages of Christianity. The Department of the Armenian religious and cultural heritage of Nagorno-Karabakh at the headquarters of the Armenian Apostolic Church estimates that more than 100 pieces of this heritage are now transferring under Azerbaijan's control.
 
Fears that the Armenian Christian heritage will be eradicated under Azerbaijan's rule are partly based on the events in the Azerbaijani enclave of Nakhichevan.
 
Rene Levonian, an Open Doors spokesperson, said: "One hundred years ago the two-thirds of the population of Nakhichevan were Armenians. Today there are no Armenians there and the entire Armenian Christian and cultural heritage is almost non-existent. Thousands of ancient cross-stones – large rectangular stones with carved crosses – and hundreds of churches have been systematically subjected to vandalism and destroyed. It's why Armenian Christians have little hope for preservation of their heritage."
 
 
 
Following the recent war, evidence has started to surface of mass vandalism and desecration. Mobile phone footage and photos show churches and cathedrals badly damaged by shelling and vandalised with graffiti.
 
Other mobile phone footage shows troops – a mixture of Azerbaijanis and Syrian jihadist mercenaries – standing on church roofs shouting "Allahu Akbar". Armenian Christians reportedly exhumed coffins of their loved ones prior the expected arrival of Azerbaijani troops, fearing the worst.
 
Father Geghard Hovhannisyan is the Abbot of the ancient Amaras monastery, which was an education hub founded in the 4th century. The monastery was home to the first school where the newly invented Armenian script was taught in the 5th century. Father Geghard found it looted when he returned following the recent truce.
 
"It is very painful because the Azerbaijani militants have managed to enter the monastery," Father Geghard said. "The frescoes and many other valuable items are missing."
 
After negotiations, Amaras may remain under the Armenian control, but he fears that he will never see the artifacts again.
 
And as other Armenians load their belongings into trucks and vacate their villages and towns, it adds to the pain to say a final goodbye to their churches that are part of their identity, fearing what will become of them.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

American leadership needs to be felt again in places like Nagorno-Karabakh: Brian Harper

Cleveland.com, Ohio
Dec 20 2020


OCALA, Florida — In articles in The New Yorker and The Atlantic magazines, two renowned foreign affairs commentators have outlined President-elect Joe Biden’s foreign policy agenda. Both writers — Robin Wright and Tom McTague, respectively — agree: Biden plans to assert and revitalize U.S. leadership in many global areas of concern.

Even though, as Wright put it in her Nov. 11 New Yorker article, “there is an undercurrent of relief in many parts of the world that American leadership is back,” conflicts in which U.S. forces are not directly engaged provide case studies for the challenges that lie ahead for globalist-minded American foreign policy practitioners.

The conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, controlled until recently by Armenia, is just one crisis that requires American attention. In the recent conflict, the United States was unable to influence the outcome or control its allies, signs that the supposed “relief” at the return of U.S. leadership may be temporary.

Periodic fights sparked into all-out war in late September 2020, and Azerbaijan won. Its military killed a reported 2,317 Armenian soldiers and its forces seized new territory by maneuvering to cut off the Lachin Corridor, Armenia’s main line of communication to the disputed region.

At first glance, this conflict may have appeared to be localized. But, in fact, the recent conflict was a global challenge to America’s supposedly impending revitalized leadership.

Turkey, a NATO member; Israel, a U.S. stalwart; and Russia, a regular competitor, all converged in Nagorno-Karabakh and showed how strained U.S. influence has become.

Contrary to previous U.S. government warnings, as the Associated Press reported it, that Turkish-trained Syrian mercenaries sent from Libya to the fight could “degrade security and generate backlash from the Libyan public” when they are deployed, the military of Azerbaijan received and utilized Syrian mercenaries. These mercenaries were equipped for, and transported to, the conflict by Turkey.

Furthermore, oil wealth from Caspian Sea-based pipelines enabled Azerbaijan to purchase Israeli-manufactured drones, which were used with devastating effect. One Armenian combatant noted the futility of continuing the conflict, exclaiming that the war is “rifles against drones.” Azerbaijan’s use of drones was so effective that the government of Azerbaijan provided daily video of successful (and deadly) bomb strikes. These bombings ultimately crippled Armenia’s war effort.

Russia brokered a tenuous cease-fire agreement, which became effective on Nov. 10. The agreement was unique because it was the global community’s fourth attempt at a cease-fire and it did not include the United States as a signatory. Russian peacekeepers are now deployed to the Armenian-Azerbaijan border to prevent any further escalations.

Russia reestablished its dominance in the region and earned itself a space in any future negotiations as a peace mediator. In contrast, the United States failed to end hostilities by treaty and failed to rein in two allies that were contributing to the bloodshed.

For the U.S. president-elect, this tragic episode demonstrates that recommitting to global leadership will not be easy. A globalist and inclusive foreign policy agenda is good, if your country is relevant. Right now, in Nagorno-Karabakh, the United States is irrelevant.

The incoming administration’s foreign policy team must create and implement a strategy for a U.S. leadership presence in conflict zones like Nagorno-Karabakh. If not, the United States will continue to lose influence to Russia and it may continue to see some allies act against U.S. interests.

Brian Harper, an Ashland University graduate originally from Cleveland, is a military veteran with deployment experience who now works in Florida.