Arkady Ghukasian: Assistance Of Canadian Armenian Community Is Of In

ARKADY GHUKASIAN: ASSISTANCE OF CANADIAN ARMENIAN COMMUNITY IS OF INVALUABLE POLITICAL AND MORAL SIGNIFICANCE FOR NKR’S DEVELOPMEMT

Noyan Tapan
Jun 18 2007

STEPANAKERT, JUNE 18, NOYAN TAPAN. During the June 16 meeting of the
president of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic Arkady Ghukasian and the
chairman of the Toronto branch of the "Hayastan" All-Armenian Fund
Mkrtich Mkrtchian, the interlocutors addressed the process of several
programs being implemented in the NKR with efforts of the Armenian
community of Toronto.

Pointing out the traditional active participation of the Canadian
Armenian community in overcoming the problems facing Artsakh,
A. Ghukasian noted that the existing cooperation is of invaluable
political and moral significance for the social and economic deelopment
of the NKR.

On the same day A. Ghukasian received the delegation of Armenian
businessmen headed by Chairman of the Union of Manufacturers and
Businessmen of Armenia Arsen Ghazarian.

Welcoming the businessmen’s efforts aimed at strengthening the links
with the NKR, A. Ghukasian attached importance to involving Armenian
investors in the develoment of the country’s economy. He said that
the NKR authorities are taking the respective steps in order to
reduce investment risks, including improvement of administration and
implementation of a flexible tax policy.

The Failed Sunni Army Solution

THE FAILED SUNNI ARMY SOLUTION
By Franklin Lamb

CounterPunch, CA
June 15 2007
Tripoli, Lebanon

Blowback Across Lebanon

Whoever killed anti-Syrian Lebanese MP Walid Eido Wednesday knew
Syria would be blamed and that the country would move closer to civil
war. Pro-government factions turned out in force along Beirut’s
Roauche sea front chanting anti-Syrian and anti-Hezbollah slogans
but no serious fighting has been ignited yet.

Another consequence may be to breathe new life into chances for
a US backed Northern Sunni Army to confront Hezbollah and the
Palestinians. The Northern Sunni Army, seemed doable-at least a couple
of years ago-during Plan "B"-then Plan "C"-which became Plan "D"
sessions of the Welch Club to decide who was going to control Lebanon.

For the Club, comprised of David Welch, Samir Geagea, (Lebanese Forces)
Walid Jumblatt (Druze PSP militia) and chaired by Saad Hariri, (Future
Movement) plus some allies, like current Prime Minister Fuad Siniora,
the choices were black and white simple: Lebanon’s future will be
controlled by Israel and the US or Lebanon will be controlled by
Syria and Iran.

What role will be played by the Lebanese themselves would depend on
‘variables’. Among which were the need for a Bush administration
victory in Iraq, destroying Hezbollah, leader of the Lebanese
resistance and nationalist movement, and preventing Israel,
increasingly seen in the Pentagon as teetering, as history’s judgment
approaches, from virtually collapsing.

When some bright graduate student writes a Doctoral dissertation
entitled : Who lost Lebanon? the thesis may well argue that effects
of the historic events now unfolding including Nahr al-Bared and
simmering in Ain el Helweh, and Lebanon’s other ten Palestinian
Refugee Camps. This, in addition to the blowback from the debacle
of the Bush administration’s 2003 invasion of Iraq which unleashed
a horrific Shia/Sunni conflict and civil war. Within 9 months of
the invasion of Iraq, fear of the ‘Shia rising" phenomenon quickly
created panic in Washington, Riyadh and Amman. Both Kings Abdullah
explained to all who would listen that a dangerous Shia Crescent was
taking form that would arc from Iran, across Iraq to Lebanon.

The Bush administration listened, and never creating a Middle East
problem it didn’t have a solution for, followed the lead of the
Neocons and Ziocons in their ranks and advised their Sunni allies of
yet another new project.

"It was a truly ‘ epiphanous, spiritual awakening’" one American
University of Beirut student recently called it. The obvious solution
to check the increased regional influence of Iran and Syia, was to
quickly create a Northern Sunni Army to confront a Southern Lebanese
Shia army (Hezbollah). The murder of Rafic Hariri, and those seven
Lebanese opinion makers assassinated since, accelerated the project.

North Lebanon appeared to be the perfect recruiting ground for
Lebanon’s newest army because the area is overwhelmingly Sunni,
pro-Hariri, has high unemployment with many able young men willing
to be recruited and the community feels left out of economic advances
to their south.

In addition, North Lebanon has a well situated airport at Keilaat,
which, according to this scenario, could be converted to US base
which would include a training facility for the new force.

>From interviews with members of Fatah Intafada, Fatah al-Islam,
Jund al Sham, Osbat al Ansar, Jund Allah and many PLO factions, plus
residents in all 12 of Lebanon’s Palestinian Refugees Camps, as well
as various NGO’s and long time camp observers, one fact seems quite
clear. Those who were imported into Lebanon to be the catalyst of
the new force proved more interested in fighting Israel than fighting
Hezbollah or the Palestinians and appeared to take seriously the late
Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi counsel that fighters should go to the border
of Palestine and fight.

Moreover, the widely held view here is that Al Qeada has arrived
in Lebanon with a vengeance and Fatah al-Islam is just the tip of
the iceberg. The ‘cells’ are throughout Lebanon and are organizing
broadly and not just in the Palestinian Camps, where they are resisted
by Hamas, Fatah Arafat, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine, as in Shatilla and Burj al-Baraneh Camps.

Practically every day witnesses Lebanese security forces finding all
sorts of explosives, car bombs, arms stores( 6/14/07 another large
stash six blocks from Nahr al-Bared) and receiving information
from Fatah al-Islam, Jund al-Sham and other Salafist detainees,
concerning dozens of planned operations from bombing the American
Embassy, large hotels, malls and attacking UNIFIL forces. As Robert
Fisk reported recently, Hezbollah officials have assured the French,
Spanish and Italian Embassy’s that Hezbollah will watch UNIFIL’s back
and try to stop Al Qeada from attacking them. A "hit list" with 30
names was reported on 6/13/07, just hours before MP Wadid Eido,one
of the names on the list, was murdered.

The UN, also to be targeted, according to Internal Security reports,
is on high alert. One reliable source advised this observer on 6/14/07
that Hezbollah men are actually discretely leading UN convoys along
the 75 mile blue line, sort of riding shotgun, in front of them and
with the electronics they are known for. Hezbollah intelligence,
which checkmated Israel during the July 2006 war, is believed by the
UN to be just as solid today and the UN appreciates the help.

Seymour Hersh uses the word ‘acute’ to describe the concern in the
White House regarding the Shia renaissance.

As a result, Hersh claims the Bush administration is no longer acting
rationally in its policy. "We’re in the business of supporting the
Sunnis anywhere we can against the Shiite. … "We’re in the business
of creating … sectarian violence." And he describes the scheme of
funding Fatah al-Islam as "a covert program we joined in with the
Saudis as part of a bigger, broader program of doing everything we
could to stop the spread of the Shiite world, and it just simply
– it bit us in the rear". That the Bush administration Welch Club
Arranged for Al Qaeda affiliates and kindred spirits to enter Lebanon
and received help from local ‘club members’ is widely believed in
Lebanon. The US Embassy in Beirut and the CIA will neither confirm
nor deny involvement in the plan to use Al Qeada to confront Hezbollah

Everything seemed to be falling neatly into place. Much like the
US/Saudi supported Osama Bin Laden operation in Afghanistan during the
Soviet occupation, cash was committed (apparently it did not dawn on
the Welch Club that history sometimes repeats itself and that their
creation may not be easily returned to Pandora’s Box). In addition
there were other deep pockets that could be tapped. As Forbes magazine
documents, the Hariri family fortune skyrocketed from a measly 4.1
billion in 2002 to 16.7 billion and counting, as of early last year-
a stellar performance even by Saudi standards.

Surely some seed money was in order and Bahia Hariri wasted no time
in funding Fund al Sham in the Taamar neighborhood just outside
of Ain el Helweh, whose PLO factions objected to the group inside
its ‘jurisdiction’ while her nephew arranged funding for Fatah
al-Islam and already existing Sunni Salafist groups including Osbat
al Ansar and Jund Allah, both mainly staffed by Lebanese and beefed
up with outsiders brought in for the purpose. Mohammad Kobanni, the
Grand Sunni Mufti and Hariri aide, is accused of chipping in with
"religious scholar visas" to ease entry into Lebanon of al Qeada
affiliated Salafists Hezbollah is the mortal enemy of al Qeada,
who considers Shia apostates. In return, Hezbollah acuses al Qeada
of subverting the Koran and conducting terrorism, as they made clear
in their denouncements of Al Qeada following 9/11. But many observers
here do not expect them to fight each other.

When the Welch Club decided to move Fatah al-Islam from the Southern
Sidon base at Ein el Helweh, to the North Lebanon Nahr al-Bared
camp, Ms. Bahia Hariri admlits that she paid for the transplantation,
according to Arab Monitor of 6/6/07. Given the disaster that happened
when Jund al-Sham’s unruly twin ambushed the Lebanese Army on May 20,
Mrs. Hariri feels awful and has generously arranged with the Army to
provide full scholarships to all the children of the killed soldiers,
61 as of June 13, 2007, for an average of 2 per day killed, with five
times that number wounded and more than 80 civilians killed.

Both Jund al-Sham and Fatah al Islam are joined together by friendship
and family with al-Sham supplying some of the initial fighters for
establishing FAI. It is also why so many checkpoints have now been set
up along the Sidon to Tripoli road, which funnels men and material
in both directions. The June 4, 2007 attack by JAS in Sidon’s Ein
el Helwe camp against the army was in direct response to the Army
increasing pressure on FAI in Nahr al-Bared.

JAS has admitted ties to the Hariri family and both JAS and FAS
were funded from the same spigot of Washington/Riyadh/Hariri (Welch
Club) money. The March 14th group, but particularly Saad Hariri, is
now calling for the complete destruction of both these Welch Club
creations, as is the Palestinian Authority envoy, Abbas Zaki, who
wants increased recognition for Palestinians and better conditions in
Lebanon for the 420,000 Refugees. Zaki also wants policing authority
for all of the 12 Palestinian camps in Lebanon. The Welch Club objects
to Zaki’s proposal because they fear the Palestinians will become
too powerful and may even demand representation in Parliament!

On May 22, 2006 the Welch club got orders from the White House to pull
the plug on the North Lebanon Sunni army project following the horrific
slaughter of May 20 when it became obvious that the Salafists were out
of control, more interested in fighting Israel than Hezbollah or the
Palestinians, and too many questions were being asked about who they
were, how they got into Lebanon and who arranged and eased their entry
and for details about one of the strangest " bank robberies" ever to
occur. On June 11, 2007, Michel Aoun, leader of the largest group of
Christians in Lebanon demanded a thorough investigation of the whole
Nahr al-Bared conflict and the involvement of the Siniora government.

As recently as May 2007, Al-Akbar (Algeria) reminds us, that the Welch
Club was bad mounting the Lebanese army claiming it was too sympatric
to Hezbollah, had too many Shia in its rank and file and may not be up
to the job of protecting Lebanon, not from Israel of course but from
‘internal dangers’.

The Bush Administration was in no hurry to help the Army. That has
all changed since the events of May 20 and Fatah al-Islam’s attack on
the army which condemned to futility the Northern Sunni Army project.

No way could these compromised Sunni Salafist groups be used by their
sponsors as the catalyst of the Northern Sunni Army, hence the new
US interest in the Army of the Republic of Lebanon.

Hence the Bush administration joined every would-be patriotic group
in Lebanon which supports the army publicly. The Bush administration
speeded up already paid for spare parts and ammunition for the Lebanese
army. In the coming months more than $230 million is to be directed
to Lebanon for the army from Washington with financing available,
not gifts.

The new Bush administration largess for Lebanon’s army should be
kept in perspective and not confused with military and economic aid
to Israel . Over the past 10 years average US aid to Lebanon (mainly
for reconstruction following Israeli attacks with US weapons) has been
approximately $ 33 million per year. Compared with $ 15.1 million per
day to Israel for an annual average of 5.7Billion. Indeed, Israel ,
slightly larger than Lebanon, makes up roughly 0.06% of the Worlds
population but receives more US aid than all of South America, Central
America and Africa (minus Egypt) combined. Of total US foreign aid
to the other 195 countries members of the UN, Israel gets more than a
quarter of the entire US foreign aid budget. Or looked at another way,
each Israeli family receives approximately $ 6,000 in US aid per year,
American families $3,300 and Lebanese families $ 12.

The Palestinians get 29 cents per family.

According to Beirut press reports of 6/12/07, a Lebanese Army official
stated during an interview with the Daily Star, "We (the Lebanese Army)
also suspect that the U.S. is putting pressure on other Western and
Arab countries to not supply us with weapons, and to only provide us
with ammunition and vehicles for logistical support."

He said that a military aid package pledged by Belgium late last year,
which included 45 Leopard-1 tanks, 70 armored personnel carriers and
24 M109 self-propelled guns, had suddenly gone to another country
with no clear explanation from Brussels.

"Officials in Belgium had made the pledge… and we had made all the
needed arrangements before they suddenly changed their minds and said
they sold the weapons to another country," said the official.

A Belgian Ministry of Defense official said June 8 that ´the donation
of equipment was canceled because of the Belgian government’s worries
about the political-military situation in Lebanon" Translation:
The Bush administration worries it may be used against Israel.

The same Bush Administration shackling of the Lebanese army occurred
with the nine French Gazelle attack helicopters donated by the United
Arab Emirates (UAE) which can be seen daily whizzing along the campus
of the American University of Beirut up the coast to Nahr al Bared.

The Gazelles arrived with 20mm machine guns but without HOT
antitank missiles. The Lebanese army states they were told that"
the missiles were not included because they were old and needed
replacing" According to former long time UNIFIL, spokesman, Timur
Goksel, now lecturing at AUB, it’s a simple and quick matter to
stick on the missiles". Nevertheless, without the missiles the LAF
sends the Gazelles into action against Fatah Al-Islam in the Nahr
Al-Bared refugee camp with machine guns, basically to chase snipers
off rooftops.

Many in Lebanon believe that the Lebanese army is being designed by
Washington and Tel Aviv to be an internal Welch Club police force
with the capability to fight the Palestinians or Hezbollah if need
be, but definitely not to be given arms necessary to protect Lebanon
from Israel.

The past three weeks have seen numerous arrests of Palestinians by
the Lebanese army outside of Nahr al Bared and between Tripoli and
Beiut with reports of torture. Human Rights Watch condemned these
practices yesterday and if they don’t cease the Army may lose much
of the goodwill it has been receiving from the public.

Two weeks ago Hezbollah’s Secretary-General Hassan Nassrallah warned
the need to respect a ‘red line’ on attacks on the Army as well as
entry into Nahr al-Bared. Criticized at the time in some quarters,
Nassrallah appears to have been correct in his counsel in light of
the high casualties and humiliation being suffered by the army and
the destruction of al-Bared and civilian casualties.

A just released study by the Fafo Institute for Applied International
Studies focused on the socio-economic profile of Nahr al-Bared and
concluded that approximately "half" of the employed residents of Nahr
al-Bared may lose their jobs and incomes as a result of the conflict.

"Unlike other refugee camps in Lebanon , the majority of the refugees
in Nahr al-Bared worked within the camp," Age A. Tiltnes, the study’s
researcher and Middle East coordinator, reported.

Prior to the conflict, 63 percent of the labor force in Nahr al-Bared
worked inside the camp. The study lists "physical destruction" as
the main difficulty refugees will face when trying to resume their
previous jobs. Two thirds of the businesses will be prevented from
functioning because of the copious destruction: demolished buildings,
including offices, workshops and stores, as well as ruined roads and
a broken sanitation and electricity infrastructure.

"They will have no jobs and no livelihood once they go back," said
Tiltnes, adding that "investments and external help" will be needed to
get the displaced back on their feet. With most of the schools in Nahr
al Bared destroyed, some 5,000 school children are without classrooms
(a third of the residents of al Bared are younger than 15 and nearly
half under 20).

Further fallout from the failed "Sunni army" project includes
increasing evidence that the Bush administration is playing the same
role in Lebanon as it is in Iraq. The Iraqi Shia leader Moktada Sadr
claims the US is behind the sectarian violence in Iraq and the schism
between Iraqi ethnic groups and the country’s economic hardships. He
is calling for a "cultural resistance" against US influences and what
he called the US attack on Islam.

Sadr’s views are resonating in Lebanon where increasingly the various
confessions are realizing that the Bush administrations "great support
for Lebanon’s young Democracy" may be short lived and quickly abandoned
if the Lebanon continues to resist Israel.

In Iraq , where the Islamic Army is one of the strongest and
best-organized Sunni armed groups, responsible for dozens of attacks
on American forces, and at odds with al-Qeada, both groups appear
to have settled their differences and have united against the Bush
administration occupation. It appears quite likely that, despite
yesterdays attack on the Shia Imam el-Askary Mosque Sunni and Shia
groups in Lebanon will be able to avoid continued internecine warfare.

In Lebanon , evidence of Sunni, Shia, and Christian mutual tolerance
was heard in last Sunday’s Sermon (6/10/07) by the Maronite Patriach
Nasrallah Sfeir, in east Beirut.

The Maronite Patriarch sounded conciliatory towards the Muslim
population including Hezbollah, appearing mindful of the positive
Shia-Christian friendship and cooperation which was encouraged
by the vanished Imam, Musa al-Sadr, who worked with the Christian
leadership in the Sidon area, sometimes delivering sermons in Churches
and participating in a Christian wedding. The Maronite Patriach is
aware that during the July 2006 war there were many occasions when
Christians gave refuge to Shia neighbors during the Israeli attacks.

Cases such as in Aita al-Shaab when following days of Israeli artillery
and bombing some of the residents were able to emerge from shelters and
make their way to the nearby Christian village of Rmeish where they
were sheltered. Israel sometimes appears to avoid bombing Christian
villages except in cases like Qana. Shia protection for Christians
includes efforts during the 1860’s Druze massacres of Christians
in the mountains east of Beirut to help the latter move to safety
in South Lebanon, as well as the Shia Fatwa issued at the time of
the Turkish massacres of Armenians in 1906 stating that it was the
religious duty of Muslims to aid and protect the Christians.

One of the lasting impressions of some Americans from the July 2006
war in Lebanon was the site of Muslim Hezbollah soldiers, protecting
Christians seeking shelter, from Israel soldiers and bombs, inside
their Holy Grotto at Qana where according to Christian tradition,
the Virgin Mary asked her son Jesus to make wine for poor villages
who gathered from surrounding villages to watch the event.

Some of us forget the two millennia of close friendships among
all religions in the "northern holy land" of Lebanon where Jesus
frequently visited friends to escape the hostility of the Sarihedrin
to the South and to enjoy the villages and the sea at Tyre and Sidon.

When Pope Benedict spoke with President Bush the other day and
expressed his concern over the safety of Iraq’s Christians, it included
his angst over the 18,000 Iraqi Christians estimated to have been
killed by US bombs and artillery. Many Iraqi Christians are making
their way to Syria and Lebanon given these countries traditions of
religious tolerance.

And the blowback continues….

Franklin Lamb’s recent book, The Price We Pay: A Quarter Century
of Israel’s use of American Weapon’s against Lebanon (1978-2006) is
available at Amazon.com.uk. Hezbollah: A Brief Guide for Beginners is
expected in early summer. Dr. Lamb can be reached at [email protected].

b06152007.html

–Boundary_(ID_LjdHdB3RBpFq/jvWgr2 mIA)–

http://www.counterpunch.org/lam

ANKARA: Call For Talks Amid Turks, Armenians

CALL FOR TALKS AMID TURKS, ARMENIANS

Turkish Daily News, Turkey
June 15 2007

An appeal calling for tolerance, contact and cooperation between
Turks and Armenians, signed by 53 Nobel laureates of various fields,
was issued on April, 9 2007 by The Elie Wiesel Foundation based in
New York. The appeal calls for Armenians and Turks to encourage their
governments to open the Turkish-Armenian border, generate confidence
through civil society cooperation, improve official contacts, allow
basic freedoms and to address the gap in perceptions over the "Armenian
Genocide". On the initiative of The Institute for Armenian Research
of The Center for Eurasian Strategic Studies (ASAM), a reply to the
said appeal was prepared on June, 12 2007 and signed by 86 Turkish
scholars, writers and retired ambassadors the names of whom are to
be found in the appended list. The reply states, in summary, that the
Nobel laureates call was received positively, is viewed as a doorway
facilitating a process of dialogue between the two peoples and that
fostering relations between civil society organizations constitutes
the most appropriate way forward in this regard. Here below the ‘tete
beche’ of both of the statements and the full names of the undersigners

An appeal calling for tolerance, contact and cooperation between
Turks and Armenians, signed by 53 Nobel laureates of various fields,
was issued on April, 9 2007 by The Elie Wiesel Foundation based in
New York. The appeal calls for Armenians and Turks to encourage their
governments to open the Turkish-Armenian border, generate confidence
through civil society cooperation, improve official contacts,
allow basic freedoms and to address the gap in perceptions over the
"Armenian Genocide".

On the initiative of The Institute for Armenian Research of The Center
for Eurasian Strategic Studies (ASAM), a reply to the said appeal was
prepared on June, 12 2007 and signed by 86 Turkish scholars, writers
and retired ambassadors the names of whom are to be found in the
appended list. The reply states, in summary, that the Nobel laureates
call was received positively, is viewed as a doorway facilitating
a process of dialogue between the two peoples and that fostering
relations between civil society organizations constitutes the most
appropriate way forward in this regard. Here below the ‘tete beche’
of both of the statements and the full names of the undersigners.

Nobel Laureates call for tolerance, contact

We, the undersigned Nobel laureates, issue this appeal directly to
the peoples of Turkey and Armenia. Mindful of the sacrifice paid by
Hrant Dink, the ethnic Armenian editor of Agos in Turkey, who was
assassinated on January 19, 2007, and whose death was mourned by both
Turks and Armenians, we believe that the best way to pay tribute to
Mr. Dink is through service to his life’s work safeguarding freedom
of expression and fostering reconciliation between Turks and Armenians.

To these ends, Armenians and Turks should encourage their governments
to:

– Open the Turkish-Armenian border. An open border would greatly
improve the economic conditions for communities on both sides of the
border and enable human interaction, which is essential for mutual
understanding. Treaties between the two countries recognize existing
borders and call for unhampered travel and trade.

– Generate confidence through civil society cooperation. Turks and
Armenians have been working since 2001 on practical projects that
offer great promise in creatively and constructively dealing with
shared problems. The governments should support such efforts by,
for example, sponsoring academic links between Turkish and Armenian
faculty, as well as student exchanges.

– Improve official contacts. Civil society initiatives would be
enhanced by the governments’ decision to accelerate their bilateral
contacts, devise new frameworks for consultation, and consolidate
relations through additional treaty arrangements and full diplomatic
relations.

– Allow basic freedoms. Turkey should end discrimination against ethnic
and religious minorities and abolish Article 301 of the Penal Code,
which makes it a criminal offense to denigrate Turkishness.

Armenia also should reverse its own authoritarian course, allow free
and fair elections, and respect human rights.

Turks and Armenians have a huge gap in perceptions over the Armenian
Genocide. To address this gap, we refer to the 2003 "Legal Analysis on
the Applicability of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide to Events which Occurred
During the Early Twentieth Century," which corroborated findings of
the International Association of Genocide Scholars.

It concluded that, "At least some of the [Ottoman] perpetrators knew
that the consequences of their actions would be the destruction,
in whole or in part, of the Armenians of eastern Anatolia, as such,
or acted purposefully towards this goal and, therefore, possessed the
requisite genocidal intent. The Events can thus be said to include all
the elements of the crime of genocide as defined in the Convention." It
also concluded that, "The Genocide Convention contains no provision
mandating its retroactive application."

The analysis offers a way forward, which addresses the core concerns of
both Armenians and Turks. Of course, coming to terms will be painful
and difficult. Progress will not occur right away. Rather than leaving
governments to their own devices, affected peoples and the leaders of
civil society need to engage in activities that promote understanding
and reconciliation while, at the same time, urging their governments
to chart a course towards a brighter future.

The full list of Nobel Laureates signatories

Peter Agre Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2003) Sidney Altman Nobel Prize,
Chemistry (1989) Philip W. Anderson Nobel Prize, Physics (1977)Kenneth
J. Arrow Nobel Prize, Economics (1972)Richard Axel Nobel Prize,
Medicine (2004)Baruj Benacerraf Nobel Prize, Medicine (1980)Gunter
Blobel Nobel Prize, Medicine (1999)Georges Charpak Nobel Prize,
Physics (1992)Steven Chu Nobel Prize, Physics (1997) J.M. Coetzee
Nobel Prize, Literature (2003)Claude Cohen-Tannoudji Nobel Prize,
Physics (1997)Mairead Corrigan Maguire Nobel Prize, Peace (1976)Robert
F. Curl Jr.

Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1996)Paul J. Crutzen Nobel Prize, Chemistry
(1995)Frederik W. de Klerk Nobel Prize, Peace (1993)Johann Deisenhofer
Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1998)John B. Fenn Nobel Prize, Chemistry
(2002)Val Fitch Nobel Prize, Physics (1980) Jerome I. Friedman
Nobel Prize, Physics (1990)Donald A. Glaser Nobel Prize, Physics
(1960)Sheldon Glashow Nobel Prize, Physics (1979)Roy J. Glauber
Nobel Prize, Physics (2005)Clive W.J. Granger Nobel Prize, Economics
(2003)Paul Greengard Nobel Prize, Medicine (2000)David J. Gross Nobel
Prize, Physics (2004)Roger Guillemin Nobel Prize, Medicine (1977)Dudley
R. Herschbach Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1986)Avram Hershko Nobel Prize,
Chemistry (2004)Roald Hoffman Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1981)Sir Harold
W. Kroto Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1996)Finn E. Kydland Nobel Prize,
Economics (2004)Leon M. Lederman Nobel Prize, Physics (1988)Anthony
J. Leggett Nobel Prize, Physics (2003)Rudolph A. Marcus Nobel Prize,
Chemistry (1992)Daniel L. McFadden Nobel Prize, Economics (2000)Craig
C. Mello Nobel Prize, Medicine (2006)Daniel Kahneman Nobel Prize,
Economics (2002)Eric R. Kandel Nobel Prize, Medicine (2000)Robert
C. Merton Nobel Prize, Economics (1997)Marshall W. Nirenberg
Nobel Prize, Medicine (1968)Sir Paul Nurse Nobel Prize, Medicine
(2001)Douglas D. Osheroff Nobel Prize, Physics (1996)Martin L. Perl
Nobel Prize, Physics (1995)John C. Polanyi Nobel Prize, Chemistry
(1986)Stanley Prusiner Nobel Prize, Medicine (1997)Aaron Klug Nobel
Prize, Chemistry (1982)Edwin G. Krebs Nobel Prize, Medicine (1992)Nobel
Prize, Peace (1996)Richard J.

oberts Nobel Prize, Medicine (1993)Wole Soyinka Nobel Prize, Literature
(1986)Elie Wiesel Nobel Prize, Peace (1986)Betty Williams Nobel Prize,
Peace (1976)Kurt Wuthrich Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2002)

Turkish Scholars and Writers reply the Call

We, the undersigned Turkish scholars and writers, welcome the call of
‘The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity’ issued on April 9, 2007.

We view this call as a doorway to opening a process of dialogue
between Turks and Armenians and as a stepping stone which will work
to keep that door open facilitating the culture of peace to bear
fruit. We would like to state that we are willing to do our part to
make positive contributions to this end.

It can not be refuted that Turks and Armenians have been living closely
together under the Turkish Republic, as was the case during the time
of the Ottoman Empire, as a result of which they have developed common
cultural values. We believe these values may form the basis for the
development of future relations.

We are cognizant of the great suffering endured by the Armenians,
Turks and other peoples residing within the Ottoman Empire as a
result of the tragic events of the First World War, and believe that
all responsible individuals alike must actively engage themselves to
preclude such suffering from being inflicted upon mankind once again.

We are prepared to work constructively to this end. In this regard
it should be noted that while acknowledging the loss incurred by
a certain population it would be unfair to selectively neglect the
irrefutably documented loss of another population residing within the
same geography. We maintain that such dogmatic approaches and disregard
for differing views lay at the root of the ongoing conflict of our day.

We evaluated the proposals expressed in the call issued by The
Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity. We are of the opinion that
increasing mutual confidence by fostering relations between civil
society organizations shall constitute the most constructive way
forward. We believe that the restoration of the Akhdamar Church and
the participation of Turkish alongside Armenian officials to its
opening was rewarding and hope that such contacts shall increase.

Air travel between Turkey and Armenia is open. The many citizens of
the Republic of Armenia residing in Turkey as guest workers carries
with it the potential of cultivating close friendship and ties between
the citizens of both Republics. The border gate between both countries
will surely be opened once those factors which led to it being closed
are removed. No doubt, the clear and official affirmation on the part
of Armenia to the effect that it recognizes the border between the
two countries and does not demand that it be changed shall contribute
to the establishment of official diplomatic relations. That part of
Turkey’s territories is defined as Western Armenia in the Armenian
Declaration of Independence raises concerns regarding Armenia’s
possible future irredentist policies.

Turkey does not evaluate the tragic events of 1915 which befell the
Ottoman Armenians as genocide as defined in the 1948 Convention on
the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. For an event to legally
constitute genocide, a competent court must establish the intent
to kill in whole or in part a national, ethnic, racial or religious
group solely because they were part of that group (dolus specialis).

After evaluating various documents several academics, both Turkish and
foreign, have arrived at the conclusion that the requisite genocidal
intent was not present with respect to the Ottoman Armenians. We
view that differing accounts expressed by a given committee or other
groups on this matter should not be seen as anything other than
the practice of the freedom of expression. We would like to declare
that we are prepared to discuss this issue within the frame of joint
committees together with Armenian historians and all those interested;
we believe that engaging in dialogue is the only way forward to solve
our outstanding problems.

On this point one should not overlook how Turkey officially proposed
to Armenia in April 2005, to establish a Joint History Commission
comprising Turkish, Armenian and third party specialists for the
purpose of conducting historical research on the events prior to
and following 1915. To facilitate this proposal Turkey has made it
known that all its archives have been opened. We have faith that
organizations such as The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity shall
help to establish forums where views can be mutually exchanged and
welcomed whereby the level of tolerance and cooperation called for
can be attained.

TURKISH SCHOLARS AND WRITERS WHO SIGNED THE REPLY

Prof. Dr. Tahsin AKALP Prof. Dr. Secil KL AKGUN Prof. Dr. Þahin AKKAYA
Rtd. Ambassador Gunduz AKTAN Prof. Dr. Ali AKYILDIZ Assoc.

Prof. Dr. Gulþen Seyhan ALIÞIK Prof. Dr. Deniz Ulke ARIBOÐAN Assoc.

Prof. Dr.Yavuz ASLAN Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ýbrahim Ethem ATNUR Prof. Dr.

Yusuf AVCI Prof. Dr. Suheyl BATUM Prof. Dr. Taner BERKSOY Prof. Dr.

Suleyman BEYOÐLU Prof. Dr. Gulay Oðun BEZER Prof. Dr. Ali ATIF BÝR
Prof. Dr. Naz CAVUÞOÐLU Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sadi CAYCI – Prof. Dr.

Mehmet CELÝK Prof. Dr. Kemal CÝCEK Ercan CÝTLÝOÐLU Prof. Dr. Sebahat
DENÝZ Rtd. Ambassador Filiz DÝNCMEN Prof. Dr. Uluð ELDEGEZ Prof. Dr.

Vahdettin ENGÝN Prof. Dr. Ýsmail ERUNSAL Prof. Dr. Yavuz ERCAN Prof.

Dr. Ahmet ETUCE Prof. Dr. Suat GEZGÝN Prof. Dr. Mufit GÝRESUNLU Prof.

Dr. Ufuk GULSOY Prof. Dr. Nurbay GULTEKÝN Prof. Dr. S. Selcuk GUNAY
Prof. Haluk GURGEN Prof. Dr. Erhan GUZEL Prof. Dr. Yusuf HALLACOÐLU
Assoc. Prof. Dr.Oðuz ÝCÝMSOY Prof. Dr. Mucteba ÝLGUREL Dr. Erdal
ÝLTER Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet ÝNBAÞI Assoc. Prof. Dr.Kamer KASIM
Prof. Dr. Fahri KAYADÝBÝ Prof. Dr. Mustafa KECER Prof. Dr. Selami
KILIC Assoc. Prof. Dr. Murat KOC Prof. Dr. Enver KONUKCU Prof. Dr.

Kemalettin KOROÐLU Prof. Dr. Nuri KOSTUKLU Prof. Zekeriya KURÞUN
Assoc. Prof. Dr.Sedat LACÝNER Rtd. Ambassador Faruk LOÐOÐLU Rtd.

Ambassador Omer Engin LUTEM Prof. Dr. Nurþen MAZICI Prof. Dr. Hasan
MERÝC Prof. Dr. Ozcan MERT Rtd. Ambassador Tansu OKANDAN Prof. Dr.

Besim OZCAN Prof. Dr. Hikmet OZDEMÝR Prof. Dr. Necdet OZTURK Prof.

Dr. Nihat OZTOPRAK Prof. Dr. Bayram OZTURK Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bilgehan
PAMUK Prof. Dr. Mesut PARLAK Assoc. Prof. Dr. Said POLAT Prof. Dr.

Omer Asým SACLI Prof. Dr. Huseyin SALMAN Prof. Dr. Gunay SARIYAR
Assoc. Prof. Dr.Sema SOYGENÝÞ Assoc. Prof. Dr.Orhan SOYLEMEZ Rtd.

Ambassador Omer ÞAHÝNKAYA Prof. Dr. Hale ÞIVGIN Rtd. Ambassador Bilal
N. ÞÝMÞÝR Prof. Dr. Ahmet ÞÝMÞÝRGÝL Rtd. Ambassador Pulat TACAR Prof.

Dr. Mehmet Þukru TEKBAÞ E. Buyukelci Sanlý TOPCUOÐLU Prof. Dr. Korkut
TUNA Prof. Dr. Muammer UÐUR Prof. Dr. Sema UÐURCAN Prof. Dr. Þafak
URAL Rtd. Ambassador Necati UTKAN Prof. Dr. Mustafa Cetin VARLIK
Prof. Dr. Halil YANARDAÐ Prof. Dr. Þenay YALCIN Prof. Dr. Emine
YAZICIOÐLU Prof. Dr. Ýbrahim YUSUFOÐLU Rtd. Ambassador Erhan

–Boundary_(ID_TPBGh2d5uofJ5DBhCu43gA)–

Order of St Sahak-St. Mesrop to Radik Martirosian, V. Barkhudarian

PRESS RELEASE
Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, Information Services
Address:  Vagharshapat, Republic of Armenia
Contact:  Rev. Fr. Ktrij Devejian
Tel:  +374-10-517163
Fax:  +374-10-517301
E-Mail:  [email protected]
Website: 
June 14, 2007

Order of Saint Sahak – Saint Mesrop Granted to Radik Martirosian and
Vladimir Barkhudarian

On June 8, His Holiness Karekin II, Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All
Armenians, granted the Order of Saint Sahak – Saint Mesrop to two lay
members of the Supreme Spiritual Council in recognition for their
achievements in the field of academia, their support of the mission of the
Church and their many contributions to the nation.

Dr. Radik Martirosian, President of the National Academy of Sciences, and
Mr. Vladimir Barkhudarian, Vice President of the National Academy of
Sciences, were awarded with the medal named after Catholicos Saint Sahak
Parthev and Saint Mesrop Mashtots.

The awards ceremony took place in the Pontifical Residence of the Mother See
of Holy Etchmiadzin, presided by His Holiness Karekin and in the presence of
high-ranking clergymen, and families, friends and associates of the
honorees.

During the evening’s program, fellow academicians of the honorees addressed
the gathering, and the Pontifical Encyclicals granting the medals were read.

Both Martirosian and Barkhudarian expressed their words of gratitude to His
Holiness for bestowing them with this high honor, following which the
Pontiff of All Armenians addressed his message of blessing to the attendees
and congratulations to the two honorees.

The program concluded with a selection of classical pieces of European and
Armenian music.

www.armenianchurch.org

Armenia’s New Government Much Like The Old

ARMENIA’S NEW GOVERNMENT MUCH LIKE THE OLD
Marianna Grigoryan

EurasiaNet, NY
June 12 2007

Armenia has a new government. Despite early hints from Prime Minister
Serzh Sarkisian that the cabinet’s composition would diversify,
the makeup looks set to reinforce the ruling Republican Party of
Armenia’s political weight.

The news came as no surprise: ministerial portfolios were distributed
among the three political parties with the most seats in Armenia’s
recently convened parliament, with the Republican Party, which won
nearly one-third of the May 12 vote, holding 11 of the 17 posts.

The Prosperous Armenia Party and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation
(ARF), which trailed the Republicans to a second and third-place
finish, received three posts each. Prosperous Armenia will hold the
portfolios for health, urban development and sports, while the ARF
will oversee education, agriculture and labor and social affairs.

Meanwhile, opposition leaders denounced the Constitutional Court’s
decision June 10 not to hear an appeal brought by four parties seeking
the annulment of parliamentary election results. [For background see
the Eurasia Insight archive]. Two opposition parties, Country of Law
and Heritage, have not yet clarified whether or not they will take
their seats in the new parliament, which convened on June 7.

Prime Minister Sarkisian described the new government, appointed by
President Robert Kocharian on June 8, as combining "experience with
the aspirations and desires of new people."

"In the areas where we have achieved success, where it is seen that
there is still energy, the area’s heads will stay," Sarkisian said
at the June 11 presentation of the government. "And in the agencies
where the need for change is obvious, there will be changes."

New ministers, however, were appointed in only six out of 17
ministries, including health, urban development, sports and youth
affairs, trade and economic development, justice, and environment.

Minister of Local Government Hovik Abrahamian, who is known as a
close associate of President Robert Kocharian, was appointed deputy
prime minister.

Sarkisian earlier suggested that the new government would contain
"significant" changes, telling reporters on June 4 that "[t]here
would be some things that perhaps have never existed in our political
culture." Those comments prompted some local media outlets to speculate
that opposition parties might be invited to join the government in
an effort to muzzle their criticism of government policies.

Some analysts refused to buy into the notion of opposition leaders
taking over cabinet portfolios. "The talk that certain opposition
members would get positions was absurd from the outset," scoffed
political analyst Suren Sureniants, a member of the political council
of the opposition Republic Party. "Horses are not changed during
a race."

Sureniants, and other local observers, contend that the 2007
parliamentary elections were a de facto first round for next year’s
presidential election, a race in which Prime Minister Sarkisian has
announced his intention to take part. "Now he will try to consolidate
the system, for which the status quo was preserved in order to ensure
his victory," said Sureniants, referring to Sarkisian. "Only if it
happens, will it become clear whether Serzh [Sarkisian] is capable
of making reforms or not."

One of the few cabinet changes that attracted attention was the
replacement of former Environment Minister Vardan Ayvazian, who
has been embroiled in several scandals related to corruption and
the awarding of mining licenses to relatives. Though losing his
ministerial post, Ayvazian was appointed chairman of parliament’s
Committee on Standing Economic Affairs.

Perhaps with an eye to next year’s presidential vote, both Sarkisian
and fellow pro-government political leaders stress that the new
government will prove sensitive to popular demands. "I think we should
all periodically move on to another area of work in order for those
following us to bring new ideas, and for vigor not to decrease,"
Sarkisian said.

Editor’s Note: Marianna Grigoryan is a reporter for the online daily
ArmeniaNow in Yerevan.

NKR: You Have To Be Ready For War If You Want Peace

YOU HAVE TO BE READY FOR WAR IF YOU WANT PEACE

Azat Artsakh Daily, Republic of Nagorno Karabakh [NKR]
11-06-2007

Interview with the NKR Minister of Defense, Lieutenant-General Movses
Hakobian. AA: Do the militaristic statements by Azerbaijan worry you?
Movses Hakobian: We know the war will start at the very moment when the
political and military leadership of Azerbaijan is sure that their
force is stronger. The Azerbaijani high-ranking officials state their
military expenditure exceeds our state budget. These statements are
obviously for internal consumption because the size of military
expenditure does not guarantee success. During the war Karabakh was in
blockade, there was no bread to eat, we did not have weapon, but we won
the war. Today we have an army armed with modern weapons, the air force
is upgraded every day, a powerful engineering system is set up at the
border. The Azerbaijani army outnumbers our army but our army is ready
to counteract through all the possible ways, and in case Azerbaijan
wages a war, it will be beaten. AA: What will be primary for the
minister of defense? Movses Hakobian: Certainly, balance among the
armies of the region. AA: What is your vision of the army in the
nearest future? Movses Hakobian: Better prepared, equipped with modern
weapons and equipment. I think the social state of the service
personnel is also highly important. We have to confess in the post-war
years we had to focus on armament and equipment, military
infrastructures, and now we have shortcomings in the social security of
the personnel, especially conscripts. We have made considerable efforts
in the past few years but it is not enough. I think every effort is
appreciation and gratitude for the contribution of the people who
fought in the war and now serve in the army. Of course, the social
problems of the families of killed azatamartiks are primary, which is
also important for the education of the new generation. AA: Which is
the most important lesson for Lieutenant-General Movses Hakobian?
Movses Hakobian: The most important lesson is that there must be no
war, and as a general, as a minister of defense, all of us should work
towards peace, but peace is possible if the army is strong and
effective. There is a saying: `it you want peace, be ready for war.’
The minister of defense was brought up in a traditional Armenian family
and decided to become military when he visited Chardakhlu, the native
village of Marshal Baghramian and Marshal Babajanian in the ninth
grade. He studied at the military college in Alma Ata and served in
Afghanistan, which gave him the right to serve at home, the 366th
regiment of Stepanakert. He hardly avoided trial for helping the
azatamartiks ` the `Afghani’ background and the Medal of Red Star
helped him. Then he led a squad of volunteers during the military
actions.

AA.
11-06-2007

Heritage: Raffi Hovannisian Responds to Media Questions

PRESS RELEASE
The Heritage Party
31 Moscovian Street
Yerevan, Armenia
Tel.: (+374 – 10) 53.69.13
Fax: (+374 – 10) 53.26.97
Email: [email protected]; [email protected]
Website:

June 9, 2007

RAFFI HOVANNISIAN RESPONDS…

Yerevan–Excerpted below are Heritage Party chairman Raffi K.
Hovannisian’s replies to questions received recently from various
Armenian news agencies.

1. How effective will the new coalition government be, especially
against the background of widespread violations of the fundamental
principles of a rule-of-law state?

–It is still early to offer a substantiated response. A healthy
foundation will support effective work; a partisan basis will beget
parochial politics-as-usual.

2. How would you evaluate the lack of solemnity, one might even say
the theatricality of the National Assembly’s first session?

–Heritage was not present. The ultimate assessment belongs to the
nation.

3. When does the Heritage fraction of Parliament plan to report to
work? How would you interpret the pedantic statements made to the
state media by Tigran Torosyan about Heritage’s lack of a legal
motivation–and political experience–for its non-participation in the
first session?

–I have no desire to answer the honorable Mr. Torosyan point by
point. Let me simply say that the characterizations attributed to him
by the media do not reflect the true spirit and substance of our
telephone conversation.

We have already publicized Heritage’s letter to him. For us and our
brand of politics both the legal and the moral underpinnings are
essential and inalienable. First, pursuant to the National Assembly’s
rules and regulations, we were obliged to give advance notice to the
Speaker of the impossibility of our participation and the reasons
therefor. If there is a more appropriate addressee, as the gentleman
seems to believe, let it be known and we will happily resend our
letter of notification.

Second, on the issue of the timing of the first session, reference is
being made to the Constitution and the National Assembly’s rules, but
nobody seems to want to note that neither of these documents makes
mention of June 7. On the contrary, an elementary mathematical
addition of the Thursdays referred to therein results in a clear
determination of May 31. If the relevant state body–whichever one it
is–makes a capricious interpretation and changes the date for the
first session, then at the very least it must give due notice of that
change, however unconstitutional it might be. Rumors, presumptions,
and press comments are not official methods of notice in a lawful,
democratic, and sovereign state. This is not to mention the lack of
information as to the time and means for receipt of the parliamentary
credentials as well as a variety of other organizational shortcomings.
At the bottom of all this is the imperative of dignity for the
Republic, its citizens and public servants.

And, finally, the validity of the parliamentary elections is currently
at issue before the Constitutional Court. It is precisely on the basis
of jurisprudence, ethics and, yes, political science that Heritage has
considered and made its civic decision to wait until the Court’s
verdict and not, by our conduct, to prejudice it. All other
insinuations, judgmental diatribes, and sponsored gossip are worthy of
a banana republic, but should have no place in our country.

www.heritage.am

Interview with Playwright Berge Zeituntsyan

Armenian Dramatic Arts Alliance
20 Concord Lane, Cambridge MA 02138
617 871 6764

Contact: Nachu Muthu- 617 871 6764
[email protected]
g

INTERVIEW WITH PROMINENT ARMENIAN PLAYWRIGHT BERGE ZEITUNTSYAN by
Bianca Bagatourian

On Aug, 13, 14, 15th, 2007, the Armenian Dramatic Arts Alliance
(ADAA) will hold their Second Annual ADAA/Fountain Theatre Armenian
Play Reading Series at the Fountain Theatre in Hollywood’s
Little
Armenia. This year, they will be presenting the plays of Berge
Zeituntsyan, one of the leading contemporary playwrights in Armenia
today. The plays will feature prominent Armenian actors of the stage
and screen including Michael Goorjian, Magda Harut, David Hedison,
Karen Kondazian, Buck Kartalian, Greg Zarian, Anahid Shahrik and
more. (For tickets, call the Fountain Theatre box office) Mr.
Zeituntsyan writes commentaries, short stories, novels and plays. He
frequently contributes to the press on issues of current concern.
This interview was conducted with Mr. Zeituntsyan when he was
recently visiting Los Angeles in April.

Do you think drama is important to Armenia in the present and in the
future and how does it differ with other genres like fiction?

Playwriting is vital. It is important to communicate with a live
audience of 300-400 people. The playwright can instantly touch on
painful subjects. He takes the pulse of the society. And it is
immediate. Particularly as you have only 60-70 pages in a play as
opposed to a novel that goes on for 500 pages.
Why is playwriting not a popular form in Armenia? We have very few
playwrights compared to novelists and poets.

Because we haven’t had a State. And not too many professional

actors, Just one or two. Adamian, Papzian. They were stars. The rest
were amateurs. There wasn’t much of civic culture so theaters
did
not exist and there wasn’t the economic support for dramas to be

written. This really didn’t develop until the Soviet Period when
the
tradition really took off.

Did any of the 19th century Armenian playwrights influence your work?

Shakespeare.
And your favorite play?

Hamlet. I like that play because it so open for interpretation. There

are many possibilities. For example, To be or not to be, can be
interpreted in many different ways. I also love Chekov. Especially
The Three Sisters.

I can see obvious influences of Beckett and Ionesco in your work.
Were they not also available to other writers?

I tried to self-educate. I read books which weren’t readily
available in Armenia. I think it is very important for people to look

outside their narrow sphere of existence and look beyond. This helps
them to write through a world perspective. Checkov and Maupassant.
That is how I educated myself in a more European fashion. No writer
should stay in the narrow confines of his own environment. He should
be writing in a world context as opposed to the one he lives in.
What inspires you?

Life. Reality. My wife and my children. I have to say that!

You write in such different veins. Your new play, Jesus of Nazareth,
is in a realistic strain compared to Born and Died and The Saddest of

Sad Men which are more absurd. Is it easy for you to switch back and
forth stylistically?

Usually writers write in fiction form first and then turn it into
drama. But I do the contrary. Why? Because as a playwright, when I
see on stage the performance of my play, I learn a great deal more
about myself and my characters. Then I can perfect them and the
piece. When I finish a play, I like to work with the same people.
Usually, directors don’t like to have the writer looking over
their
shoulder, but I have three directors which I choose to work with
regularly and they allow this because they realize it is a
collaborative effort. They realize I am there to learn too. Sometimes

the directors will suggest a change and I will disagree. Usually, in
this way, I fine tune the play but I don’t make too many
changes.
For example in Jesus of Nazareth, the directors suggested that I
should add two monologues and so I found two themes from the book
`World Mythology’ and after adding monologues based on
these
themes, I realized that it did make the piece much richer. This is a
sly maneuver for a playwright. To have the opportunity to watch the
performance before others and improve it.
What is the favorite play that you have ever written?

The Legend of the Destroyed City. It is a historical play set in the
fourth century and it begins with a tourist who goes to Europe. A
guide shows him a free city with no laws where anyone can do as they
like. This made me think that in the time of Arshak the king, in the
fourth century, we had just such a city. Armenia was surrounded by
the Byzantines on one side and the Persians on the other. The king
was weak so he made a city for the lawbreakers where everyone could
do as they pleased. This made him a stronger king. Everyone was
equal. But, slowly the city of Arshakavan became very corrupt.
Corruption entered the city and that was the reason for it’s
downfall. He was a harsh king but he was ahead of his time in mind
but not in spirit and this tension between the two is what brought
about his downfall. This is also made very clear in this play.
Are you working on any new plays now?

I’m thinking about some. About what to do. Armenia is in
transition
now. There’s a Chinese saying, `If you want to harm
anyone, make
them live in transition.’ So, we are in a bad situation now.
Society
is not sitting around and waiting for the next play. The demand for
writers has diminished. In the Soviet period, they would publish tens

of thousands of copies of a new play. Now, the regular run is five
hundred. There is economic difficulty. And material values have now
become the priority and spiritual values have taken a back seat. All
this doesn’t mean that the Soviet time was better. In some
areas,
some things were better. There was a certain stability and now it is
in this state of transition. It was a narrow path and the new path is

not yet created. So, there was more culture in that time.
Let me say something amazing. Armenia, compared to most of the other
republics, had more freedom under Soviet rule. Unfinished Monologue
was produced in Soviet times, pre-Perestroika. When they went to
perform it in Kiev, the people there were astonished that this was
allowed. There was obviously a more controlled structure in the Ukraine.
Have you ever thought of leaving Armenia?

No. I feel every writer must live on his own soil. No matter how bad
the situation. He must be there to feel the situation. Armenian
culture and scholarship is centered in Armenia and that is where it
grows.

We are very pleased to be presenting three of your plays in August at

the Fountain Theatre in Hollywood and we hope you will be able to
come back and see them.

It is difficult. But Born and Died, one of those plays you are
presenting, has never been produced anywhere so this will be a world
Premier at the Fountain Theatre. Out of the eleven plays that I have
written, this is the only one that has never been produced. The other

play you are presenting, The Saddest of Sad Men, had it’s first

performance in Armenian in 1974 and had it’s last performance in

Arabic in Egypt in 1991. This is the one play that has been
translated in the most languages, even in Hungarian. In addition to
that play, there is also a novella that goes with it which has been
translated into French. The third play, Unfinished Monologue is about

corruption in the system. This was of course, met with a lot of
opposition, until now. It was once printed in the Soviet newspaper
that Berge Zeytunstyan was a secret agent for Anglo European
literature sent to infiltrate us. If this was in Stalin’s time,
this
kind of remark could have finished me off.
I was particularly taken with Born and Died. Was this play a metaphor

of the oppression that Armenia was under?

How should I know! People are always asking me questions about what
does this mean or what is that. It is whatever you want it to be. You

must not ask a writer such questions. And don’t always believe
what
they say either. This play was written for Vigen Chaldranyan. And
Mickael Boghosian was in my mind too. Chaldranian suggested I write
something using a monologue of Gogol and I thought it might be
interesting to write a play which would be a rehearsal of this work
of Gogol’s monologue. Although, later I thought it would also
have
been interesting to have them rehearse a straight play and contrast
it with the absurd reality of life. So life would be absurd and the
play would be reality. The play would be more reasonably logical.
This was an experimental play.At the end, there is resolution. We see

their fundamental differences are resolved.

Is there a dream play you wish to write?

Oh, there are a lots and lots of things I want to write. There
aren’t enough theaters to produce them. Currently, three of my
plays
are in repertoire and a fourth would be too much. There aren’t

enough theaters to write for. My plays are performed quite often,
from 1979 until now. All Rise, Court Is In Session, has been done
every year in the Sundukian Theater. In the dramatic theater, The
Great Silence has been performed since 1983. This one is also a great

crowd pleaser I’ve been very lucky!.
Can you name some other leading playwrights in Armenia?

Gourgen Khanjian, Anahit Aghassarian, Garine Khoudikian. Aghassi
Ayvazian is best, not as a playwright, but as a novelist. Writers
don’t like to say nice things about each other. The book by
Peter
Cowe and Nishan Parlakian, Modern Armenian Drama, covers pretty much
most of the playwrights in Armenia today.

What would be your advise for other playwrights in Armenia?

I have tried to teach at the Institute of Theatrical Arts and
introduce a course of dramaturgy. I like to do workshops mainly. Two
of my students, Hasmig and Mariam, are now working in Moscow. I would

suggest they read anything they like to read. And to look outside
their own sphere.

Thank you very much, Mr. Zeituntsyan, it has been an honor and a
pleasure.
THE END

Bianca Bagatourian is a playwright and president and co-founder of
the Armenian Dramatic Arts Alliance. ,

www.armeniandrama.or
www.armeniandrama.org
www.biancabagatourian.com

In Brian Fall’s Words, Current Document On Nagorno Karabakh Problem

IN BRIAN FALL’S WORDS, CURRENT DOCUMENT ON NAGORNO KARABAKH PROBLEM CREATES VERY REALISTIC OPPORTUNITY IN RESPECT OF REACHING AGREEMENT

Noyan Tapan
Jun 08 2007

YEREVAN, JUNE 8, NOYAN TAPAN. The document submitted for the
negotiations being conducted between Armenia and Azerbaijan over
Nagorno Karabakh settlement creates very realistic opportunities in
the respect of reaching an agreement. Brian Fall, representative
of United Kingdom to the South Caucasus, expressed such opinion
in his conversation with Samvel Mkrtchian, head of RA mission in
NATO. Quotting the Potsdam May 30 statement of G-8 Foreign Ministers,
he stressed that the international community expects serious progress
in the negotiations.

According to RA Justice Ministry, as Mr Fall affirmed, settlement of
NKR conflict will inevitably contribute to formation of the South
Caucasian region as a political unit, will promote united economic
progress.

Details of Armenia-NATO cooperation, current and future programs were
also presented to Mr Fall.

Grandmaster Plots Strategy Against Putin’s ‘Deadly’ Regime

GRANDMASTER PLOTS STRATEGY AGAINST PUTIN’S ‘DEADLY’ REGIME
by Sebastian Smith

The Australian (Australia)
All-round Country Edition
June 6, 2007 Wednesday

GARRY Kasparov is running an hour late. But when he finally appears,
exuding nervous energy, the chess genius turned Kremlin opponent
sounds like a man with no time to lose.

"We have a chance to save the country," he declares. "This regime is
deadly. The regime survives, the country dies."

On the eve of the Group of Eight summit starting in Germany today,
Kasparov urged world powers to join his campaign against Russia’s
President Vladimir Putin, whom he likened to the rulers of Belarus
or Zimbabwe.

"Putin can’t be treated as the leader of a free country," Kasparov,
44, says at his Moscow office, 1.6km from Red Square. The West "must
draw a line in the sand".

Many in Russia see this small, compact man with bushy eyebrows as,
at best, a quixotic figure.

Judging by polls indicating widespread support for Putin, Kasparov’s
crusade to prevent Putin from easing a successor into the Kremlin in
the March 2008 presidential elections looks doomed. Putin recently
scoffed at Kasparov’s opposition coalition, the Other Russia,
as marginal.

Yet in Russia’s strangely unbalanced political landscape, the chess
grandmaster has emerged as the most prominent opposition leader in
the country.

Young Putin supporters dressed in white coats may hound Kasparov
as a lunatic, but the Kremlin appears genuinely rattled and Western
capitals are watching closely.

Born to Armenian and Jewish parents in what was Soviet Azerbaijan,
Kasparov ruled world chess for two decades before retiring in 2005
to focus on Russian politics, which he already knew as a supporter
of Boris Yeltsin in the 1990s.

He concedes Other Russia is small, weak and poorly financed.

"For our organisation, political survival — and for some members
not only political survival — is a major issue," he says.

The Kremlin has de facto control over almost all television and vast
security forces, including the OMON riot police used in vast numbers
against tiny Other Russia protest marches. But in such weakness
Kasparov sees possibilities that might seem fanciful were they not
from the mind of an undeniably great strategist. The inability so far
of Russia’s fragmented opposition to unite around a single candidate
for next year’s presidential election is good, he says.

"When you are facing overwhelming force — again, that’s my chess
experience — you don’t want to simplify your position. You don’t
want to make it plain," he says.

"You want to keep it complicated because any mistake that cannot be
reversed could blow you off the board."

Kasparov and his activists have faced police beatings or arrest while
trying to hold peaceful demonstrations. Many have been detained or
prevented from travelling even before reaching protests.

"They’re stepping up the pressure on us," Kasparov says. "It’s a
nightmare and not everyone can keep up. We have reports of people
giving in."

Several bodyguards accompany him everywhere in Russia, even in Moscow.

His wife and seven-month-old daughter live in New York.

"Not that you can protect yourself against a real assassination
attempt but, still, that creates extra problems," he says.

"The rule here is that there are no rules. No rules is a rule, too."