Author: Torgomian Varazdat

ARMROSGASPROM TO INVEST 1.4BLN AMD IN ABOVYAN GAS STORAGE

ARKA
Feb 28, 2008

YEREVAN, February 28. /ARKA/. The ArmRosgasprom Company plans to
invest 1.4bln AMD in the Abovyan underground gas storage in 2008. The
ArmRosgasprom press service reports that the current capacity of the
gas storage is 110mln cubic meters of gas, and 80mln cubic meters
are stored now.

The renovation work is supposed to increase the capacity of the gas
storage to 28mln cubic meters, says the report.

The funs are to be directed to the construction of a new underground
reservoir with a capacity 1.5 times as much as that of the largest
reservoir operated now. The construction project is to last for five
years, and the new reservoir is to be put into operation in 2011.

Specialists say that the gas storage will be designed for holding
at least 150mln cubic meters of gas by the end of 2011. The issue of
modernizing the compressor room is to be settled later.

Under ArmRosgasprom’s investment project, a total of 2,662.7mln AMD
are to be directed to the modernization of the Abovyan underground
gas storage.

The investments will also be directed to the construction of a
salt-water reservoir.

The Abovyan gas storage regulates the seasonal gas consumption by
Armenia’s industrial sector and supplies gas to the country’s most
important gas consumers.

The Abovyan gas storage is one of the principal elements of Armenia’s
gas transmission system ensuing the country’s energy security. It
was constructed in 1962 on rock salt deposits at a depth of 800-1,000
meters.

The gas storage is designed for 110mln cubic meters of gas, which is
sufficient to supply gas to the major consumers for 30-45 days.

The ArmRosGasprom Company holds a monopoly of gas supply and
distribution on Armenia’s market. The company was founded in 1997,
and its capital currently totals $580mln. The company’s stockholders
are Gasprom (57.59%), RA Ministry of Energy (34.7%) and the ITERA
oil and gas company (7.71%).

DEMOCRACY TAKES ROOT
Sergei Markedonov

Russia Profile
Feb 28 2008
Russia

The year 2008 can be called an ~SElection Year~T for Southern Caucasus
states. On Jan. 5, there was a presidential election in Georgia
(with a parliamentary election campaign coming up in May). It was
Armenia~Rs turn on February 19. A few days ago, this republic not
only elected its president, it practically completed an election
cycle. In May 2007, Armenia elected its national parliament. That
was when Serge Sarkisyan, the winning party~Rs frontrunner and Prime
Minister of Armenia, became the official successor of Robert Kocharyan.

After processing voting records from all 1923 polling stations,
the Central Election Commission (CEC) of Armenia announced the results.

According to its data, Sarkisyan received 53 percent. The second place
was taken by Levon Ter-Petrosyan, the first president of Armenia
(1991-1998). Ter-Petrosyan received 21.5 percent, followed by the
Armenian parliament~Rs ex-speaker Arthur Bagdarasyan at 17 percent,
the representative of Armenia~Rs oldest party Dashnaktsutiun and
vice-speaker of the republic~Rs current parliament Vaan Ovannisyan
with 6 percent, and former prime minister of Armenia~Rs government in
the early 1990~Rs Vazgen Manukyan with 2 percent. Turnout was high,
at nearly 70 percent.

However, election results in Armenia cannot be measured purely with
electoral arithmetic. Up until now, the Southern Caucasus region had
no experience in transferring power from one leader to another through
electoral procedures, and Armenia did not have an established tradition
of succession of power. Levon Ter-Petrosyan won the election in 1996,
but his victory was questioned not only via mass demonstrations,
but also by a declaration of the state of emergency following the
election. In 1998 he resigned as a result of a ~Svelvet coup.~T During
the 2003 parliamentary and presidential elections, there were new
protests and questions of the regime~Rs legitimacy.

Some of these elements are present today as well, as followers of the
defeated candidate likewise go out into the street to protest. But
there are also new aspects. Having served two terms in office,
Robert Kocharyan leaves without violating the Fundamental Law. Serge
Sarkisyan won in a competitive election. He certainly is the successor
to Kocharyan~Rs political course, but his victory is derived from an
election procedure, rather than a coup or a series of behind-the-scenes
negotiations. Thus, a new precedent is being set for a politically
unstable region.

The results of Armenian elections were not known beforehand, and the
intrigue persevered through election day. In September 2007, Levon
Ter-Petrosyan returned to politics after nine years of silence and
absence from any public activities.

This bright politician, who once led Armenia to independence,
won two election campaigns and lost his third one. He didn~Rt fail
completely, as his opponents and propagandists will make it sound
both in Yerevan and in Moscow. Armenia~Rs former president has
great electoral potential, unlike his main opponent, Ter-Petrosyan
who had no administrative resources and no party structures at his
disposal. He did not have his own faction in the parliament, although
he did have sympathizers among its members. But he did face pressure
and informational warfare. He was accused of everything short of
intentionally starving his own people. Less than six months later
and in the conditions described above, the ex-president won almost
one-fourth of all votes.

As is usually the case in post-Soviet states, the announcement of
election campaign results is interpreted in many different ways,
sometimes spilling out into the capital~Rs streets. Here is how
David Petrosyan, a well-known Yerevan journalist and political
analyst describes the new 2008 trend of street protests: ~SMeetings,
processions and other protest actions attract dozens of thousands of
people. The regime does everything in its power to not allow followers
of L. Ter-Petrosyan to flow into the capital from the provinces. So far
Ter-Petrosyan~Rs followers have demonstrated composure, self-control
and good organization. Despite the fact that they do not accept the
results of the election and call the current events a ~Scriminal
coup.~T So far the opposition is practicing peaceful, non-violent
legal and political methods. And this is probably the course this
struggle will continue to take.~T

It is hard to argue with Petrosyan~Rs words. However, the opposition~Rs
adherence to purely ~Speaceful methods of struggle~T can also be
ascribed to their understanding of the other resources the regime
possesses besides coercion. It has its own popularity resource, which
can be relied upon to use administrative pressure and informational
~Spumping.~T

If the current regime had no authority among the population,
the opposition would probably have acted in a more forceful and
less peaceful way. But the ghost of Orange Revolutions, which some
excessively zealous propagandists scared the Russian public with,
has yet to take root in Armenia. As Azerbaijan~Rs militarist rhetoric
increases, any internal destabilization in Armenia could potentially
threaten the country~Rs security.

The Armenian opposition as a whole, just like the Georgian one,
has not been able to become fully consolidated or to produce a clear
program and platform. The Armenian opposition was unable to increase
its electoral support by enlisting uncertain voters. The slogans of
stability and predictability have yet again turned out to be more
important for the majority of the population.

But based on election results (not only on the vote count, but
also on the facts of intra-political dynamics as a whole), it can
be concluded that, first of all, these elections were a competitive
struggle. There was no ~SOperation Successor~T that would have gone
smoothly and predictably.

Secondly, the competition will most likely continue, judged by the
situation inside the Central Election Commission. In particular,
two of the eight CEC members refused to sign the election report, and
one member appended his signature but expressed a ~Sspecial opinion.~T

Now, much will depend on Ter-Petrosyan~Rs plans. Will he become a
magnet for all discontented Armenians, a patriarch of the opposition?

The next parliamentary election is a long three years away. Unlike
their Georgian colleagues, the Armenian opposition has to develop a
long-term strategy. In these three years, they will have to accrue
political weight. That is, they must not attempt to get rid of each
other, and should not criticize authorities just for being in power.

This task is much more complicated than simply holding protests
and rallies.

As for the ~SWest-Russia~T dilemma, no matter what his policy is,
the president of Armenia will solve it along the following lines:
both the West and Russia. In Yerevan this course is called a policy
of complimentarism.

The Armenian elite will cooperate with Moscow as well as with
Washington and with Brussels, for rather pragmatic reasons. There
are abundant Armenian diasporas in Western countries (especially in
the United States and France), which are involved in both business
activities and in the administrative and political decision-making
process in these countries. Also, Armenia is trying to influence Turkey
(Ankara wants to join the EU, and therefore must adjust to ~SEuropean
standards~T), as well as to overcome its far from brilliant isolation
with Western help. All this means that no matter who wins in Yerevan,
these ~Swinners~T will be guided not by pretty toasts, but by real
politics, advantages and pragmatism.

Russia likewise needs to be pragmatic in developing its strategy
in the Caucasus. Our country should switch from references to the
~Sglorious past~T to pragmatic advantages. Armenia is ready and
willing to cooperate with Russia in the military sphere, as well as
in the field of security (unlike Georgia).

This opportunity should be taken advantage of, along with other
opportunities. Not many people know that the gasification in Armenia
is developing much faster than inside Russia itself.

Russian business is also very active in the field of
telecommunications, having invested more in this field in one year than
Greek business has in the past ten. These are the interests that should
become grounds for full-value bilateral cooperation between Armenia and
Russia, and not fear of the Western threat and ~Scolored revolutions.~T

Sergey Markedonov, PhD, is the Head of the Interethnic Relations
Department at Moscow~Rs Institute of Political and Military Analysis.

SARGSYAN ELECTED ARMENIAN PRESIDENT – CEC

Interfax News Agency
Russia & CIS
February 26, 2008
Russia

Serzh Sargsyan was elected Armenian president at the February 19
presidential election, chairman Armenian Central Elections Commission
(CEC) Garegin Azarian at an extraordinary session of the commission
presenting official results of the election.

Sargsyan won 52.82% of votes. Levon Ter-Petrosian came second with
21.5%. Artur Bagdasarian was the third with 17.7%.

The election results protocol was signed by all six members that
attended the Sunday session. CEC members from the Heritage and the
Rule of Law opposition parties did not come to the meeting.

Twenty-four complaints about the election submitted to the CEC could
not influence the final results of the election, Azarian said.

SPECIAL WEEK FOR LOCAL ARMENIANS
by Felicia Cousart Matlosz

Fresno Bee
February 26, 2008 Tuesday
California

Culture minister visits for folk ensemble and Saroyan celebration.

The vice minister of culture for Armenia is spending a few days
in Fresno this week, drawn by a performance tonight of a renowned
Armenian folk ensemble and the centennial celebration of William
Saroyan’s birth in Fresno.

Karine Khoudikyan will attend this evening’s presentation by The
Shoghaken Folk Ensemble of Armenia at Fresno State. The group,
founded in 1991, is considered one of the preeminent traditional music
ensembles in Armenia. The musicians use only traditional Armenian
instruments to maintain an authentic sound. They are currently on a
tour through the United States and Canada, including a performance
last month in Zankel Hall at Carnegie Hall in New York.

Barlow Der Mugrdechian, a lecturer in the Armenian Studies Program
at California State University, Fresno, says the vice minister wanted
to see the program as well as learn more about the Saroyan centennial
festivities scheduled this year in Fresno and the Central Valley.

Saroyan — famous for works as "The Human Comedy" and "My Name is Aram"
— was born in Fresno in 1908 and died in the city in 1981.

During his life, he visited his ancestors’ homeland in Armenia.

The writer, who earned awards that included the Pulitzer Prize and
an Academy Award, still is much revered in Armenia. Der Mugrdechian
says centennial events honoring Saroyan are planned in that country.

"He’s very big. He’s very popular," Der Mugrdechian says. "People
really know and respect him."

The vice minister arrived this weekend and is scheduled to stay
through Saturday. During her visit, Der Mugrdechian says she will
meet with different groups and check out other Saroyan-related
activities. Tonight’s performance is presented by the Armenian Studies
Program in cooperation with the Knights and Daughters of Vartan and
the Fresno chapter of the Armenian General Benevolent Union.

As Der Mugrdechian says, "I think it’s important that she sees
the place where William Saroyan was born and lived the majority of
his life."

The reporter can be reached at [email protected] or (559)
441-6428.

INFOBOX

If you go

What: The Shoghaken Folk Ensemble of Armenia When: 8 p.m. today Where:
Satellite Student Union at Fresno State, Shaw and Cedar avenues
Details: (559) 278-2669 or (559) 431-5259

DOMINIC STRAUSS-KAN CONGRATULATED

Panorama.am
15:08 28/02/2008

The Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan received a congratulation letter for
being elected as the president of the country from Dominic Strauss-Kan
the executive director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It
is particularly mentioned in the message:

"Dear Mister Srgsyan, accept my sincere congratulations for being
elected in the presidential elections. It is more than 15 years the
IMF cooperates with Armenian authorities contributing to the economic
growth and poverty decrease. Taking into account our discussion in
Washington last year, I am sure that our positive relations will
continue. I would like to mention that we are ready to continue
our cooperation.

I wish you new gainings in your new position."

REGRESS FOR SERGE SARGSYAN, VICTORY FOR KOCHARYAN
James Hakobyan

Lragir
12:06:44 – 27/02/2008

On February 19 the presidential candidate Serge Sargsyan voted an hour
after Robert Kocharyan at the same polling station 9/11 and stated in
a news briefing that the government will not undergo essential changes
since the government shaped after the parliamentary election has been
working for nine months and effectively. Seven days past February 19
Serge Sargsyan addressed the rally staged at the Square of Republic and
stated that he offers cooperation to all the presidential candidates,
and is willing to shape a coalition government. On the same day, in an
exclusive interview with the Public Television, Robert Kocharyan said
one of the ways of overcoming the polarization of the society would
be the effort of the new president to shape a government including
not only the representatives of the Republican and Bargavach Hayastan
parties but also a bigger political specter.

It is obvious that within the seven days that followed February 19
the approach of the government has undergone a change, and if a few
days ago no essential changes to the government were expected, now the
president and the prime minister are already considering a coalition
government. And it means an essential change since it does not mean
that besides the Republican Party and the Bargavach Hayastan Party
only the ARF Dashnaktsutyun representatives will remain involved
in the government. It could not be considered as an effort toward
easing polarization in the society, even a formal one, because the ARF
Dashnaktsutyun used to be part of government till now. Consequently,
either the replacement of the ARF Dashnaktsutyun by another force or
other forces is concerned, or the involvement of another force or
other forces besides the ARF Dashnaktsutyun is concerned. For its
part, it is evidence to a significant change in the home political
situation. At least, it is evidence that Serge Sargsyan who did not
suppose any essential change to the government is now speaking about
willingness to expand the coalition.

Certainly, this is considerable regress for Serge Sargsyan, meanwhile
for Robert Kocharyan, at least at the moment, it is a considerable
home political victory. The point is that the victory of the Republican
Party in the presidential election was actually supposed to crystallize
the government pyramid, and by overcoming certain opposing interests
before the parliamentary election it was supposed to be turned back
into a monolithic structure. Naturally, it did not fit in Robert
Kocharyan’s plans because the monolithic government is good for him
as long as he is de jure the top of the government, but as soon as he
leaves the office of president, the monolithic pyramid may prevent
him from influencing government. This is the reason why Robert
Kocharyan presupposed an at least rectangular coalition before the
parliamentary election – the Republican Party, the Bargavach Hayastan
Party, the ARF Dashnaktsutyun and the United Labor Party. However,
Serge Sargsyan did not allow this, omitting the ULP from the line, and
letting the ARF Dashnaktsutyun only two steps closer. The victory of
the Republican candidate in the presidential election was supposed to
remove the ARF Dashnaktsutyun and thereby crystallize the government
pyramid even more, depriving Robert Kocharyan of any influence on
this pyramid. Now, however, seven days past February 19, it is obvious
that Serge Sargsyan’s plan did not come true, and he is compelled to
return to the option of a rectangular coalition outlined by Robert
Kocharyan, because the situation is already out of control and Serge
Sargsyan is no longer able to return it into his domain, therefore he
has no way out but to accept as many angles in the coalition as Robert
Kocharyan will offer. This is the right moment to recall the words of
Davit Hakobyan, the doctor, the Marxist and perhaps also the oracle,
which he uttered on July 22, 2006, after the historical conference
of the Republican Party that if Serge Sargsyan fails to get the post
of president before January 2007, afterwards he will never get it.

WIDER BLACK SEA: CONCEPT AND REALITY
By Haroutiun Khachatrian

ISN
tails.cfm?id=18698
Feb 28 2008
Switzerland

As the US and EU promote the concept of a new ‘Wider Black Sea’
geopolitical region, economics may be the key to common identity and
security, Haroutiun Khachatrian reports for ISN Security Watch.

While the concept of the "Wider Black Sea" geopolitical region looks
promising given the support of external powers such as the US and
the EU, who see the region as an important buffer between Europe and
the Middle East, upon initial examination, the concept seems hardly
viable, for the states that comprise it have little in common.

The nations included in this geopolitical labeling (Turkey, Georgia,
Russia, Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Moldova,
Greece and some of the Balkan states) are all in close proximity
to the Black Sea, but differ in many respects: language, religion,
culture and governmental organization, among other things.

Some share historical problems, and unresolved territorial and ethnic
conflicts (mostly inherited from the communist regimes) spoil the
relations of many of these countries.

Finally, the region is under the competing influence of the three
"geopolitical poles" – Russia, the US and the EU – a fact that seems
to make every possibility of a common security approach improbable.

In particular, while many of the mentioned countries are members or
aspiring members (Ukraine and Georgia) of NATO, Russia and Armenia
are members of another military union, the Collective Security Treaty
Organization of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

However, while the nations of the Wider Black Sea region have little
in common, the three geopolitical poles do have common interests,
rendering the concept of this buffer region more feasible than at
first glance.

Black Sea Synergy The EU is probably the most active among the three
"geopolitical poles" in pushing the consolidation of these Black Sea
nations and creating among them common interests.

While some of the countries in this conceptual region are EU members,
and one, Turkey, is in the hopeful process of accession, the EU
sees security in the region as a very important element along its
southeastern border. This has been illustrated even more emphatically
since last April, when the EU adopted the Black Sea Synergy (BSS)
initiative.

European Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood
Policy (ENP) Benita Ferrero-Waldner describes the BSS as a regional
initiative aimed at developing cooperation within the Black Sea region
itself and between the region and the EU.

"Through increased political attention at the regional level
and strengthening of ongoing cooperation, Black Sea Synergy opens
additional space for cooperation with Russia, Turkey and all eastern
ENP partners," Ferrero-Waldner told ISN Security Watch.

The BSS builds upon ongoing sector-specific programs of the European
Community, with energy, transport, environment, trade, research and
science, information technology, fishery and maritime management as
its priorities.

The commissioner said the initiative was welcomed by the countries
in the region.

"There is broad agreement on the need for deeper EU involvement in
the region and in defining the cooperation mechanisms, goals and
priorities. We also agree on the main cooperation areas and the need
for closer contacts with the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC)
organization, as well as with the other regional structures and
initiatives active in the Black Sea area," she said.

This was further confirmed during the BSS’ first ministerial meeting
in Kiev on 14 February.

The EU is also the only one among the "poles" that is providing
material support to the regional integration initiatives. Between
2007 and 2010, Black Sea Synergy is providing assistance to the
non-EU countries in the region to the tune of EUR3.7 billion (US$5.4
billion). In addition, the EU Cross-Border Cooperation Programme
for the Black Sea (2007-2013) is doling out EUR17 million, and the
region’s countries will benefit from other EU funds amounting to some
EUR4 billion for the same period.

One key issue that could boost consolidation efforts is the role of
the conceptual region in the energy sector. The region is a bridge
for transporting crude oil and natural gas to western markets from
Russia, the Caspian basin and Central Asia.

Whereas Russia has made no official statement regarding this issue,
the US position was voiced recently by US Deputy Undersecretary of
State Matthew Bryza. In his speech at a conference in Yerevan ("Wider
Black Sea: Perspectives for International and Regional Security,"
14-15 January), Bryza said one of Washington’s goals was to "find
the way we can use the Black Sea truly as a means to move as much
oil and natural gas to global markets as reliably as possible."

While expressing support to numerous existing and future regional
energy projects, Bryza at the same time stressed that Washington
viewed its moves as competition rather than confrontation.

"Our goal is not confrontation with Gazprom or Russia on natural gas,
but […] to increase competition. Our Euro-Atlantic community needs
Gazprom and Russian oil producers to remain reliable suppliers of
energy to Europe and to global markets," he said.

Security issues Many experts and diplomats have indicated their
support for the creation of a special security structure within
the conceptual Wider Black Sea region, promoting the idea as a good
solution for regional stability.

It is evident, however, that the creation of such a structure is
impossible, at least until the existing conflicts in and between
the regional states are resolved. But many also agree that regional
cooperation, if only in terms of economy, may help to pave the way
for the settlement of these ongoing conflicts.. As such, it is a
rather circular argument.

For her part, Ferrero-Waldner believes the BSS initiative will help
enhance cooperation and resolve conflicts. "Black Sea Synergy is not
intended to substitute for the existing negotiation frameworks or to
deal directly with these conflicts.

Still, it can be said that the BSS will indeed tackle the underlying
causes of these conflicts, which often include lack of economic
development and lack of regional cooperation.

Moreover, the Cross-Border Cooperation program focuses on civil
society, including people-to-people contacts, "which in my view may
be a key element to facilitate solutions for the conflicts, she said.

"Black Sea Synergy is an indirect means to create climates in which
current conflicts might be resolved and to prevent new conflicts
from arising."

Both Washington and Brussels would prefer the regional security to be
based on local structures rather than external forces. "Bolstering
security […] doesn’t necessary mean a larger role for NATO in the
Black Sea but it means security cooperation," Bryza said in Yerevan.

With this general optimism, both experts and diplomats share the vision
that a true framework of security in the Wider Black Sea region can
emerge only once the countries of the region are linked by common
economic interests (above and beyond the mere pumping of fuel, which
is just a small factor for economies of the transit countries).

Economic cooperation and closed borders In this respect, the Black
Sea Economic Cooperation, a regional organization founded in 1992,
is generally seen as a promising tool.

This 12-member structure (including the 10 nations of the Wider Black
Sea region plus Albania and Serbia), has the potential to reorganize
the region.

The BSEC has created a number of regional structures, including
a Parliamentary Assembly and a Trade and Development Bank, and it
enjoys EU and US support, both of whom hold observer status within
the organization.

However, the BSEC (which represents a region of some 350 million
people – or at least 150 million people in its heartland, excluding
the distant regions of Russia) with a foreign trade capacity of over
US$300 billion annually – has realized few common projects, and its
recent activities have been very low level.

Underlying regional political problems keep the organization from
realizing its goals. A key problem remains sour Turkish-Armenian
relations. Turkey does not have diplomatic relations with its eastern
neighbor and has maintained a closed land border with Armenia since
1993.

The border closure was an act of solidarity with Azerbaijan, Turkey’s
ethnic relative which lost some territories in the 1990s in the war
over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Thereafter, Turkey has repeatedly
supported Azerbaijan’s policy to exclude Armenia from regional
programs, the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline being the most famous example,
as it runs through Georgia, bypassing its shortest route via Armenia.

Both the US and the EU have called on Turkey to open its border
with Armenia. In particular, a 17 January European Parliament
resolution urged "the South Caucasus republics and Turkey to pursue
effectively policies of regional economic integration and to refrain
from any short-sighted and politically motivated regional energy and
transportation projects."

The latter criticism refers specifically to the Kars-Tbilisi railway
project between Turkey and Georgia, which, according to the resolution,
"bypasses the existing and fully operative rail line in Armenia."

In fact, Turkey prefers to spend some US$600 million, a sum exceeding
the annual BSEC budget, to construct this railroad instead of
re-opening the existing Kars-Gyumri (Armenia) link, which would allow
rail access with Tbilisi and beyond, with Azerbaijan.

In his speech in Yerevan, Bryza expressed hope that after the recent
visit of the Turkish President Abdullah Gul to Washington "a new sense
of commitment to a common strategic vision with Ankara on energy, but
also starting with regard to South Caucasus and maybe even Armenia"
may emerge.

Some experts, however, remain skeptical about the viability of these
particular efforts.

"My belief is that the current Turkish administration is not inclined
to improve its relations with Armenia," Ruben Safrastian, director
of the Institute of Oriental Sciences, told ISN Security Watch.

In his opinion, this is more due to internal problems, in particular,
the negative attitude of the Turkish elite regarding the recognition
of the genocide of Armenians in 1915 at the hands of the Ottoman Turks.

There is still some optimism, though.

"When what is now the EU was 15 years old, many questioned if it had
real perspective? The BSEC is now 15 years old and hopefully it also
will have a better future," Professor Mustafa Aydin of the Ankara
University of Economics and Technology said in his report during the
Yerevan conference.

Haroutiun Khachatrian is an editor and an analyst for Noyan Tapan
news agency and editor-in-chief of the Noyan Tapan Highlights weekly.

He is based in Yerevan.

PRIME MINISTER SAYS GOVERNMENT READY TO COOPERATE WITH OPPOSITION PARTIES

ARMENPRESS
Feb 26, 2008

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 26, ARMENPRESS: Addressing tens of thousands of
his supporters who rallied today in Republican Square prime minister
Serzh Sarkisian congratulated his country fellows on the successful
conduct of presidential election saying the country and its people
have a very good opportunity now to start resolving many of their
pressing problems.

Sarkisian said he and his supporters rallied today to cure a wound on
‘our body’ caused by this election.

He said all must work to overcome this trial and help the wound heal
as soon as possible.

Sarkisian also thanked his country fellows for the confidence they
showed in him saying "I swear to do everything in my power to justify
your trust in me."

"I assure you will not be disappointed by casting your ballot for me,’
he said.

Sarkisian also thanked all those who voted for other candidates because
‘we respect the choice of our citizens.’ He said all criticism
of the government voiced during the pre-election period will be
studied carefully to separate ‘healthy criticism from slander.’
"I would like to appeal, from this platform, to all former presidential
candidates and tell them-let us cooperate, up to forming a coalition
government. Our goal is to use all available potential for the sake
of Armenia’s progress,’ he said.

Sarkisian also pledged that his government will overcome poverty and
will fight evil and indifference.

He said the split among people will be also overcome.

Sarkisian said he will defend the right to freedom of speech but added
that does not mean freedom to slander. He said he will defend the right
to assembly but added that does not mean collapse of the city’s life.

At the end of his lengthy speech Serzh Sarkisian recalled from the
Bible which says that everything has its time. He said now it is not
time for revenge but a time for peace, a time for hard work, a time
for unity.

IRANIAN PRESIDENT INVITES SERGE SARGSIAN TO VISIT IRAN

ARKA
Feb 26, 2008

YEREVAN, February 26. /ARKA/. The President of Iran Mahmud Ahmadinejad
congratulated the Prime-Minister of Armenia Serge Sargsian on his
victory in the presidential elections and invited him to visit Iran,
the Press Service of the Armenian Government reported.

In his letter Ahmadinejad expressed hope for further development of
sound ties and constructive cooperation between Armenia and Iran,
as well as for wider contacts between the two peoples.

Agence France Presse — English
February 20, 2008 Wednesday 11:23 AM GMT

Serzh Sarkisian: ex-army commander to lead Armenia

by Michael Mainville
YEREVAN, Feb 20 2008

A former military commander in Azerbaijan’s breakaway Nagorny
Karabakh region, Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisian rose to the top of
Armenia’s leadership after turning his talent for strategy to
politics.

Official results on Wednesday showed Sarkisian, 53, winning this
ex-Soviet nation’s presidential election in the first round, beating
former president Levon Ter-Petrosian by a wide margin.

His victory caps a long rise from rebel soldier to political
heavyweight and seals the dominance of the Karabakh clan over
Armenian politics.

Outgoing President Robert Kocharian, who served 10 years, is also
>From Karabakh and handpicked Sarkisian as his successor.

Born in the Karabakh capital Stepanakert, Sarkisian started his
political career as an official in the Komsomol, the youth branch of
the Soviet Union’s Communist Party.

In the late 1980s he became involved in the movement to transfer
Karabakh, an ethnic Armenian enclave in Soviet-era Azerbaijan, to
Armenian control. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 and war
broke out over the region, Sarkisian became a rebel fighter and
eventually commander of the separatist forces.

The bloody conflict, which lasted until a 1994 ceasefire, left
thousands dead and forced nearly a million people on both sides from
their homes. The two countries remain officially at war over the
region, which is now controlled by the separatists but not recognized
internationally as a country.

During the war, Sarkisian formed a close relationship with Kocharian,
another rebel leader. He would later become the future president’s
most trusted ally.

In 1993 he became Armenia’s defence minister under Ter-Petrosian,
starting a long career in a series of key security positions. He was
head of the national security ministry from 1995 to 1999, but
resigned after armed gunmen stormed the Armenian parliament and
killed seven high-ranking officials, including the prime minister.

He returned as chief of the defence ministry in 2000 and held the
position until the death last March of Prime Minister Andranik
Markarian, when he was appointed prime minister.

A year earlier Sarkisian had become chairman of the ruling Republican
Party, fuelling rumours that he was in line to replace Kocharian
after his second five-year term expired.

Sarkisian scored a major victory last May when the Republican Party
swept parliamentary elections and foreign observers declared the vote
largely in accordance with international standards.

He campaigned vigorously ahead of Tuesday’s election, holding mass
rallies with tens of thousands of voters. He played up the
government’s economic credentials, pointing to four years of
unprecedented growth and rising living standards.

Analysts predict Sarkisian will follow in Kocharian’s footsteps,
pursuing close ties with Moscow and a hawkish stance in relations
with Azerbaijan and Turkey.

The two countries have cut diplomatic ties and sealed their borders
with Armenia over its support for the Karabakh separatists.

Ankara has also been angered by Yerevan’s campaign to have the World
War I-era mass killings of Armenians by the Ottoman Empire recognised
as genocide.

In an interview with AFP before the vote, Sarkisian said a peace deal
with Azerbaijan was close, despite more than a decade of stalled
talks.

He also blamed Turkey for the impasse in restoring diplomatic ties,
saying it was unconscionable for the country to demand Armenia stop
pressing for genocide recognition.

He said he had no doubts about following Kocharian’s example.

"Kocharian’s policy is very simple — to make economic growth
sustainable, to become a member of the European family of nations, to
normalise relations with our neighbours and to peacefully resolve the
problem of Nagorny Karabakh. Do you see anything bad in this?" he
said.