​In Caucasus War, Russia Succeeded to Demonize Democracy

The National Interest
Dec 15 2020

The United States essentially forfeited its influence over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and allowed Russias Vladimir Putin to wield power in the region.

by Michael Rubin

Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan joined his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev on  a podium in Baku on Dec. 10 to watch a parade celebrating “Victory in the Patriotic War.” The procession marked Aliyev’s latest celebration as he cements his legacy as the man who returned territories Azerbaijan lost to Armenia in the 1988–1994 Nagorno-Karabakh War.  

Aliyev is a short-term thinker. He does not yet understand the tremendous price of his victory: Azerbaijan’s sovereignty. Russia and Turkey have stationed forces inside Azerbaijani territory. Turkey also reportedly controls several thousand mercenaries transported into Azerbaijan from Syria, Libya, and other Arab countries. None of these forces are under Aliyev’s control and both Moscow and Ankara can easily leverage them against Aliyev and his family should he stray too far from Erdoğan or Russian president Vladimir Putin’s dictates. 

Aliyev may focus on Nagorno-Karabakh but for Putin, the game is much bigger and extends across the Caucasus, if not beyond. It involves not territory, but rather than nature of government. Alas, in the latest Caucasus war, Putin won again as he signals to the region that Russian authoritarianism offers security while liberal democracy brings only chaos and territorial loss.

Neither the Trump administration nor the Obama administration before it particularly cared about the Caucasus. Their strategic neglect was unfortunate, not only because of the region’s strategic value but also because of its cultural weight. In 301 AD, the Kingdom of Armenia declared Christianity to be its official religion and so became the oldest Christian country on earth. More importantly, the peoples of the South Caucasus have both early and repeatedly embraced democracy, a cultural attitude that Putin resents. Iranian democrats operating largely from Tabriz, the capital of Iranian Azerbaijan, modeled their 1905 Constitutional Revolution after the successful Russian effort to subordinate the Tsar to a legislative body earlier that year. In subsequent years, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia each achieved independence against the backdrop of the Russian Empire’s dissolution, before subsequently losing it to Soviet aggression.  


Each of the three independent countries in the Caucasus have now had experiences with popular revolution and democracy. When Azerbaijan seceded from the Soviet Union, Ayaz Mutallibov, the first secretary of the regional communist party, simply took over as president but he was ousted following a series of disastrous military and economic events. On June 7, 1992, Azeris went to the polls in their first democratic election. Abulfaz Elchibey won 60 percent of the vote in a field of five, and formerly assumed power nine days later as Azerbaijan’s first non-communist leader. Elchibey sought to pivot Azerbaijan’s foreign policy away from Russia, but his efforts at setting Azerbaijan down a democratic path floundered in the face of both Russian opposition and a disastrous military campaign in Nagorno-Karabakh. Elchibey fell within a year, fleeing into exile as former KGB operative and communist functionary Heydar Aliyev assumed power, consolidating a dictatorship and eventually handing power over to his son and current leader.

Georgia, too, followed a similar path. Former dissident Zviad Gamsakhurdia led protests and demonstrations which, against the backdrop of the Soviet Union’s collapse, culminated in the restoration of Georgian independence. Gamsakhurdia did not last long, however. Opposition grew to his dictatorial tendencies. He sought to repress South Ossetian nationalism which he accused the Kremlin of encouraging. Ultimately, a Russian-backed coup unseated Gamsakhurdia after less than a year in office, and he died under mysterious circumstances in exile less than two years later. Former Soviet foreign minister Eduard Shevardnadze became president. He understood the need to balance relations between Russia and the United States, although he encouraged NATO’s eastward expansion and sought to orient Georgia more in the Western camp. Ultimately, in 2003, after parliamentary elections which international observers deemed fraudulent, protestors in the so-called “Rose Revolution” forced Shevardnadze’s resignation. Mikheil Saakashvili, a leader of the revolution, dominated subsequent polls winning 96 percent in an election with more than 82 percent turnout. Saakashvili interpreted his landslide as a mandate to more firmly tie Georgia to the West. Putin despised Saakashvili and, in 2008, intervened directly in support of both Abkazian and South Ossetian secession efforts. The Russian occupation kneecapped Saakashvili’s ambitions and his popularity plummeted. In 2013, after losing a parliamentary election, Saakashvili fled Georgia and subsequently moved to Ukraine where he renounced his Georgian citizenship in order to avoid extradition on corruption and abuse-of-power charges. In the post-Saakashvili-era, Georgia returned to a more balanced foreign policy deferential to Kremlin sensitivities and red lines. 

Armenia, perhaps culturally the closest country in the Caucasus to Russia, has followed the same pattern. Former journalist turned politician Nikol Pashinyan shot to power against the backdrop in 2018 of mass protests against attempts by Serzh Sargsyan, Armenia’s long-time prime minister, to extend his term. Pashinyan sought greater foreign policy neutrality. While he did nothing either to challenge Russia’s influence in Armenia or the presence of the Russian base in Gyumri, both his willingness to cultivate the West and his rise in a people power revolution were deeply offensive to Putin for whom such uprisings are a nightmare scenario. 

Armenians may be disappointed that Russia did little to protect them against the Azerbaijani and Turkish onslaught in the most recent Nagorno-Karabakh War but, in hindsight, protecting Armenia—and especially the self-declared Artsakh Republic in Nagorno-Karabakh—was secondary to reinforcing a lesson the Kremlin had previously applied to Azerbaijan and Georgia: Democratic revolutions may bring short-term political freedom, but they also lead to territorial loss and an erosion of sovereignty.

In contrast, Putin has shown that dictatorships and counter-revolutionary regimes succeed where their democratic predecessors fail. Elchibey in Azerbaijan, Saakashvili in Georgia, and now Pashinyan in Armenia all assumed office amidst popular acclaim. All presided over significant territorial loss—Elchibey to Armenia, Saakashvili to Russian-backed forced, and Pashinyan to Azerbaijan. Both Elchibey and Saakashvili ended their political careers in exile and disgrace and, if opposition parties in Armenia have their way, Pashinyan may not be far behind.  

Such Russian success need not have been foreordained. The United States essentially forfeited its influence long before the first shots were fired in the most recent conflict, and neither the White House nor the State Department has done anything to regain leverage. Too often it seems that U.S. officials fail to see the forest through the trees and recognize the long game that Putin is playing.  

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a frequent author for the National Interest.



Azerbaijan Says 4 Soldiers Killed Amid Cease-Fire Violations in Nagorno-Karabakh

Voice of America
Dec 13 2020

Azerbaijani defense officials say four soldiers have been killed since a cease-fire last month ended large-scale clashes with ethnic Armenian forces over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. 

The Defense Ministry statement on December 13 gave few details as to when or where the deaths took place, saying only they occurred in an area that Azerbaijani forces took control of in the fighting that formally ended on November 10. 

A day earlier, both Armenia and Azerbaijan traded accusations over heavy new fighting and new violations of the Russian-brokered cease-fire, which occurred in the southern Hadrut district. 

It was unclear if the deaths announced on December 13 by Azerbaijan occurred in the Hadrut region. 

FILE – A view shows a burnt tank near Hadrut town, which recently came under the control of Azerbaijan’s troops following a military conflict against ethnic Armenian forces, in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, Nov. 25, 2020.

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry, meanwhile, accused Azerbaijan of “gross violations” of the cease-fire but gave no further details. And a day earlier, Armenia’s Defense Ministry accused Azerbaijani forces of attacking positions held by ethnic Armenian forces near Hadrut. 

The Karabakh Defense Army, the fighting force of the ethnic Armenian administration that controlled Nagorno-Karabakh until last month’s cease-fire, said earlier that three of its fighters were wounded in clashes on December 11. 

Nagorno-Karabakh belongs to Azerbaijan, but the territory and some surrounding areas have been controlled by ethnic Armenian forces since the early 1990s. 

The two sides have skirmished regularly over the years, but in September, Azerbaijan launched a military offensive that resulted in Baku regaining control of the surrounding districts, and much of Nagorno-Karabakh itself. 

The sides agreed to a Russian-brokered cease-fire in early November, resulting in in the deployment of 2,000 Russian peacekeeping forces to the conflict zone. 

Russian peacekeepers acknowledged violations in Hadrut on both December 11 and 12, but did not assign blame. 

Overall, Azerbaijan has reported 2,783 of its soldiers killed in the latest bout of fighting. 

Armenia has not released a final death toll for its military, but Nagorno-Karabakh military officials have said at least 2,317 soldiers had been killed. 

Protesters disrupt Yerevan subway traffic

Save

Share

 14:30, 8 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 8, ARMENPRESS. Protesters carrying out civil disobediences in Yerevan demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Pashinyan have blocked the city subway.

Spokesperson for the Yerevan metro Tatev Khachatryan told ARMENPRESS that demonstrators are holding a civil disobedience campaign at the Gorcaranayin station and therefore the entire traffic of the subway is disrupted.

“The metro is now closed. We will issue updated information as soon as the work restores,” Khachatryan said.

UPDATES:

16:00 – The subway traffic is restored

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenian President addresses message on 32nd anniversary of 1988 earthquake

Save

Share

 15:02, 7 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 7, ARMENPRESS. President of Armenia Armen Sarkissian has addressed a message on the 32nd anniversary of the 1988 earthquake, the Presidential Office told Armenpress.

The message reads:

“Dear residents of Gyumri, Spitak, Vanadzor and Stepanavan,

Dear compatriots,

Today is the day of remembering the victims of the 1988 earthquake.

This year we commemorate our thousands of compatriots, who fell victim in the devastating earthquake 32 years ago, having one more pain in our souls. We have multiple human losses as a result of the recent war unleashed by Azerbaijan and Turkey against Artsakh, we have lost a part of the territory of Artsakh. As a result the country is facing a multi-layered crisis, starting from psychological, healthcare up to socio-economic.

I once again extend my condolences and support to the families and relatives of the victims, and wish a speedy recovery to the injured.

Even in such situation we have no right to lose hope. We should do everything to heal the wounds of the earthquake, make more efforts for the restoration and development of our cities and villages.

The consequences of the earthquake and today’s war, as well as the pain caused have also been joined by a domestic political tense situation in our country these days. Here as well we have no right to lose hope.

National consent and unity are our salvation. Undoubtedly, it was thanks to this that we managed to come out of the devastations of the 1988 earthquake and today as well we are ought to come out of the current situation united. For the sake of our heroes fallen at the recent war, for the sake of our compatriots killed in the 1988 earthquake.

I bow before the memory of all, wishing good health, tenacity and determination to their families and you all, as well as peace and prosperity to our country”.

Edited and Translated by Aneta Harutyunyan

Helga Schmid appointed OSCE Secretary General

Save

Share

 16:39, 4 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 4, ARMENPRESS. German politician Helga Schmid has been appointed Secretary General of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the Albanian OSCE Chairmanship said on Twitter.

The respective decision has been adopted at the 27th OSCE Ministerial Council.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

In political crisis, Armenian president makes power play

EurasiaNet.org
Dec 3 2020
Ani Mejlumyan Dec 3, 2020 
           

Azeri trolls target Armenian artist

SlippeDisc
Nov 30 2020

The New York pianist Kariné Poghosyan is, like most soloists, restricted to streaming her recitals online during Covid.

But her efforts in the past few weeks have been attacked by trolls who hacked her website and blocked her Facebook ads.

Kariné tells Slipped Disc:
My Facebook page was put on a partial block after one of my Armenia-related posts was reported as spam. Not only that, my website was hacked really badly. Since I have no concerts whatsoever due to the pandemic, literally the only place I do live playing is Facebook. But now because of this partial block, though I can still go live, I am not able to promote , share, or buy ads to get the livestream visible …

I was going to have a Carnegie hall concert right on Beethoven’s Birthday which of course was cancelled , so these four live-streams I had planned were going to in a way be substitute for that really special concert opportunity I lost.

Slipped Disc is happy to spread the word.

If you care for artistic freedom, please share this post.

Russian peacekeepers defuse nearly 1,000 explosives in Karabakh

Save

Share

 10:30, 1 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEBER 1, ARMENPRESS/TASS. Troops of Russia’s peacekeeping contingent have cleared of mines nearly 10 km of roads and defused some 1,000 explosives in the Lachin corridor in Nagorno-Karabakh, TASS reported citing the Russian Defense Ministry.

“Russia’s peacekeepers have defused explosives in the area in the Lachin corridor and ensured safe work of repair crews on restoring a high-voltage power line destroyed during the combat actions,” TASS quoted the ministry as saying.

During the peacekeeping operation in Nagorno-Karabakh engineer units cleared more than 29 hectares of land and some 10 km of roads, inspected over 100 houses and vital social facilities and discovered and defused some 1,000 explosives, according to the statement.

All explosives and munitions, which did not explode, are taken to a specially equipped firing range to be destroyed. Sappers explode munitions on the scene if it is unsafe to evacuate them.

Peace deal between Armenia and Azerbaijan is a disaster for Iran

Arab News
Nov 27 2020

The latest conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh has been a disaster for Iran. The terms of the cease-fire agreed on by Armenia and Azerbaijan represent a grave threat to Tehran’s long-term strategic interests.
The effects of this are likely to affect the perception of the regime among the Iranian people, and alter its policies on Azerbaijan and Syria.
Azerbaijan now has control over the entirety of its border with Iran along the Aras river. While this is cause for celebration in Baku, it is viewed with alarm in Tehran because an extension of Azerbaijan’s border gives Israel access to more territory from which it can keep tabs on Iran.
Despite denials from Baku, it is no secret that Israel and Azerbaijan enjoy substantive cooperation in intelligence, energy and military matters.
Azerbaijan is one of the largest buyers of Israeli weaponry. Its use of Israeli “kamikaze” drones during the war played an important role in tilting the battlefield to its advantage — although Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 drones have been credited as the true game-changer in the conflict.
In addition, Azerbaijan and Israel maintain deep intelligence ties. Were Tel Aviv to launch airstrikes against Iranian nuclear installations, Azerbaijan would likely play a vital role, either as a refueling stop or launchpad.
The other consequence of the war is the proposed creation of a transit corridor through Armenian territory, connecting Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave. It is likely that this corridor, which will be patrolled by Russian troops, will run parallel to Armenia’s border with Iran. This has already raised concerns in Tehran, as it could effectively cut off Iranian access to Armenia, and from there to Europe via Georgia. For a country already reeling from international sanctions, it is of great importance to Iran that it maintains access to friendly neighbors.
Such is the panic that has set in, Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi was compelled to explicitly issue an assurance that access to Armenia will not be threatened. It is noteworthy that Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif will soon travel to Moscow and Baku to discuss the issue in more detail.
However, it is even more important to take note of a capital city he will not be visiting: Ankara. Turkey is another important winner in the conflict. Not only will its troops maintain a presence in Azerbaijan, it also will have direct access to the Caspian Sea through the proposed Nakhchivan-Azerbaijan corridor. Ankara can now directly project influence in Central Asia, which has been one of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s most cherished ambitions.
Tehran will have taken note of Russia’s reluctance to offer full-throated support to its ally, Armenia. The takeaway from Moscow’s role in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is that it is happy to sacrifice an ally if it becomes too bothersome. Nikol Pashinyan, Armenia’s prime minister, came to power through the sort of “color revolution” detested by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Pashinyan further annoyed him by jailing Robert Kocharyan, Armenia’s former president and erstwhile Putin ally.
In this conflict, then, Moscow stuck to the letter, rather than the spirit, of its alliance with Yerevan, stating that its security commitments only extend to Armenian territory. The Russians allowed Azerbaijan to reclaim all its lost territories, while Armenia retained rump areas around Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital.
Moscow will maintain its influence in the region by providing a peacekeeping force in Karabakh and along the proposed Nakhchivan-Azerbaijan corridor. It also will be happy to see the back of Pashinyan, whose political career seems to be over. Russia also appears to be guided by its broader goal of ensuring that Turkey remains out of the orbit of the West.
Astute policymakers in Tehran will likely draw the right conclusions from this, particularly in terms of what it might augur for Iran’s ally in Syria, Bashar Assad. Having seen the eagerness with which Russia and Turkey were willing to hash out a deal between themselves, Tehran is likely to push the Assad regime in the direction of concluding the Syrian civil war.

The main effect the outcome of the conflict will have on domestic politics within Iran is likely to be psychological. It is yet another blow to Tehran’s self-image as a regional hegemon.

Dnyanesh Kamat

The main effect the outcome of the conflict will have on domestic politics within Iran is likely to be psychological. It is yet another blow to Tehran’s self-image as a regional hegemon. Indeed the fact that the regime was a bystander to the conflict, unable to influence its outcome, will revive memories of the two Russo-Persian Wars of the 19th century, which resulted in Persia having to cede control over the entire South Caucasus.
It reveals to the Iranian people that Tehran no longer has the economic might, the technological sophistication or an alluring political model to influence a region that was under Persian influence for hundreds of years — one is tempted to say thousands, since the time of the Achaemenid empire.
Taken together, all of this represents yet another slight to the legitimacy of the regime that has ruled Iran since 1979.

  • Dnyanesh Kamat is a political analyst specializing in the Middle East and South Asia. He also advises governments on policies and strategic initiatives to foster growth in the creative industries, such as media, entertainment and culture. Copyright: Syndication Bureau
Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Arab News’ point-of-view

Putin hopes word ”conflict” will not be used for describing situation in NK

Putin hopes word ”conflict” will not be used for describing situation in NK

Save

Share

 18:49, 13 November, 2020

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 13, ARMENPRESS. Russian President Vladimir Putin hoped that the word ”conflict” will not be used for describing the situation in Nagorno Karabakh, ARMENPRESS reports, citing TASS, Putin said in a discussion dedicated to the solution of humanitarian issues in Nagorno Karabakh.

”I hope we will not use that word – ”Nagorno Karabakh conflict”. I hope we will soon start discussing other issues (humanitarian-edit.)”, Putin said.

Putin announced that extra assistance will be necessary for the civilian population of Nagorno Karabakh.

He added that hostilities are totally over in Nagorno Karabakh.