According To Heads Of "Alt" And "Lori" Television Companies, Regiona

ACCORDING TO HEADS OF "ALT" AND "LORI" TELEVISION COMPANIES, REGIONAL TELEVISION COMPANIES ARE MORE INDEPENDENT THAN ONES IN CAPITAL

Noyan Tapan
Aug 2, 2007

YEREVAN, AUGUST 2, NOYAN TAPAN. In comparison with the television
companies operating in Yerevan, regional ones are regarded as more
independent. This point of view was expressed by Narine Avetisian,
the Head of the "Lori" television company in the Lori region, and
Khachik Danielian, the Head of the "ALT" television company in the
Armavir region, at the press conference, which was held on August
2. It was mentioned that the operation principles of the regional
television companies are the same: to mainly touch upon the economic
and social problems of the region.

According to Narine Avetisian, the incomes of the regional television
companies are mainly a result of advertisements and commercial
ether hours, as for financial problems, they arise only during the
implementation of new series of programs.

It should also be mentioned that the "Lori" television company
has been operating since 1995, 16 hours every day, and the "ALT"
TV company since 1989, 15 hours a day.

Turkish General Staff Wants Secular President

TURKISH GENERAL STAFF WANTS SECULAR PRESIDENT

PanARMENIAN.Net
01.08.2007 15:19 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Turkish military repeats its view for a secular
president on the eve of the presidential elections. The government has
no intention to reply the military’s concerns Late Monday, Turkey’s
powerful military stated they have not changed their demand for a
president secular not in words but in deeds – a move which could
re-escalate the tension between the government and the Turkish Armed
Forces (TSK).

"We are still behind what we said on April 12. There is no change on
that," Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, Chief of General Staff, told reporters
late Monday on the occasion of a Turkish Cypriot Armed Forces’ Day
reception. This was Gen. Buyukanit’s first comment after the general
elections in which votes for the ruling Justice and Development Party
(AKP) increased by 12 points from five years ago.

The military warned the government on April 12 and 27 to be sensitive
in electing a president who upholds the secular values of the
country. Following the military’s e-memo posted on the official
website the day of the first round of presidential elections, the
ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) failed in electing their
candidate, Abdullah Gul, whose wife wearing headscarf.

Buyukanit’s words are a clear sign that the military will not change
its stance despite the outcome of the general elections. The AKP
increased its votes and many argued that the reason of the increase
was the military’s interference in politics. I don’t share this idea,
said Buyukanit.

Abdullah Gul signaled his candidacy and the Nationalist Movement Party
(MHP) declared that they wouldn’t block the presidential election
rounds. The AKP has the chance to elect Gul in the third round where
276 votes are sufficient. The presidential election process will
start mid Aug. and must be completed within 30 days. Otherwise the
Parliament risks being dissolved and having a new round the general
elections, the Turkish Daily news reports.

According to the Turkish Constitution, the President is elected by the
parliament. If it fails three times, pre-term parliamentary elections
are organized. The AKP, however, proposed to elect the head of the
state via a national vote.

Iran’s Film Industry

IRAN’S FILM INDUSTRY
By Hina Al-Omeir

Asharq Alawsat (The Middle East), UK
July 31 2007

London, Asharq Al-Awsat- Iranian cinema has been proving its worth as
a flourishing film industry since the early 1990’s. To many, it is
regarded a phenomenon. Some critics even contend that its influence
on international film is akin to that of the French New Wave, which
rose to prominence in the 1950’s and 60’s. Others laud it as the best
exporter of cinema, with a significance warranting a comparison to
German Cinema in the 1970’s and the Cinema of Hong Kong in the 1980’s
and 90’s.

Today, Iranians have a growing presence in international film
festivals. Iranian films bravely rival other cinematic works of art
for the grand prize.

In this article, we attempt to answer the questions: How was Iran’s
film industry able to rise to such glory? How was it able to become so
internationally popular despite its humble technical capabilities and
the state’s stringent censorship regulations which dictate everything
from how women are to dress in films and other minor details, to the
typical taboos of sex, religion, and politics? This question can only
be answered by briefly recounting Iran’s cinematic beginnings and by
listing its most prominent names.

Iran’s film industry can be traced back to the year 1900, when the
then shah of Persia, Mozaffar Al-Din Shah, returned from a trip to
Europe and obtained the first camera to enter Iran. In the year 1904,
the first movie theatre opened in Tehran. Despite the very early
start of cinema-going in Iran, the first Persian movie was only
released in 1930 by the name of "Avi ba Rabi" by Ovanes Ohanian,
an Armenian-Iranian director.

Early Persian films were influenced by Indian cinema. They soon,
however, developed a style of their own. In the 1960s, there was
increasing pressure from the state to follow modernist approaches to
cinema, and to make Iran appear enlightened and Western-friendly. A
new wave of directors soon emerged. These young directors experimented
with new methods of filmmaking, and were not afraid of criticism. One
of the era’s most important films is "The Cow" which was directed by
Dariush Mehrjui in 1969. This film, which was shot in its entirety
in an Iranian village, introduced the cinematic style of "realism,"
which builds on Italy’s "neorealism" and would later be used by Iran’s
most notable directors.

There are a number of characteristics that make Italian neorealism
distinct. First of all, it usually follows the lives of the
impoverished and the working class. It is also characterized by
long shots on location. At times the whole movie would be shot
exclusively on location, usually a village, a poor neighborhood or
the countryside. It is also generally filmed with nonprofessional
actors in supporting roles and sometimes even lead roles. The realism
of life is often emphasized in these films, and most scenes consist
of people running fairly mundane errands. This particular film "The
Cow", however, was banned from screening during the reign of the Shah,
because it, according to censors, did not live up to Iran’s new modern
image. Mehrjui managed to flee Iran and the film was shown at the
Venice Film Festival in 1971 and met with wide critical acclaim.

Iranian cinema remained to produce films of high-quality till the
mid-1970’s. Bahram Beizai’s "Gharibe va Meh" [The Stranger and the
Fog], a 1975 film, is probably one of the most notable films of that
era. This, however, dramatically subsided until the revolution took
place. When it did in 1978, everything cinema-related changed. The
whole prospect of "Cinema" was shunned, as it was seen as a symbol
of the Shah’s regime and of Western influences. Soon, over 180
theatres were burnt down, and over 400 people were deliberately
wounded or killed in an Abadan cinema. These circumstances, along
with state-imposed censorship whose boundaries remain uncertain, have
led female filmmakers and actresses to flee the scene. Despite this,
many notable films were made in the early eighties. One such film was
Bahram Beizai’s "Charike-ye Târâ"[The Ballad of Tara], 1980, another
was Marg-e Yazdgerd [Death of Yazdgerd] by said filmmaker, 1982, both
were banned in Iran. By the mid-1980’s, the state’s attitude towards
filmmaking changed. It began to encourage local art and filmmaking.

State-imposed censorship and banning was nevertheless still rampant.

In my opinion, its history and bold insistence to make films in spite
of such thorny circumstances, while still attempting to circumvent
censorship is what made Iran’s film industry so distinctive and one
of the most successful film industries in the world, particularly
since the 1990’s.

If we were to divide the lot of Iran’s most prominent directors into
sections according to cinematic generation, we would get a generous
list of inspirational directors who left a unique mark on Iranian
cinema as we know it today. Although most of them espoused neo-realism,
each director had his own distinctive style of filmmaking.

Two main figures are crucial to the discussion of Iran’s second
generation of filmmakers, Mohsen Makhmalbaf and Abbas Kiarostami. In
1979, Makhmalbaf decided to take up writing screenplays full-time upon
being released from prison, which he was in on account of joining an
extremist group and killing a police officer (in self defense). One
of his early works "Boycott", 1985 was widely believed to be a
story based on his own experiences. The irony of the situation was
that Majid Majidi played Makhmalbaf in the play, only to become a
prominent director himself in the future. Boycott was followed by
"The Bicyclist," 1987, and "The Marriage of the Blessed," 1989,
which told the story of soldiers and their suffering in post-war
Iran. Makhmalbaf’s films usually promoted messages that criticized
the society. In 1989 he began filming "Once Upon a Time, Cinema"
in which he expressed his love for cinema. Films such as "Actor"
1993 and "Hello Cinema" 1995 ensued.

Soon, what critics described as Makhmalbaf’s best work to date came
out. "Gabbeh" [Persian rug] was the film that made Makhmalbaf an
international name. It was a film devoid of Makhmalbaf’s usual social
criticism and was instead a reflective one. It tells the story of an
elderly married couple who buy a beautiful Persian rug. As they spread
the rug on the ground, a young girl magically appears whose name is
"Gabbeh." The movie follows her story as she narrates it to the elderly
couple. It is a human story of love and life. It garnered Makhmalbaf
many international awards and was one of the most celebrated Iranian
films. "A Moment of Innocence"1996, and "The Silence" 1998 followed.

The film that garnered most critical acclaim, and the Federico Fellini
Prize from Paris, was "Kandahar." Critics believe the film’s timing
was a decisive factor for the win. The film came out following the
9/11 attacks on America, and showed the world who the Afghans were,
how they lived, and how Afghan women suffered at the hands of the
Taliban. The beauty of it lays in the fact that it was not judging
Afghan society so much as it was just conveying the hard cold
truth. The film is set in Afghanistan during the rule of the Taliban.

Like other Iranian films, it is partly true and partly fictional. It
tells the story of a female Afghan refugee in Canada who travels to
Afghanistan upon receiving a letter from her sister, who was left
behind, that she is utterly depressed and intends to commit suicide.

She then goes on a quest to reach Kandahar and save her sister. On
her way she goes from one guide to another, each with their own
story to tell. She also reminded herself that, if caught, she must
pretend to be each guide’s sister, wife or mother. With this film,
Makhmalbaf tapped into a virgin film locale, Afghanistan. This soon
led up-and-coming Iranian directors such as Yassamin Maleknasr,
Abolfazl Jalali, Siddiq Barmak, and Makhmalbaf’s own daughter Sameera
to follow in his lead and make films about Afghanistan.

What set this film apart; however, was Makhmalbaf’s famed use of
symbolism and metaphors as well as his heartrending scenes. One of
the most surreal and unforgettable scenes to me was when a helicopter
dropped artificial limbs on parachutes and a mob of men on clutches
limply ran to the landing zone. This was a part no one could forget.

–Boundary_(ID_pYC/D47zNm9KL2dc0/pwYA)–

Residents Of "Last Armenian Village" Of Turkey Also Vote For AK Part

RESIDENTS OF "LAST ARMENIAN VILLAGE" OF TURKEY ALSO VOTE FOR AK PARTY

Noyan Tapan
Jul 30, 2007

ANKARA, JULY 30, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. The residents of
the "last Armenian village" of Turkey also gave their votes for the
ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party at the July 22 paliamentary
elections, "Radical" daily reported.

Speaking about the support given to AK Party by the villagers, the
head of the Vakifl village Berc Kartun said that the government has
almost always responded to their demands: "Foreign tourists often
visit our village. We requested that the village roads be improved
and our request has not been ignored," he noted.

As regards activities of the opposition Republican People’s Party,
the village head said that they consider this party’s position on the
issue of ethnic minorities as unacceptable: "The Republican People’s
party, which calls itself a social-democratic party, acts as an
opposition party in issues related to ethnic minorities as well. One
is tempted to ask the question: Is the Republican People’s Party is
a social-democratic party or a nationalist one?" Berc Kartun noted.

Blocked path to the Greenway

The Boston Globe

Blocked path to the Greenway

By Pasqua Scibelli | July 30, 2007

PICTURE THIS: At the entrance to the North End, between Faneuil Hall
Marketplace and Christopher Columbus Park, a tiny and beautiful public park
sits on parcel 13 for all to enjoy. At about a third of an acre, it’s one of
the smallest parcels on the Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy Greenway.
There are trees and benches, and a single jet of water at its center is
surrounded by a stone labyrinth bordered by green grass. At the corner of
the park, sitting atop a reflecting pool, is a 12-sided sculpture,
reconfigured annually, its changing form representing the common immigrant
experience of breaking apart from one’s homeland and reshaping one’s life in
America.
The Massachusetts Turnpike Authority publicly designated this parcel for the
park’s construction. In turn, the Armenian Heritage Foundation, a nonprofit
organization, raised millions of dollars to endow a fund to construct and
maintain the park in perpetuity and endowed a separate fund to support an
annual lecture series on human rights with The Bostonian Society at Faneuil
Hall.
But instead of a park, there’s an ugly dust patch enclosed by a chain-link
fence on that same site, waiting for political forces, seen and unseen, to
redetermine this site’s future.
Why?
For more than four years, the Armenian foundation has adhered to the public
process set forth by the Turnpike Authority, the entity responsible for
designating parcels on the Greenway. Despite this history, and in the face
of the North End’s overwhelming public support for this park, the Greenway
Conservancy, the city’s Artery Completion Task Force, and others are
endeavoring — at the 11th hour — to block this park, for a curiously
evolving set of reasons.
The project’s opponents first tried to argue that no memorials of any kind
should be constructed on the Greenway, as if memorials were some blight on
our public spaces. It’s a weak argument, at best, given that the Greenway
itself is a memorial to Rose Kennedy, and we believe that memorials at the
Chinatown end of the Greenway have already breached that line. In any event,
their argument failed because, as the site’s design makes clear, this
project is primarily a park, not a memorial.
Opponents also asserted that permitting this park’s construction would "open
the floodgates" to other groups seeking to erect memorials on the Greenway.
This argument also failed to gain traction: The foundation is not seeking to
erect a memorial on an existing park parcel but, rather, trying to build a
public park.
The park includes a small memorial component — a modest-sized plaque will
commemorate the Armenians who perished in the 1915 genocide and those
victims of all genocides that follow. The American immigrant experience is
one of diversity, and recognizing this diversity only strengthens us. The
historical fact of genocide reminds us that the more we celebrate and
memorialize our diversity and the more tolerant our world will become, the
less likely we are to repeat that terrible history.
Only after the weaknesses of these arguments were exposed did opponents turn
to a "process" argument to block the park’s construction. Opponents claimed
that the process preceding the Turnpike Authority’s public designation of
the site for the foundation was inadequate. It was a strange plea, since a
number of these opponents had met with foundation sponsors in late 2005 and
raised no concerns over process. This was made clear during the last
community meeting in the North End, where supportive comments far outweighed
opposing ones.
Now, after much political and legal wrangling initiated by the completion
task force, project opponents have succeeded in persuading the state
Executive Office of Environmental Affairs that the Turnpike Authority’s
process was inadequate. The office has called for an "expedited process" for
this parcel, giving "fair consideration" to the good faith efforts for years
in following the Turnpike Authority’s process.
Having endured two decades of disruptive Big Dig construction, the North End
deserves to enjoy this fully funded and beautiful park, a gift to Boston and
to the Commonwealth. Whatever "expedited" process unfolds should unfold
quickly, without delay to this project’s construction.

Pasqua Scibelli is vice president of the North End/Waterfront Residents
Association and a North End resident.

In The Ruins Of Shusha

IN THE RUINS OF SHUSHA

Institute for War and Peace Reporting, UK
;s=f&o=337413&a mp;apc_state=henh
July 25 2007

A ruined town in Karabakh makes a Georgian reporter reflect on this
conflict and his own.

Today is the last day of a visit to Karabakh that lasted almost ten
days. And the day most packed with impressions.

Shusha. The look of this town uniquely conveys the complex history
and the pain of this region – a pain that has touched two peoples.

The contrast is striking. I contrast this place with the clean,
brightly lit streets and shop windows of Stepanakert in which you
can still discern a small Soviet town but no longer the traces of
the destructive war that every citizen here endured.

Shusha is like a different planet. There is only a flicker of life
here. Around 20,000 people lived here before the conflict. Judging
by the number of voters who took part in the presidential election
a few days ago, the current number of inhabitants now barely exceeds
three thousand.

A new modern road winds through the little houses that resemble ancient
Armenian ruins and the awful tall ruined apartment blocks with dozens
of empty windows yawning open. In the old town, now almost completely
destroyed, a sign remains in the Azeri language saying that this
is Nizami Street. A crane stands next to one of the two mosques –
evidently the local authorities are restoring it to demonstrate
their tolerance.

People in the town are trying to make a normal life in Shusha, but the
terrible past accompanies you at every step; it’s impossible not to
see it. We met some refugees from Baku in the street. These people, who
have lost their homeland, have fixed themselves up something resembling
apartments amid the ruins and are trying to build a new life.

An elderly man suddenly started speaking Azeri, so as to discover
if there were any of his former fellow countrymen from amongst our
international crowd. They told us about life here – that there is
no work.

"She was held prisoner," said one man of a woman we were talking to.

He should not have mentioned this because she began to be hysterical
and the others could not calm her down. We quickly moved on.

These people have lost their homes – and so have most of the
Azerbaijani residents of these ruined houses and empty apartment
blocks, who fled from here long ago. How many of them are still
alive? Where are they now? Do they yearn for their lost homeland
just as these unhappy Bakuvians do? Almost all of these people are
not responsible for this tragedy, on either side. They are ordinary
people, whose lives have been sliced through by history or politics
or big ideas.

Stepanakert is gleaming. Every evening big crowds stroll through the
central square and the park. I am reminded of Batumi in summer and
I keep thinking that in a moment I will see the Black Sea and the
lights of ships.

There can be no doubt that, in the future, the Karabakh government,
helped by Armenia and the Diaspora, will make sure that Shusha will
also gleam festively – and indeed so will the whole of Karabakh. But
all around still lies an unpopulated empty zone, the seven occupied
Azerbaijani territories outside Nagorny Karabakh, and dead towns,
which look as though they have been levelled by a nuclear bomb. I
didn’t see the ruined Azerbaijani city of Aghdam and I am afraid to
imagine what it looks like.

It is important to remember that the Karabakh Armenians who enjoy
strolling through the gleaming streets of Stepanakert don’t see
anything wrong in this. They went through a war, bombing, the death
of loved ones; they feared for their own lives and the lives of their
children. They believe that they defended their rights to live and to
live here. Now they are working and building a new life which has no
place in it for their former neighbours and former friends. They don’t
want them to return because they fear that it will all start over
again. All the more so because people like the refugees we met, the
exiles "from the other side" are living here. And they, most likely,
will never return home because the homeland they knew has now died.

People in Karabakh are slowly but surely building a new state. True, no
one knows if it will get its own colour on the political map or if it
will continue to be an unrecognised entity, linked to the outside world
by a single highway that winds mercilessly through the mountains. The
answer to this question has to be provided by something known as the
"peace process" for which there is currently no end in sight. As,
indeed is the case in my own homeland.

When you come here you understand how different in nature are the
conflicts in the Caucasus region, although they seem so similar
to one another at first glance. Acquaintances here were surprised
to see me and Ahra Smyr from Abkhazia working together or sitting
with one another in a restaurant. Even if they didn’t say anything,
it was obvious from the expression on their faces. Because it is
different with them and they find it hard to picture an Armenian and
an Azerbaijani sitting at the same table. Thank God, things have not
gone so far with us – and, despite the conflict, we Georgians and
Abkhaz can not be enemies and can even be friends.

In another country, Ahra and I understand how much our peoples and
cultures actually have in common. Sooner or later we will come to
understand one another. I am certain of that today as never before.

Dmitry Avaliani is a correspondent with 24 Hours newspaper in Tbilisi,
Georgia.

This report is one of three first-person accounts of journalists from
and visiting Nagorny Karabakh during the presidential elections as
part of IWPR’s Cross Caucasus Journalism Network project. Different
in style from our usual reports, they give an impression of the polls
and life in this remote but important territory in the South Caucasus.

http://www.iwpr.net/?p=crs&amp

Soccer: City’s Armenian Delay

CITY’S ARMENIAN DELAY
By Garry Doyle

The Mirror, UK
Eire Edition
July 25, 2007 Wednesday

DERRY City’s journey into hell took on another twist yesterday –
when they faced a two-hour delay in Yerevan airport.

City’s players and staff encountered visa difficulties on arrival
in Armenia – after a mammoth trek across Europe via Dublin, London
and Prague.

After finally resolving the visa issues, the squad only got to their
hotel at 7am local time yesterday.

The Candystripes have no injury concerns but the temperature in Yerevan
yesterday touched 40 degrees – with City boss, John Robertson, likely
to make two changes from the team who drew last week in Derry.

Elmar Mammadyarov: No Proposals Received Regarding The Next Meeting

ELMAR MAMMADYAROV: NO PROPOSALS RECEIVED REGARDING THE NEXT MEETING OF THE PRESIDENTS

armradio.am
24.07.2007 14:10

Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov told the journalists in
Baku that no proposals have been received regarding the possibility
of a next meeting of the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia within
the framework of the UN General Assembly due in September 2007,
Trend reports.

After the meeting in Vienna, the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs stated
the necessity to hold meetings between the two parties in order to
achieve a peaceful solution to the conflict; to date Baku has not
received any concrete proposals in this respect, he stressed.

Novruz Mammadov, the head of the Foreign Relations Departments at
the Azerbaijani President’s Executive Power, said that the agenda
of the UN General Assembly includes issues on the occupation of the
Azerbaijani land as well as Armenian-Azerbaijani relations.

At present experts of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry are carrying
out relevant consultations and later the President will determine
the members of delegation which will represent Baku at the UN General
Assembly.

BAKU: UN Resident Coordinator: UN Does Not Recognize So-Called Nagor

UN RESIDENT COORDINATOR: UN DOES NOT RECOGNIZE SO-CALLED NAGORNO KARABAKH REPUBLIC

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
July 24 2007

The United Nations does not recognize so-called "presidential
elections" held in Nagorno Karabakh on July 19, 2007. The UN Resident
Coordinator to Azerbaijan Bruno Pouezat told APA that the UN’s position
on this issue remains unchanged.

"The UN does not recognize so-called Nagorno Karabakh Republic
and respects the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijani
government has sent a communique to the UN General Assembly for
discussion related to the "elections".

Christian Pilgrimage Holds Strong In Islamic Iran

CHRISTIAN PILGRIMAGE HOLDS STRONG IN ISLAMIC IRAN
by Stuart Williams

Agence France Presse — English
Chaldoran, Iran
July 24, 2007 Tuesday 4:55 AM GMT

The tents of thousands of pilgrims dot the hillside, the air is
heavy with the scent of incense and the sounds of the church bell
toll across the valley.

This is the Armenian Christian pilgrimage marking the feast of the
1st century missionary St Thaddeus, deep in the northwestern mountains
of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Every summer for the past half century, thousands of Armenian pilgrims
from Iran and beyond have descended on the remote Qareh Kelisa (black
church) for three days of worship and relaxation with fellow Armenians.

It may seem remarkable that such a tradition holds strong in one
of the world’s most strictly Islamic countries, but Iran is home
to hundreds of thousands of Armenians and a string of historically
important churches.

"This is a gathering point which brings people together in one place.

It creates solidarity among Armenians from both inside and outside Iran
and is the most important date in the calendar," said Hayk Norouzian,
a handicrafts dealer from Tehran.

This year up to 4,000 pilgrims, mainly from Iran, neighbouring Armenia
and Arab countries with important Armenian populations like Lebanon
and Syria have pitched their tents on the hillside to mark the event.

They filled the church — Iran’s most important Christian monument
which dates back to early decades of the faith — for the climax of
the weekend, a church service attended by the patriarchs of Tehran
and Tabriz.

"The most important thing is that in a Muslim nation we have preserved
this church," said Ani, 32, a female computer scientist and choir
singer.

"In Turkey, some Armenian churches have been ruined. It is a point
of pride that in this country we have this church. The government of
Iran values it and appreciates it," she said.

The church, built on the site of St Thaddeus’ grave after he was
slain by a pagan king, has withstood over one-and-a-half millennia
of wars and earthquakes to dominate this landscape.

Its distinctively Armenian pyramidal cupolas and mighty defensive
walls perch on a mountain ridge in the north of Iran’s West Azarbaijan
province, just 25 kilometres (15 miles) from the border with Turkey.

But the pilgrimage is not only about religion — it also offers
Armenians separated by national borders the chance to come together
and celebrate their culture without any interference.

It’s only 9:00 am but the early morning chatter of the pilgrims
emerging from their tents is joined by joyful sounds of an accordion
which has struck up accompanied by a drum.

Arms aloft, two other men surround the musicians in a traditional
dance, joined immediately by two women who kick their legs and twirl
their hands in time to the music.

The authorities allow the Armenians considerable freedom in celebrating
the ritual and the Islamic dress rules that everyone normally has to
obey in public in Iran are relaxed.

Women walk around in T-shirts without the headscarves that are
obligatory everywhere else in Iran, although they cover their heads
in church.

"We are free here to make our prayers and do as we wish. The government
organisations help us to feel really free. Nobody bothers us here,"
said Gevork Vartanian, one of two MPs who represent Iranian Armenians
in parliament.

It is not possible for Muslims to attend the pilgrimage without
a special reason. Checks are carried out by Armenian staff on the
only road into the church where local government officials are also
in attendance.

Beyond that line, visitors enter, for that weekend at least, a
distinctively Armenian Christian world.

"People come here from all over the world for this ceremony. We
welcome all Christian people," said Vartanian.

"The authorities carry out this work of separation in order for us
to be free," he added.

The campers play Armenian "rabiz" music and have brought copious
amounts of food to indulge in one of the most Armenian of passions —
the "khorovats" or open-air barbecue.

"What I like is that our youth comes here regardless of whether their
main purpose is religious, historical or social. People get to know
one another here," said Rene Ahour, a freelance filmmaker from Tehran.

Iran has always emphasised it gives its Christian, Jewish and
Zoroastrian religious minorities full freedom of worship, although
large numbers from these communities have emigrated abroad in recent
years.

The presence of Armenians in northern Iran dates back thousands of
years and Persian Shah Abbas famously brought hundreds of Armenian
craftsmen to his imperial capital of Isfahan in the 17th century.

The entrance to Qareh Kelisa is adorned with pictures of two Armenian
patriarchs flanking images of Iran’s modern leaders — President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and late
revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

But an official message pinned to the church from the Lebanon-based
head of the Armenian church, Catholicos of Cilicia Aram I, emphasised
the foremost importance of the ritual.

"Our religion and our culture are interwoven together and must be
preserved. By being Christian, Armenians have preserved their strength
throughout history. This pilgrimage should be looked upon as a duty
to keep Armenian unity."