Author: Tvankchian Parkev

news.am, Armenia
Dec 19 2009

S. Kocharyan and M. Yenokyan brought back to prison

11:19 / 12/19/2009At Dec. 18 night, Armenian national security service
officers detected 2 life termers absconded from Nubarashen
penitentiary a while ago. As of detention time Soghomon Kocharyan and
Mher Yenokyan were in different locations, Hraparak daily informs.

The paper fails to specify Kocharyan’s detention details, while
Yenokyan was apprehended in the store and attempted suicide ‘ cut his
throat. The source informs that he was hospitalized and operated. When
it became known that Yenokyan is safe, he was immediately taken to
Nubarashen.

The daily reads: `It is unclear why such a lather and why he was
promptly moved back to prison when as a result of the break head of
(BPS-Body of Penal system) was dismissed, six officers including
deputy warden were arrested for duty negligence. It can be imagined
what welcome breakers will receive in Nubarashen and what expects
them.’

At this point, NEWS.am does not hold detail information about the matter.

K.M.

Kurdish Globe
Dec 19 2009

Shallow opening vis-Ã-vis dark relations

By Azad Aslan
Globe Editorial

Turkey’s democratic opening, essentially a Kurdish opening, has been
derailed by recent political developments ignited by PKK sympathizers’
actions–the PKK’s provocative attack against a military post in
Resadiye, Tokat, which ended with the killing of seven Turkish
soldiers–and the Turkish constitutional court’s controversial
decision to ban the only Kurdish party, DTP (Democratic Society
Party), which had seats at the Turkish National Assembly.

Despite the fact that Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s
insistence that the democratic opening would go ahead, it is clear
that the opening has already been wrecked. It is clear that the
AKP-led government must develop a much more radical and detailed
program in order to accomplish a proper and just opening. The question
is whether the AKP has apathy or vision for such an initiative.

The upheaval over the last two weeks in Turkey that radiates around
the Kurdish opening, prison conditions of PKK’s arrested leader,
Abdullah Ocalan, and DTP closure signifies the complex nature of the
Kurdish national question in Turkey and the power struggle within the
Turkish political establishment. These complex questions and the
internal hegemonic struggle within Turkey must be analyzed within the
framework of international relations and global power struggle.

With the collapse of the Soviet Bloc and the global status quo, the
capitalist system needed to reorganize itself according to the new
post-Soviet conditions. Initiated by the U.S., the "New World Order"
has created more confusion and disorganization throughout the last two
decades. The U.S. had to face challenges to its hegemonic global power
status by the growing new power centers, particularly by the EU,
China, and recently Russia. Bipolar world politics has been
transformed into multi-polar politics followed by the intensified race
for economic and political interests.

Turkey, with its border with the former Soviet Union and being a
member of NATO, had strategic position within the Western political
dominion. However, this strategic position has been challenged with
the demise of the Soviet Union. The U.S. position in the Middle East
and in Afghanistan brought new opportunities for Turkey to be a
regional player associated closely with the U.S. When Turkish
Parliament refused to open its borders for the U.S. to open a northern
front in March 2003, the relations between the two seemed to reach a
breaking point. The disharmony between Turkey and the U.S., however,
was short-lived, and both sides came to understand the need to
cooperate in the region. For Turkey to be a strong regional player,
particularly in the field of energy corridors (Nabucco being an
example), it needed to resolve its problematic relations both with
Armenia and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). It is not a
coincidence that Turkey coordinated in parallel to improve its
relations both with Armenia and the KRG. Turkish Foreign Minister
Ahmed Davutoglu visited Erbil, the capital city of Kurdistan, and
stated that Turkey is going to open a consulate in Erbil. This move
was a confirmation of Turkey’s recognition of the KRG. At the same
space of time, Turkey and Armenia signed a protocol in Switzerland.

It was also necessary for Turkey to deal with its own Kurdish and PKK
question in order to create a safe and stable region in its Kurdish
region, which was necessary both for its proper relations with the KRG
and safe flow of energy sources through the region.

The AKP-led democratic opening thus was a necessary and strategic move
for Turkey. In reality, the democratic opening does not really address
the Kurdish national question in its entirety. The opening was shallow
and reduced the question to a sub-identity issue rather than a genuine
national issue. Despite its shortcomings, nonetheless, the opening was
a historic move given the background of the Turkish policy of denial
and forceful assimilation of Kurdish identity.

Necessitated by Turkey’s new regional power role, the democratic
initiative was tossed into the internal power struggle within Turkey.
The traditional political elite, mainly the Kemalist and the army,
fiercly opposed the opening and considered it as a threat against the
unity and integrity of Turkey. Since the early 20th-century, the
military-bureaucratic elite ruled both the Ottoman Empire and Turkish
Republic. The policy of Committee of Union and Progress, famously
known as Ittihadi Teraqqi, who got the power in 1908 in the Ottoman
Empire, changed its name to Kemalism following the dismemberment of
the Empire and formed the new Turkish Republic with the aim of
Turkification of non-Turkish elements to create an artificial national
identity, in effect, the Turkish nation. Due to the fact that the
Armenians were considerably reduced as a result of the 1915 Armenian
Genocide, the only element seen as a threat to the Republic was the
Kurds who constituted a second majority group in the newly established
Republic. For decades, the Kemalist clique constituted by the army and
bureaucratic elite attempted to deny the very existence of Kurdish
identity and used any means necessary to assimilate and eliminate the
Kurdish national identity.

However, with the opening of the Turkish economy and radical policy
changes from the 1980s, the Turkish economy integrated closely with
the global capitalist market; as a result, a new Turkish entrepreneur
and capitalist class grew that is now challenging the traditional
elite, mainly Kemalist, and the Kemalist-bureaucratic and statist
system of the Turkish political and economic establishment. The AKP is
their representative. Through the discourse of democracy they aim to
reduce political and economic privileges of the traditional elite,
including the army. The Ergenekon case in that sense is indicative of
this internal struggle. Having been in power without any serious
challenges, the Kemalist elite does not seem willing to give up their
position so easily, and further dramatic conflicts between them is
imminent.

The Kurdish national question in Turkey for long has been used as an
instrument by both sides in their struggle for power. While the
Kemalist elite and army uses it as a threat to the existence of the
Turkish Republic, the opposite side uses it as an instrument for their
democratic rhetoric.

>From the Kurdish perspective, there is a thin line between the two
sides’ policy with regard to the Kurdish national question. While the
traditional Turkish elite insist in its initial "Turkification" policy
of the Kurdish identity, the AKP’s democratic opening aims for
"Turkeyfication" of the Kurds. While the former denies the very
existence of Kurdish identity, the latter recognizes it only as
sub-identity within the unitary Turkish state. While the former forces
the Kurds to claim "we are all Turk," the latter forces the Kurds to
claim "we are all for Turkey," shying away from the identity issue.
Both sides uniquely refuse to recognize Kurds as a distinct national
identity entitled to national rights.

The Kurdish position to the both sides is confusing. Two main
representatives, though not entirely, of the Kurds, PKK and DTP, have
the same rhetoric as that of AKP, and thus one rationally expects them
to support AKP; in practice, they attack AKP policy. Both PKK and DTP
have not claimed the Kurds to be recognized as a national identity by
the Turkish Constitution. Both enthusiastically claim they are for
Turkey and reduce the Kurdish national question to a sub-identity
issue as that of AKP. Both PKK and DTP failed to produce alternative
policies with regard to the Kurdish question. It is not clear why they
do not support AKP against the traditional Kemalist elite and Turkish
military.

PKK’s recent military attack against Turkish soldiers at this
particular period is considered rightly by so many as a provocative
attack, which only strengthened the hands of the military and Kemalist
clique against the AKP’s democratic opening. Similarly, DTP
persistently refused to be a main collocutor to the AKP’s Kurdish
initiative and provocatively referred PKK to be the collocutor. As the
only legal Kurdish party represented in the Turkish Assembly, it
should have been DTP’s role to be collocutor in this opening, not PKK
as a clandestine organization. The peace process in Ireland and the
role played by Sein Fein provides a good example of this. This fatal
mistake weakened DTP’s credibility and reduced its representative
role. DTP should have liberated itself from the shadow of PKK.

PKK’s attack in Resadiye and killing of Turkish soldiers at this
sensitive period created serious doubts of PKK’s connection with or
its manipulation by the traditional Kemalist elite and the army. The
Kemalist elite in Turkey try to contain the Kurdish question within
the framework of terrorism and do not want it to be politicized. With
the "threat" of terrorism, they can sustain not only their position
and privileges in the establishment, but more importantly, they
prevent the discussion of the Kurdish question in the political arena.

The Kurdish political actors should have criticized AKP’s shallow
opening with regards to the Kurds and produced alternative policies,
while at the same time they should have supported AKP against the
Kemalist elite. Both PKK and DTP did the opposite.

Kurdish political actors in Kurdistan of Turkey must seriously
reconsider their policy and discourse, and it is time for them to come
up with an informed and coherent national political program to elevate
the Kurdish national issue to higher standards.

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The Washington Post
December 10, 2009 Thursday
Suburban Edition

At the Baird, atmospheric sounds from Armenia

The Smithsonian Associates and the Embassy of Armenia presented a
memorable concert in the National Museum of Natural History’s Baird
Auditorium on Tuesday night. The hour-long program of Armenian music,
performed by violist Kim Kashkashian, Armenian composer and pianist
Tigran Mansurian, and percussionist Robyn Schulkowsky, was drawn
largely from their admirable series of recordings for ECM.

Speaking through an interpreter before the concert, Mansurian noted
that, although he was going to sing some of the pieces, he is not a
singer, and he was not kidding. Even with a voice that was barely
audible, wobbly and generally unreliable, the venerable composer
contributed something affecting and mysterious to two sets of Armenian
folk song transcriptions by Vartabed Komitas, whose work on Armenian
folk music is comparable to what BartÃ?3k and KodÃ?¡ly did in Hungary.
Seeming to rise out of a distant past, Mansurian’s voice, almost
disembodied even with amplification, was echoed by many in the
audience, humming along softly.

To hear Kashkashian play makes one ashamed to have repeated those
inevitable jokes about the viola: In her hands the instrument’s tone
is as malleable and expressive as the human voice. She gave an
inflected, at times barbed line to the melodies of Mansurian’s "Four
Hayrens," composed originally for mezzo-soprano, and often doubled
Mansurian’s voice, watching carefully to match the articulation of the
words. Schulkowsky contributed mostly atmospheric sounds, drones and
harmonic clusters on the vibraphone with additional tinges and
shimmers from crotales and gongs. Although one might criticize the
overabundance of slow and reflective pieces, the concert had a
mesmerizing effect, immersing the listener in a far-off world.

— Charles T. Downey

PASHINYAN HAS NO COMPETITION IN UPCOMING ELECTIONS: SUREN SURENYANTS

Tert.am
18:06 ~U 18.12.09

According to Republic Party executive member Suren Surenyants,
who was speaking at a press conference today, Haykakan Zhamanak
("Armenian Times") chief editor, political prisoner Nikol Pashinyan
has no competition in the parliamentary elections in the No. 10
electoral district.

"Nikol Pashinyan is the only candidate who has clearly formulated
his participation in the political bid," said Surenyants, who also
happens to be involved with Pashinyan’s pre-election campaign. The
opposition party member added, "If the elections are legitimate and
the governing authorities don’t exert pressure, I consider Pashinyan’s
victory to be inevitable."

Pashinyan’s victory is important for Surenyants also from another
standpoint: "Our public will prove with their vote that our prosecutors
and judges are people who make up cases and carry out orders."

Surenyants has no illusions about the carrying out of fair and just
elections, though, he has hope that the country’s governing leaders
will prove that they wish to change.

ARF TO CONTINUE DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST PROTOCOLS

Asbarez
Dec 15th, 2009

YEREVAN (Yerkir)-The Armenian Revolutionary Federation will hold
street demonstrations on January 12 when Armenia’s Constitutional
Court is scheduled to hold hearings on the Turkey-Armenia Protocols,
said the leader of the party’s faction in parliament.

Vahan Hovannesian, who serves on the ARF governing Bureau, announced
the renewed protests at a press briefing Monday during which he
outlined the various ways to derail the Armenia-Turkey protocols.

"We have received many applications and proposals to hold serious
actions of protest on the eve of the announcement of the Constitutional
Court decision," he said. "Naturally, we were going to do that
regardless of anyone and anything. But now, seeing that a popular
wave is again rising, we can state for certain that there will be no
calm in Armenia during those days."

Hovannesian explained that the ARF will launch early next month a
new phase of its campaign aimed at scuttling the implementation of
the recently signed Turkish-Armenian agreements.

Speaking of the increasing weight of foreign pressure bearing down on
Armenia, Hovannesian cited the phone call late last week by Secretary
of State Hillary Clinton to President Serzh Sarkisian immediately
after the president forcefully rebuked Turkish preconditions on the
normalization process.

He said Armenia had viable options, despite the pressure, such as
amending the protocols without withdrawing from the negotiations. In
the event that Turkey did not agree with the amendments, the talks
would begin anew.

"We can safely say that Turkey is violating the agreements. We can
proceed as the Turkish prime minister did when he said that the Turkish
government cannot pressure the parliament to ratify the protocols. And
I am sure in the event of a free vote the Armenian parliament would
not ratify the protocols," explained Hovannesian.

Hovannesian also said that even if the Armenian leadership withdraws
from the talks, the ARF would not return to the ruling coalition. "One
thing we saw is that our authorities are capable of making decisions
without prior consultations."

The ARF leader was referring to secret negotiations with Turkey. He
added that until this style of leadership is reassessed the ARF would
not be part of any coalition.

OFFICE OF THE NAGORNO KARABAKH REPUBLIC IN THE USA
1334 G Street N.W., Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 223-4330
Fax: (202) 223-4332
E-mail: [email protected]
Web site:

PRESS RELEASE
December 15, 2009

AZERBAIJAN FORCES CANCELLATION OF CEASE-FIRE MONITORING

International observers come under sniper fire near Line of Contact

The regular monitoring of the Line of Contact between Nagorno Karabakh
and Azerbaijani armed forces by OSCE observers, scheduled for December
15, 2009, was cancelled for security reasons after sniper fire from the
Azerbaijani side of the Line.

Additionally, Azerbaijan failed to permit OSCE observers to visit the
previously agreed section of the border.

The firing was registered and documented by the OSCE mission’s
representatives, including OSCE Office Coordinator, Lieutenant-Colonel
Imre Palatinus (Hungary), Field Assistants of Personal Representative of
OSCE Chairman-in-Office Irge Aberle (Czech Republic) and Vladimir
Tchountoulov (Bulgaria).

Since shortly after the signing of the cease-fire agreement in May 1994,
Office of Personal Representative of the OSCE Chair has been monitoring
the situation along the Line of Contact between NKR and Azerbaijan.

In recent years, Azerbaijan has taken steps to progressively undermine
the monitoring mission by barring observers from its forward positions,
forcing cancellation of monitoring and refusing OSCE requests to pull
back snipers from the Line of Contact.

* * *

The Office of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic in the United States is
based in Washington, DC and works with the U.S. government, academia and
the public representing the official policies and interests of the
Nagorno Karabakh Republic.

This material is distributed by the Office of the Nagorno Karabakh
Republic in the USA on behalf of the Government of the Nagorno Karabakh
Republic. The NKR Office is registered with the U.S. Government under
the Foreign Agent Registration Act. Additional information is available
at the Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.

VAHAN HOVHANNISYAN SLAMS ARMENIAN PRESIDENT’S STATEMENT

/PanARMENIAN.Net/
14.12.2009 15:20 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ During the meeting with Latvian President Valdis
Zatlers, Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan should not have said that
Armenia agreed to normalize relations with Turkey without even calling
for recognition of the Armenian Genocide by Turkey, ARF Dashnaktsutyun
parliamentary group leader Vahan Hovhannisyam said.

At that, he noted that even though the Armenian side refrained from
raising the issue with tactical considerations, it’s a serious mistake
to make statements which let the rival have all the trumps," Mr.

Hovhannisyan said.

U.S. AMBASSADOR TO ARMENIA RECEIVES 2009 "DIPLOMACY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AWARD"

/PanARMENIAN.Net/
14.12.2009 17:26 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has
recognized U.S. Ambassador to Armenia Marie L. Yovanovitch as the
recipient of the 2009 "Diplomacy for Human Rights Award."

The annual "Diplomacy for Human Rights Award" recognizes a U.S.

Ambassador who has demonstrated extraordinary commitment to defending
human rights and advancing democratic principles of government in
his or her host country, U.S. Embassy in Armenia says in a release.

This award has been announced as part of the U.S. government’s efforts
to mark International Human Rights Day on December 10.

"While I am honored to be selected for this award, this award
really honors human rights reformers in Armenia, whether they are
in government, civil society, or the media," Ambassador said, adding
that Armenia has made much progress in 18 years, but there is still
much more work to do on human rights.

WHERE IS THE SOLUTION KEY
Hakob Badalyan

Lragir.am
14/12/09

The regular visit of the OSCE Minsk group to the region and the
circumstance of not including Armenia within it, the Minsk group
Co-Chairs’ statement, the Obama-Erdogan meeting which anticipated it,
the regular Sargsyan-Clinton phone conversation and some other events
again increased the attention towards foreign political developments.

Experts and political circles again started making judgments on the
Armenian and Turkish and the Karabakh issues.

In other words, the situation is moving in the direction expedient
for the government and the discussion of the issues the solution of
which is to be found in the discussion of completely other issues
is in the first place. More clearly, the solution is to be found
in the Armenian home issues. If these home issues are solved, the
elimination of the dangers in the Armenian and Turkish and Karabakh
issues becomes a matter of wish or techniques.

The foreign policy is just a reality built on home situation, home
realities and home resources. Long-lasting solutions in the foreign
policy cannot be provided when the country with its home situation
does not fit the changes of the world.

If there is economic and political monopoly in the country, if the
government manages to solve questions with the help of its monopole
rights, it is naïve to think we are able to keep the government from
fulfilling its foreign initiatives. Moreover, with the help of the
very initiatives, the government gets from the international political
centers at least moral assistance for the complete control of home
situation. The point is that the government is to be forced to take
into account its people. If the socio-political spheres cannot force
the government do that, they will be unable to force the international
society to take the Armenian society into account. If you cannot
force your own government to consider you, you cannot even expect
the international society to take you into account by its will.

And the only way to make the government remember about the factor of
the society is to focus its attention on home issues. This is more
comprehensible and perceivable for the society. This seems to be a
longer way and while we reach its half, everything will already be
lost in the foreign sphere. But it is not so. In reality, in this way,
current problems in the foreign sphere will be more easily solved,
dangerous developments will faster be prevented than with the help of
criticism and accusations which go on for already one year but have
not yet affected the public moods, the governmental self-confidence
and the plans of the international society.

SOUTH CAUCASUS RAILWAY PLANS TO BECOME INTERNATIONAL COMPANY

ArmInfo
2009-12-14 13:14:00

ArmInfo. One of the priorities of the South Caucasus Railway (SCR)
CJSC is to reach an international level, which implies higher train
speed. This, in its turn, requires more protective works. The company’s
leadership raises this priority during the meetings with the government
representatives and the territorial administration agency, says the
press-service of the SCR CJSC.

In the meanwhile, over the last three months 6 cases of accidents
were registered on the railway, including 3 people were run over by an
electric locomotive and 3 cars crashed with locomotives . The reason of
all the 6 accidents was gross violation of protective works. To prevent
accidents, the SCR is ready to ensure grade crossing safety and settle
the problems with unauthorized residence at rail transport facilities
to save human lives and reduce the company’s loss from idling trains
and repair of damaged locomotives. "The preventive measures must be
taken in a complex which requires involvement of the state power,
schools, and the press. It is necessary to take permanent measures to
ensure observation of the rules of railway crossing," the company says.

South Caucasian Railway CJSC is the subsidiary (100%) of the Russian
Railways CJSC. The contract of concession of the Armenian Railroad
CJSC for 30 years with a 10-year renewable period was signed in
Yerevan on February 13 2008.