Armenia Is Ready To Join CIS Agreement For Cooperation In The Field

ARMENIA IS READY TO JOIN CIS AGREEMENT FOR COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF RADIATION, CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL CONTROL

ArmInfo
2008-11-13 18:44:00

ArmInfo. Today the Government of Armenia approved the proposal to
join the CIS agreement for cooperation in the field of radiation,
chemical and biological control. The proposal was submitted by Defense
Minister Seyran Ohanyan.

The agreement envisages provision of information about threat of
proliferation of radioactive and biological matters and meets the
strategic interests of Armenia.

Karabakh May Disagree With Results Of Any Negotiations Basing On Its

KARABAKH MAY DISAGREE WITH RESULTS OF ANY NEGOTIATIONS BASING ON ITS NOT PARTICIPATING IN THEM

"Noravank" Foundation

13 November 2008

Gagik Harutyunyan’s interview to REGNUM

Signing of Armenian-Azerbaijani-Russian declaration has come to prove
about a new important milestone in Karabakh conflict regulation. It was
announced by the director of "Noravank" Foundation Gagik Harutyunyan
in his interview with an Ð~XÐ~P REGNUM correspondent.

The expert mentioned the fact that for the first time after 1994 the
document was signed not only by the Armenian and Azerbaijani parties
but also, in the very case, by the Russian one. "After South Ossetian
conflict the situation in the region has changed and Russia’s stocks
are rising rapidly. It has come to be proved by the fact that Russia
tries to become the guarantor of the contract which will possibly be
signed between Armenia and Azerbaijan," stressed up G.Harutyunyan.

"Today many people say that the version suggested by Russia is, as a
matter of fact, not very advantageous for Armenia. It is also possible
and in this sense it is often reminded the situation of 1920s, when
Russia and Turkey divided Armenia between themselves. The analogy is
not quite opportune. In comparison with those years Armenia now is
an established state, and it is not that easy to divide it even if
it is very much desired," mentioned the expert .

G.Harutyunyan accentuated that it was not possible to ignore the
interests of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh in the conflict settlement
process. In this connection he considered it quite noteworthy the
military trainings in Nagorno-Karabakh just before the meeting in
Moscow, where it was also considered the scenario of transferring
military operations into the territory of Azerbaijan. To Harutyunyan’s
estimation these trainings have come to prove that the issue can not
be settled at will of only one of the parties.

The expert disagreed with the opinion of the Armenian opposition
leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan that by signing the declaration Armenian
factually determined a new negotiating status and once and forever
excluded the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic from it. "We must proceed from
the interests of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and the Republic of
Armenia, i.e. Armenia.

Karabakh may any moment announce that it is not the participant of
negotiations and doesn’t recognize their results. In fact, it is note
a bad move in the reserve…Although at present Armenia is alone
in the negotiation process; it goes without saying that Armenia’s
President Serge Sargisyan, who is the head of Self-Defense Committee of
Nagorno-Karabakh, also de-facto represents the interests of Karabakh,"
summarized Harutyunyan.

–Boundary_(ID_tuvGM3zmZult6+gNSxxpn w)–

www.regnum.ru

Armenian President Receives Newly Appointed Kyrgyz Ambassador To Arm

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT RECEIVES NEWLY APPOINTED KYRGYZ AMBASSADOR TO ARMENIA

ARMENPRESS
Nov 10, 2008

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 10, ARMENPRESS: Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan
received today newly appointed Kyrgyz ambassador to Armenia Raimkul
Atakurov (residence Moscow).

Presidential press service told Armenpress that during the meeting
the president congratulated the ambassador on his appointment and
pointed out the active partnership between the two countries.

According to Serzh Sargsyan, Armenia and Kazakhstan, while building
their relations, take into consideration that the two countries are
part of the same security system, are members of CSTO, CIS which
gives a special importance to their relations.

For the activation of bilateral economic ties the president underscored
the work of the joint inter-governmental commission.

Ambassador Atakurov said that he will exert all his efforts for
promoting the expansion of relations between the two countries.

"Turkey Is Ready To Be A Mediator In Regulation Of Daqliq Qarabaq C

"TURKEY IS READY TO BE A MEDIATOR IN REGULATION OF DAQLIQ QARABAQ CONFLICT"

ANS
11.11.2008 22:40

Hulusu Kilich: "No word can be said about any relations between
Turkey and Armenia unless Armenians occupied territories of Azerbaijan
are returned".

"Offifcial Ankara is ready to be a mediator in regulation of Daqliq
Qarabaq conflict within peace and international norms as the OSCE
member and a brother country". Turkish Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary to Azerbaijan Hulusi Kilich said at the press
conference he held today.

The Ambassador underlining that Turkey attempts to be a mediator in
solution of Daqliq Qarabaq conflict said the presidents of Turkey,
Azerbaijan and Armenia are expected to meet by the end of this year.

"We shall not wait long. A meeting with the participation of the
three sides will be held this year. As you know, Turkey is temporary
Chairman of UN Council of Security and should take interest in the
regional conflicts.

TurkeyTurkey vowed the Moscow declaration signed with respect to
Daqliq Qarabaq conflict stressed that Turkey is interested in solution
of Daqliq Qarabaq conflict irrespective who is the mediator. The
diplomatist emphasized Armenia can also take advantage of the solution
of the conflict if wants increase. is ready for support and help",
he said. Turkish ambassador saying

"There is no competition between Russia and Turkey regarding this
issue.

Both Russia and Turkey want the recent solution of the conflict. Turkey
wants peaceful solution of Daqliq Qarabaq conflict within the
territorial integrity and international norms. Stability will reign
in the region if the problem is regulated. Turkey supports Azerbaijan
in its fair struggle".

H.Kilich also said the issue was also discussed during Azerbaijani
President Ilham Aliyev’s official visit to TurkeyTurkish ambassador
reminding trade turnover comprise USD 3 billion between Azerbaijan and
Turkey said the two states have decided to accelerate economic-trading
relations. He also said that Turkish President Abdullah Gul plans
to participate at Energy summit to be held in Baku on November 14,
Nabucco and Shahdeniz -2 projects are also among the issues to be
discussed. Turkish diplomatist stressed information as if Turkey
will sell energy to Armenia are groundless. "No word can be said
about any relations between Turkey and Armenia unless Armenians
occupied territories of Azerbaijan are returned", Turkish ambassador
stressed. on November 5-6.

IMF Representative: No Drop In Consumer Prices In The Coming Months

IMF REPRESENTATIVE: NO DROP IN CONSUMER PRICES IN THE COMING MONTHS WILL INDICATE LIMITEDNESS OF MARKET COMPETITION IN ARMENIA

ArmInfo
2008-11-11 21:01:00

ArmInfo. No drop in consumer prices in the coming months will
indicate limitedness of market competition in Armenia, IMF Resident
Representative in Armenia Nienke Oomes said in a talk with ArmInfo’s
correspondent.

Naturally, local prices drop a bit later than global prices do –
until all goods bought at old prices are sold. So, Oomes advises to
wait for one month more but not more. If no drop happens we will be
forced to admit low level of competition among importers. This is a
big problem and the Government of Armenia must take certain steps to
solve it, Oomes said.

As regards the possible influence of the current tax reforms on prices,
Oomes said that the reforms might cause certain inconveniences for
small and medium-sized companies and the Government had to find
adequate solutions.

The obligatory introduction of cash registers will help to enhance the
efficiency of the control over big stores and the retail trade network:
they will show if they really pay for their wholesale purchases as
much as they declare, Oomes said.

ANKARA: Obama’s Promise Of Change May Not Be What Businesses Are Hop

OBAMA’S PROMISE OF CHANGE MAY NOT BE WHAT BUSINESSES ARE HOPING FOR

Today’s Zaman
Nov 8 2008
Turkey

US President-elect Barack Obama makes an opening statement on the
economy with a group of advisers during a news conference in Chicago
on Friday.

With the election of Obama as the 44th president of the United States,
the headlines of papers in Turkey are almost universal in praising
the "hope" and "change" that the first African-American president
has promised to bring with him to the White House.

This opinion seems to be repeated across the sociological spectrum from
Kurdish villages in Anatolia to Turks in glass towers in İstanbul
and taxi drivers in broken down TofaÅ~_ cars. Business leaders have
also put this almost parrot-like cliché in all the pronouncements
they have made looking forward to the "hope" and "change" that the
administration will usher in.

Exactly what this "change" and "hope" means for business leaders,
therefore, needs to be clarified because it would seem that the
"change" and "hope" desired by business leaders is very different from
that desired by other segments of society. Indeed, speaking Friday
in Antalya, Turkish Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges (TOBB)
President Rifat Hisarcıklıoglu, attempted to describe what "change"
means to business when he declared: "I believe the change will have
its reflection in both the US government and the world environment
because the US economy is one-fourth of the world economy. … Obama
has a different understanding, and with the positive expectations of
people, he will affect the economy well."

But, if election campaign promises are anything to base one’s opinions
on, it would seem that from a purely business perspective, Turkish
businessmen’s wishes would be for anything but the "change" and "hope"
that the president-elect has promised.

"Rationality" (long a concept central to economic theories of the
"market man") would dictate that Turkish business leaders who have been
dealing with America would thus desire several key characteristics in
any prospective American president’s policies: 1) openness to trade
with the world and specifically with Turkey, 2) good diplomatic
relations with Turkey, 3) a beneficial tax structure that would
signify a generally supportive stance towards the business community,
4) overall support for globalization and 5) a force of stability in
its region. From a purely business perspective, Obama does not seem
to be a source of "hope" for any of these issues.

In fact, it would appear that Obama’s election pledges — complete with
their inward looking trade promises, an increasingly protectionist
slant and promised Congressional bills, which, if implemented would
damage bilateral relations with Turkey — are purely against the
interests of business.

Like all leaders of Turkish-American business councils that Sunday’s
Zaman polled, Galip Sukaya, the chairman of the American Business Forum
in Turkey (ABFT) was of the opinion that "America should be proud" for
their election of Obama, who is the ultimate symbol of the American
dream: an African American, descendent of an immigrant father, from
a broken family who was nonetheless able to beat the odds, complete
law school at Harvard and go on to be elected the leader of the free
world. When asked by Sunday’s Zaman on the phone Thursday about trade
relations, Sukaya also expressed confidence in brightening economic
horizons under Obama and increased trade relations.

Getting non-political stances out of leaders about their respective
countries’ business policies is like pulling teeth. However, when
the matter of trade relations and general business relations was
investigated further, Sukaya revealed that he did in fact have a
reservation: "My only concern is about the Armenian resolution… if
he passes it, there will be problems."

Obama has long vowed to support Armenian genocide claims, declaring
on his official site, "As a US Senator, I have stood with the
Armenian-American community in calling for Turkey’s acknowledgement
of the Armenian Genocide." Last year the House Committee on Foreign
Affairs voted 27-21 in favor of a resolution describing the 1915
incidents as genocide against Armenians, and the vote was only
postponed by the House to a later date. It remains to be seen what
will happen with Obama in the principal seat in the White House.

Indeed RahÅ~_an Cebe, a managing partner at Cushman and Wakefield
in İstanbul, expressed the same "main concern" and was fearful of
anything being done by Washington to disturb the warming relations
between Ankara and Yerevan. "Turks are very emotional, and it would be
a shame if anything was done to disturb the air," not only for warming
Turkish-Armenian relations, but also for US-Turkish business relations.

Referring to Obama’s relations with Turkey, Cebe said, "I don’t know
him well… [and] I don’t know how well he knows Turkey," but was
"hopeful" that Obama would rely on the right advisors. Bush’s recent
appointment of James Jeffrey, a man who knows Turkey very well,
as the new ambassador to Turkey further increased her "hope."

Obama’s FDI policy causes concerns

When probed still further, Sukaya’s "only concern" grew into "other
concerns." For starters, Sukaya revealed that there were concerns
on the part of many businesses that Obama will make it increasingly
difficult for American businesses that wish to operate abroad or make
foreign direct investment (FDI). Obama’s proposals to provide yet to be
disclosed tax credits and other incentives for companies who invest at
home rather than abroad, or "outsource" in popular terms, has struck
a louder chord in recent months amongst voters as recession grips
the country and as unemployment figures rose to 6.5 percent in October.

If affected, this promises to pose substantial difficulties for many
Turkish companies — and the economy as a whole — which benefit
strongly from American FDI inflows to Turkey. In 2007 American sources
contributed to over $4.2 billion in FDI to Turkey — American sources
are officially estimated to be the largest supplier of FDI — and
American companies contribute countless billion in spin-offs in the
country. If Obama’s "change" in this area is realized in his desire to
keep investment at home, then many Turkish businesses will certainly
not have much to "hope" for.

Indeed, business leaders who had less of a political role to maintain
spoke much more frankly about what they felt were the dangers posed to
Turkish business by an Obama administration that keeps its election
pledges of "change." Jeffrey Kemprecos, external affairs director at
Merck Sharp & Dohme, was one such businessman. In addition to Obama’s
insistence on maintaining corporate tax rates at 35 percent — the
highest in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) — Kemprecos highlighted Obama’s stance on trade and the desire
to keep jobs at home as being a negative indicator of the development
of stronger trade relations between American and Turkish companies
and the overall flow of capital. As evidence of the "non-friendly"
business stance Obama took, he pointed to Wall Street’s 500-point
drop the day after the election — the largest drop on the first day
after an election.

Another concern expressed by Sukaya was Obama’s tax strategy in which
"change" would bring increased taxation to American taxpayers who
earn more than $250,000 per year. Amongst the proposed tax plans
is an increase in the capital gains tax to 20 percent for those
families with incomes above the $250,000 mark. Sukaya’s concern was
that this would hit investors — Turks included — and cause a shift
in the investment strategies of both Turks investing in America and
Americans investing in Turkey.

Upon further probing, Sukaya expressed his "other concerns" about
a possible inward orientation whereby the administration would
begin focusing on domestic issues. Indeed, this has at least in
part been a component of election run-up rhetoric designed to
keep "jobs at home." If Obama’s statements with respect to NAFTA,
which he has described as "devastating" and a "big mistake," and
his threats to pull out of the agreement unilaterally if it is not
renegotiated are any indication of his stance with respect to trade,
Turkish businessmen indeed have something to worry about. "Change"
would certainly not appear to be in their best interests. If Obama
maintains his campaign pledges to begin troop withdrawals as part of
a plan to "bring the boys home," then "change" in this area as also
likely spell problems for the Turkish business sector.

Speaking with Sunday’s Zaman yesterday, Dr. İbrahim Al-Marashi, a
Middle East historian and expert on Iraq, argued that there were in
fact a number of risks to Turkish business if Obama were to pull out of
Iraq. Although he noted that most of the Turkish investments in Iraq
were in large infrastructural projects in the Kurdish northern region
of Iraq and that this would not be much affected since it is already
self-policed, a US military withdrawal would lead to the very real
possibility of the Iraqi military being divided along sectarian lines
and civil war breaking out as Shiite and Sunni militias pick up arms
once again. However, a number of the largest Turkish conglomerates,
he said, are very active in distribution outside of northern Iraq, and
their interests would be seriously damaged. Moreover, a destabilized
Iraq would likely have larger geopolitical implications for Turkish
interests and may well spill over into the economic realm.

The only substantive "hope" that could be deciphered from the comments
of businessmen discussing the "change" Obama promised came from Ugur
Terzioglu of the Turkish American Business Association (TABA/AmCham),
who hoped Obama "won’t do what he said."

The differing perspectives of business leaders and the chairmen of
business councils in part reveals the contradictory roles that business
leaders in bi- or multilateral business associations are expected to
fill. On the one hand, they are to represent the interests of their
constituents and articulate clear messages both to and from their
members. On the other hand, the position is somewhat political, and
members need be careful not to damage relations through criticisms
of government policies.

Obama says will confront economic woes head-on

US President-elect Barack Obama said on Friday the United States was
facing one of its greatest economic challenges and vowed to confront
the crisis head-on as soon as he takes office in January. Investors
are awaiting Obama’s choice of Treasury secretary who will spearhead
economic recovery, but Obama made clear he would not be rushed into
making hasty appointments. "I want to move with all deliberate haste,
but I want to emphasize deliberate as well as haste," he said.

At his first news conference since being elected on Tuesday, Obama
noted the latest Labor Department figures which showed that US
unemployment hit a 14-year-high in October after employers slashed
jobs by an unexpectedly steep 240,000. "We are facing the greatest
economic challenge of our lifetime and we’re going to have to act
swiftly to resolve it," Obama said, as his team of economic advisers,
who include businessmen and economists, stood in a line behind him.

The brief news conference in Chicago followed a meeting with his
17-member transition economic advisory board on how to tackle the
worst economic crisis confronting the United States since the Great
Depression of the 1930s.

Obama said he wanted the Democrat-controlled US Congress to pass
a second stimulus package as soon as possible to stabilize the
economy, which analysts say may be in deep recession by the time he
is inaugurated on Jan. 20. "We are going to need to see a stimulus
package passed either before or after the inauguration. I want to
see a stimulus package sooner rather than later."

With US automakers also reporting billions in losses on Friday,
Obama urged the Bush administration to accelerate a $25 billion
retooling assistance plan already passed by Congress. The automakers
are lobbying for up to $50 billion to prevent a collapse that could
cost over two million jobs.

In his first foreign policy pronouncement as president-elect, Obama
called for an international effort to prevent Iran from developing a
nuclear weapon, a day after Iran’s president urged him to implement a
"fairer" US policy in the Middle East. Obama, who has said he does not
rule out direct talks with Iran’s leaders, also called on Tehran to
end what he called the country’s support for terrorist organizations.

Obama said he would be reviewing a letter from Iranian President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, congratulating him on his election, and would
"respond appropriately." But he said the US approach to Iran could
not be done in a "knee-jerk" fashion. "I think we’ve got to think it
through," he said. Chicago Reuters

Top contenders for economic posts under Obama

US President-elect Barack Obama said on Friday he wanted "to move with
all deliberate haste" to pick people for top posts, but said it was
important to get it right and not be unduly rushed. With a financial
crisis raging and the US economy facing a possibly deep recession,
the selection of key economic advisers is believed to be at the top of
his to-do list. Here are the main contenders for senior economic jobs:

Treasury Secretary

Lawrence Summers: He was Treasury secretary under Bill Clinton and is
the former president of Harvard University. Summers’ tenure at Harvard
was marked by conflict with faculty and other controversies but Wall
Street held him in high regard during his time at Treasury. Summers
has been a top adviser to Obama, especially after the financial crisis
intensified in mid-September. He gained seasoning as a financial
firefighter during the 1990s when he grappled with the Mexican peso
crisis, the Asian financial flu and the Russian financial crisis.

Timothy Geithner: As president of the New York Federal Reserve Bank,
Geithner has played a lead role in efforts to stabilize financial
markets. He has argued that banks crucial to the global financial
system should operate under a unified regulatory framework. He worked
with former Treasury secretaries Robert Rubin and Lawrence Summers
as undersecretary for international affairs during the Clinton
administration.

If Obama taps Geithner, the New York Fed would want to move quickly
to replace him given the crucial role the regional Fed bank plays on
Wall Street.

Jon Corzine: The governor of New Jersey and former US senator is a
one-time supporter of Sen. Hillary Clinton, whom Obama defeated for
the Democratic party nomination. The former chairman of investment
bank Goldman Sachs appeared in Chicago at an economic summit with
Obama, and has helped articulate the candidate’s program to curb
speculation in energy markets. He told an interviewer on Wednesday
that he has had no discussions about the job.

Laura Tyson: The former chairwoman of Bill Clinton’s Council of
Economic Advisers, who also served as his National Economic Council
director, is seen as a possible long shot for the Treasury post. She
is now a professor at the University of California, Berkeley and
was tapped as a key adviser to Obama after he secured the Democratic
nomination for president in June.

Director of the Office of Management and Budget

Peter Orszag: Has been director of the non-partisan Congressional
Budget Office since January 2007 and previously served as an economic
adviser to President Clinton. A specialist on tax and budget policy,
Orszag has also focused on Social Security reform, one of several
difficult issues that will face the new president. Before heading
CBO, Orszag was a senior fellow at the liberal-leaning Brookings
Institution.

Director of the National Economic Council

Jason Furman: Obama’s top economic policy coordinator and close
associate of former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin was tapped shortly
after Obama clinched the Democratic nomination on June 3. He was an
aide in the Clinton White House and worked with Rubin on the Hamilton
Project, a centrist research organization that promotes policies such
as free trade and fiscal discipline. Furman’s reputation as a backer
of free trade initially concerned some of Obama’s union supporters.

Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors

Austan Goolsbee: The University of Chicago economist specializes in
tax policy and has written extensively on the role of the Internet
and technology in the economy. A long-time adviser to Obama, Goolsbee
has been a major player in shaping the president-elect’s economic
plans. He sparked controversy in March after he met with Canadian
officials. A leaked memo suggested Goolsbee played down Obama’s
opposition to NAFTA. The Obama campaign said the memo was inaccurate.

US Trade Representative

Dan Tarullo: A professor at Georgetown University law school, Tarullo
specializes on trade and international economics. He was a senior
White House aide to Clinton and did preparatory work for meetings of
the Group of Seven industrialized economies. Tarullo has said Obama
supports free trade but wants to ensure workers are protected from
unfair trade practices.

–Boundary_(ID_9AFZe4pr0D8UC2Rg8ao0nQ) —

Religious Procession Turns Into Fistfight

RELIGIOUS PROCESSION TURNS INTO FISTFIGHT

NECN
Nov 10 2008
MA

(NECN/ABC) – The Holy Sepulchre, the traditional site of Jesus’
crucifixion, is one of Christianity’s holiest shrines, but Sunday,
it became the scene of an unholy punch up. Greek and Armenian orthodox
monks traded blows just yards from what is believed to be Jesus’ tomb.

Armed Israeli police were caught in the middle, trying to calm
things down.

The trouble started during an Armenian ceremony marking the 4th-Century
discovery of fragments of what was thought to be Jesus’ cross. The
Armenians said the Greeks started it, the Greeks said it was the
Armenians’ fault.

"Somebody came from behind, there was no police at the time, from
behind and he hit me like this, they broke the lens of my glasses
and I have this scratch and I was a little dizzy at the moment,"
said Greek monk Serafim.

This was by no means the first violent outburst between rival Christian
churches here – it’s been happening for hundreds of years.

The church is divided among the competing Christian sects down the
last inch and disputes about who controls what and when have often
sparked violence.

Two monks, one Greek, and one Armenian were arrested – and quiet has
returned, for now, to the church of the Holy Sepulchre.

ABC’s Simon McGregor-Wood reports from Jerusalem.

Regular Round Of Talks On Russia Joining WTO To Be Held Nov.24-25

REGULAR ROUND OF TALKS ON RUSSIA JOINING WTO TO BE HELD NOV.24-25

RIA Novosti
20:02 | 10/ 11/ 2008

MOSCOW, November 10 (RIA Novosti) – The next round of talks on Russia’s
entry to the World Trade Organization will be held on November 24-25,
Moscow’s top WTO negotiator said Monday.

"The working group will discuss a WTO entry report on November 24,"
Maxim Medvedkov said.

Russia started WTO accession talks in 1995. The latest round of talks
with the 153-member global trade organization collapsed in late July,
but Medvedkov said then that the parties could still return to the
negotiating table later this year.

Medvedkov also said the absence of diplomatic relations with Georgia
would not pose an obstacle for Russia’s entry into the World Trade
Organization.

"There are a lot of countries in the world that do not maintain
diplomatic relations. For example, this concerns the United States
and Cuba, Armenia and Turkey, and many other countries. Therefore,
the absence of bilateral relations, in principle, does not affect
membership," Medvedkov said.

Georgia, which became a WTO member in 2000, broke off diplomatic
relations with Russia after Moscow recognized the independence of
its breakaway republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia on August 26,
two weeks after the end of a five-day war.

Russia is the only major world economy still outside the WTO. The
agreement of all 153 WTO members is necessary for a state to join
the global trade body.

ANKARA: The dream of a Turkish Armenian comes true

Hurriyet
11.09.2008

by Ýzgi Güngör

The dream of a Turkish Armenian comes true

ANKARA – Serkis Ýmas simply wanted to leave something to the lands
where he was born and he didn’t want to let his memories fade away
when he sought to publish his memoirs, according to his biographer
Bildirici. When Serkis Ýmas penned his memories in his ancestral
homeland Anatolia, he probably didn’t mean to launch a discussion on
the complexity of his community’s distinctive problems or sought a
scientific solution to these problems.

And he probably had nothing to do with political debates over the 1915
incidents at the hands of the Ottoman Empires.
`I am a Turkish Armenian from Elazýð. I have been living in Germany
for some reasons. But it is just in words; my heart always belongs to
my homeland where I was born and lived =85 I just want the two
communities who once lived together in peace to have good relations
again,’ Serkis Ýmas wrote in his recently published memoirs `Serkis
Had Loved This Land,’ by journalist Faruk Bildirici.
As Bildirici said, `He simply wanted to leave something from himself
to the lands where he was born and he didn’t want to let his memories
fade away along with himself.’
Ýmas was an Anatolian Armenian who was born in 1932 and lived in
Turkey until 1961. He was 75 when he died last year in Germany where
he was a German citizen for the last 10 years. His passion for his
hometown Elazýð was so great as to call himself `the son of Murat,’ a
river which runs through Elazýð. His mother Susan, later converted to
a Turkish name Suzan, was adopted by the military doctor Sami Bey to
secure her survival during the 1915 expulsion.
Last message, notebooks
He lost 45 of his ancestors in what he and his family kindly used to
call `displacement’ during the tragic events of 1915, which resulted
in the expulsion of many Armenians from Anatolia. He didn’t witness
the tragedy of the expulsion himself but he was still the victim of
that tragedy. He had much to say about this land anyway.
So, one day Ýmas decided to immortalize his memories and spend his
last years in Germany recording all his accumulated joys and grief in
Anatolia in 15 mini-notebooks. He then contacted Bildirici, known for
his political biographies, by telephone in Germany and sent him the
notebooks, which are the culmination of four years of work.
`He trusted me although I was a Turk and despite the fact that we
didn’t know each other. That imposed a duty on me. I wrote his legacy
and published the book,’ Bildirici told the Hurriyet Daily News &
Economic Review.
`He was so pure, sincere and reconciled in what he said. They are the
human stories in the end that take place in this land, which I believe
will create a ground for us to look at the Armenian issue far from
prejudices.’
They never met. Bildirici solely witnessed the last years of Ýmas
through their telephone conservations and became a real friend and
confidant for him. He promised to publish his story but it was bitter
to receive an e-mail from Germany about Ýmas’ death. But he would
fulfill his promise.
Bildirici had to fill the gaps about his life. He received support
from Ýmas’ children after his death to complete his story. He filled
the gaps and rearranged sentences, as Ýmas didn’t use any punctuation
or follow a chronological order. Ýmas wrote what he remembered from
his past and what his relatives said.

Broken lives
`My aunt was buried in Yerevan, my uncle in America and my uncle’s son
in Paris. Should our lives have ended up this way? Why? I really don’t
understand why this has happened to us,’ Ýmas asked in his memoirs.
It was the same land that granted him the rare pleasures of life but
showed him its dark face as well. His love for this land and common
sense are still generous even as he was retelling the moments of a
gendarme raid during the expulsion.
`My mother Susan, who was just seven at that time, her three-year-old
brother and my grandmother, 70, who took care of them, were all at
home when the gendarme came to our home in Elazýð. The gendarme took
all Armenian women and children in the village with them. The poor
people couldn’t even show a sign of resistance to these men with
guns,’ he wrote. `When my old grandmother was exhausted while
walking, a gendarme hit her with his riffle and plunged it into her
stomach, ignoring her begging and the cries of two little children.’
Ýmas listened to this bitter story from his mother so many
times. Likewise, he himself faced discrimination for his
nationality. Traffic police, for instance, who first found Ýmas in the
right after a traffic accident, then prepared an adverse report
against him once they learned he was an Armenian. The father of his
first love in Istanbul said `If I had daughters as many as the
chickens in my poultry, still none of them would fall for Serkis!’

Facing the history
He thankfully commemorated those Turks who friendly approached him in
Istanbul where he became Kadýköy’s most reputed turner and made a
mini-fortune. Despite challenges, he married his first love in
Istanbul. He then divorced and found himself on a train to Germany in
the 1960s. He remarried and engaged in another trade there. But he
didn’t break his ties with Turkey. He bade farewell to his home
country with a huge yellow envelope that contained 12 mini notebooks,
a historical account of his life, the Armenians and Anatolia.
`If there were some mistakes in this country in the past, it is wrong
to defend them as if they are right. Wouldn’t it be more appropriate
to accept the wrongs and not to let them be repeated? Each individual
born to this land is valuable, the words of whom deserved an objective
eye. Believe me, I love this soil and these people more than you,’ he
concluded.
His story, which began in a small village in Elazýð, unfortunately
ended in Germany, sharing the same fate with that of his
relatives. The worst part is that he never saw his dream come true; he
never read the book.
But for Bildirici, his story had implications about how such
controversial issues were handled at the public level and in politics,
which usually produced deadlocks in such cases. The Armenian issue was
one of the inevitable results of the shift from the Ottoman Empire to
the nation-state. That tragedy took place during the Ottoman period
and the Turkish Republic couldn’t be responsible for a mistake
inherited from its ancestors, according to Bildirici.
`Great men make politics and people live it. But such lives and
messages are lost amidst big statements. His story makes us look at
things with love and peace,’ he said, adding, `We spoke the same
language with Ýmas.
We thought there could be some unwanted tragic events in the past but
we should learn to face the history peacefully.’

TOL: Economic Challenges

ECONOMIC CHALLENGES
by Vasily Astrov and Peter Havlik

Transitions Online
nguage=1&IdPublication=4&NrIssue=294&N rSection=3&NrArticle=20186
Nov 7 2008
Czech Republic

TOL SPECIAL BOOK EXCERPT: Despite, or because of, past bonds, the
countries around the Black Sea have failed to forge strong economic
ties.

The recent conflict between Georgia and Russia has drawn renewed
attention to the Black Sea region.

The region has long been affected by the competing interests of the
European Union and Russia, which has its own blueprints aiming at the
reintegration of the post-Soviet space. An additional dimension of
the potentially conflicting interests in the region is its importance
as a transit corridor for energy resources from the Caspian Basin
to Europe. Recent EU efforts to diversify energy supplies (and
particularly to reduce its energy dependence on Russia) help explain
the rising interest in the Black Sea region and the resulting rivalry
between the EU and Russia.

However, the consequences of the recent Russian-Georgian conflict go
beyond the energy trade. An important issue here is the heightened
perception of risk that further conflict in Georgia – and the South
Caucasus in general – could be detrimental to the regional investment
climate. With the de facto formation of two new states on the regional
map, the already high economic and political fragmentation has risen
further, and although the prospects for one of them (Abkhazia) now
seem to be brighter, the deterioration in relations between Russia
and the West is likely to further impede regional cooperation and
integration prospects.

– Vasily Astrov

Vasily Astrov and Peter Havlik’s chapter, "Economic Developments in
the Wider Black Sea Region," from which the following is excerpted,
appears in The Wider Black Sea Region in the 21st Century: Strategic,
Economic and Energy Perspectives, edited by Daniel Hamilton and
Gerhard Mangott (Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2008).

REGIONAL INTEGRATION

The presently rather low level of regional integration of Black Sea
countries can be attributed to their economic heterogeneity as well
as to political issues. Formally, economic cooperation between the
countries of the region is carried out within the framework of the
Black Sea Economic Cooperation organization (BSEC). The BSEC was
established in 1992, has its headquarters in Istanbul, and since
1999 enjoys the legal status of an international organization. It
encompasses twelve member states: the eight countries covered in
this chapter [Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, Russia, Georgia, Armenia,
Azerbaijan, and Turkey] as well as Moldova, Greece, Albania and
Serbia. However, in spite of the existence of BSEC, in reality
multilateral cooperation in the Black Sea region is overshadowed by
the relations between these countries and the European Union. In other
words, regional cooperation generally proceeds only to the extent to
which it is compatible with the format of these countries’ relations
with the EU. … [T]his format differs widely between individual
countries of the region. EU relations with these countries can be
grouped into three broad types:

1. EU membership (Bulgaria and Romania) and EU accession (Turkey
being an official candidate);

2. European Neighborhood Policy (all other Black Sea countries,
except Russia); and

3. "Four Common Spaces" and Strategic Partnership (Russia).

In addition, relations with the EU within the first two types take
place almost exclusively on a bilateral basis – despite regular
"synergy meetings" between BSEC and the EU. This is in stark contrast
to EU initiatives in other geographic regions, which were conceived
from the very beginning in regional – rather than bilateral – format
and have been partly institutionalized. The bilateral approach
preferred by the EU with respect to the Black Sea countries results
not least from the fact that BSEC is often perceived in the EU as an
organization confining itself to mere declarations. This is due in
part to bilateral tensions between some of the Black Sea countries,
most notably between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Armenia and Turkey, and
Turkey and Greece. In fact, multilateral cooperation of the Black Sea
countries with the EU is largely confined to sectoral initiatives
such as Interstate Oil and Gas Transport to Europe (INOGATE), the
Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA), the Black Sea
Pan-European Transport Area (PETrA), and the Danube-Black Sea Task
Force (DANBLAS). As a result, the EU fails to act as a "center of
gravity" promoting deeper regional integration for the Black Sea
region as a whole.

At the same time, multilateral integration in the Black Sea region
under the auspices of Russia, which, given its economic size, could
potentially serve as an alternative "gravity center," appears to
be equally problematic. This holds true even for Ukraine, Armenia
and Azerbaijan, all of which belong to the CIS [Commonwealth of
Independent States, which Georgia left in August]. Although there
is a formal CIS-wide free-trade agreement, a number of important
commodities are exempted, and there are frequent frictions and even
occasional bans on imports into Russia of selected (primarily food)
products from these countries, such as wines from Georgia (or Moldova,
for that matter) or dairy and meat products from Ukraine. Another
example is quotas and anti-dumping measures against the import of
Ukrainian steel products into Russia. Furthermore, Georgia and Armenia
have been WTO [World Trade Organization] members for several years
(since 2000 and 2003, respectively), Ukraine joined the WTO in May
(and is negotiating a "deep" free trade agreement with the EU), while
Russia and Azerbaijan – both aspiring to WTO membership – are still
negotiating. The unequal speed of WTO accession complicates regional
trade integration and investment issues even further, as it provides
countries which joined earlier with a possibility to put forward extra
demands to the applicant countries, enabling them to negotiate better
market access terms for themselves or block the applicant country’s
accession altogether (Georgia’s veto on Russia’s WTO accession is a
relevant example).

The prospects of closer economic integration between the CIS and the
non-CIS Black Sea countries potentially involve problems of an even
greater dimension. Bulgaria and Romania are EU members. Therefore,
any integration steps with these countries would necessarily require
deeper integration with the EU as a whole. Besides, Turkey is also a
longstanding member of a customs union with the EU, which means that
the Turkish trade regime for imports from third countries is unified
with that of the European Union. An additional problem concerns
bilateral trade relations between Turkey and Armenia (both countries
remain deeply split over the "genocide issue"), Armenia and Azerbaijan
(the frozen conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh), Georgia and Russia (the
latter supporting separatists in Abkhazia and South Ossetia), which are
hampered by the strained political relations. Therefore, as long as the
integration prospects between the EU and Russia – energy apart – remain
bleak, and bilateral relations between several Black Sea countries
are low-profile, any far-reaching economic integration encompassing
the Black Sea region as a whole will be highly unlikely. At the same
time, with growing economic strength, Russian capital increasingly
dominates important sectors in the region (such as energy, metals and
telecommunications), thus possibly fostering regional integration from
"below."

REGIONAL ECONOMIC CHALLENGES AND OUTLOOK

As demonstrated by the above brief analysis, the Black Sea region
comprises a widely heterogeneous group of countries which face
vastly different economic problems and find themselves at different
levels of development – even if all of them have enjoyed recent high
economic growth, accompanied by an impressive surge in bilateral trade
flows. Yet, many challenges remain, which differ among individual
countries.

In Bulgaria and Romania, the economic outlook is stable thanks to their
firm anchor in the European Union and the sizeable transfers they are
receiving from Brussels. At the same time, the risks of overheating
cannot be ignored. Booming domestic demand, largely financed by loans
from foreign-owned banks, is increasingly facing supply constraints,
which, on the one hand, contribute to inflationary pressures and,
on the other hand, spill over into soaring imports. Due to sizeable
inflation, both countries suffer from real currency appreciation which
threatens their trade competitiveness. Widening external imbalances
make these countries increasingly vulnerable to sentiments in world
financial markets, raising the risk of a "hard landing" (credit crunch)
in the case of a sudden outflow of short-term speculative capital. Over
the last two years, speculative capital has been particularly targeting
Romania – in contrast to Bulgaria, where the very high external
deficits have been so far largely financed by the inflows of FDI
[foreign direct investment]. However, in the longer run, should FDI
inflows subside and a financial crisis break out, Bulgaria may find
it more difficult to cope with external shocks. Unlike Romania, it is
operating a fixed exchange-rate regime to the euro within the framework
of a "currency board." Therefore, any currency devaluation – which
might be required to improve the country’s competitiveness and thus
reduce external deficits – would be very difficult to implement. This
would imply leaving the currency board with the resulting credibility
loss for the country’s monetary authorities.

The issue of overheating also applies to some extent to Georgia and
Armenia, although the financial vulnerability of these very small
economies does not seem to be excessively exposed at the moment. In
fact, Georgia and Armenia are primarily facing structural – rather
than macroeconomic – problems. In both countries, poverty is still a
big issue. According to the World Bank definition, it affects around
30 percent of the population on average, but is typically worse in
the countryside. The reasons for this are multiple, but an important
explaining factor has been the virtual dismantling of the social safety
network in the wake of economic transition. The latter is manifested
inter alia in the small size of government, particularly in Armenia,
where general government expenditures hover around 20 percent of
GDP. This is not only far below what is common in EU countries
(generally above 40 percent), but even e.g. in Russia and Ukraine
(30-35 percent).

The limited ability of the Armenian government to spend is partly due
to low tax morale and the widespread activities of the shadow economy,
and also to the fact that some of the most dynamic economic sectors
(such as construction) used to be exempted from taxation. Another
problem for Armenia is the relative isolation of its economy primarily
because of problematic relations with its neighbors Turkey and
Azerbaijan. As a result, its foreign trade turnover stands below 50
percent of GDP (and exports at just 16 percent of GDP) – much lower
than what the country’s small size would suggest. The costs of this are
manifold: not only do missing export opportunities imply losses for
the economic agents involved; the redirection of cargo shipments via
sub-optimal transport routes means eroding profit margins for exporters
and higher domestic prices of imported goods. Similar problems can
be observed in Georgia, whose transport links to Russia are largely
blocked due to the unresolved status of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Another issue of concern for Armenia (and, as a matter of fact,
for Ukraine, whereas Georgia’s export structure is, paradoxically,
more diversified) is the narrow specialization in commodities whose
world prices are subject to sharp and unpredictable fluctuations –
which partly translates into the volatility of these countries’
growth paths. In Ukraine, some 40 percent of exports is represented
by metals, particularly steel; in Armenia about 60 percent of exports
is represented by diamonds and non-ferrous metals such as copper and
molybdenum. As exemplified by the recent successful experience of
numerous East European countries (including Romania and Bulgaria),
attracting FDI into industrial branches producing (and exporting)
more sophisticated products (as well as potentially in tourism) helps
improve the economic structure and thus represents a remedy to this
problem. However, a prerequisite for that would be improvement in the
investment climate, which would require inter alia the settlement
of existing "frozen" conflicts (in the South Caucasus) and greater
political stability in general (in Ukraine). The latter two factors
explain why foreign investors have largely avoided these countries
so far.

In Russia and Azerbaijan, narrow specialization in energy resources
is potentially dangerous – even though in the short and medium
run oil prices are expected to stay stubbornly high, so that the
risk of a crisis currently appears to be low. The necessity of
diversifying the economy away from energy is generally understood
by the countries’ authorities. Therefore, the biggest policy
challenge for these countries is how to take advantage of the
current oil "bonanza" in the most efficient way in order to pursue
the goal of diversification. Following the experience of many other
energy-exporting countries, both countries set up "oil funds":
Azerbaijan in 1999 and Russia in 2004. However, channeling energy
revenues exclusively into oil funds for the benefit of future
generations (as has been largely happening so far in Russia,
and in line with the policy pursued e.g. by Norway) – rather than
spending them on a current basis – runs the risk of depriving the
economy of badly needed investments, including in infrastructure
and the social sphere (in so-called human capital). Indeed, it is
fairly obvious that the development needs of both Azerbaijan and
Russia are quite different from those of Norway. On the other hand,
boosting government expenditures on a current basis (the strategy
currently pursued by Azerbaijan), if driven to the extreme, may fuel
inflation, leading to higher production costs and thus undermining
the competitiveness of the non-energy tradable sector (the so-called
Dutch disease) – thus making the goal of economic diversification even
more difficult. Therefore, the policy challenge for the authorities
under the current circumstances is to find a reasonable compromise
by tempering the pace of fiscal expansion in order to avoid excessive
"overheating." Another challenge is to keep corruption in check.

Turkey faces two main economic challenges. First, despite the
remarkable reform progress reached over the last few years and the
much sounder banking system nowadays, the country’s persistently
high current account deficits (around 8 percent of GDP in 2006-2007)
and underlying trade deficits are still a concern. The domestic price
level, which stands at around two-thirds of the EU average, seems to
be much higher than justified by the country’s level of development,
and creates problems for the country’s goods-exporting sector,
particularly such less productive segments as textiles. Second,
the reform efforts of the government – however impressive thus far –
largely owe their success to the country’s EU membership aspirations
and may subside markedly in response to the increasingly skeptical
attitude towards Turkey’s EU accession on the part of European
policymakers and the broader public.

Despite these problems, the outlook for the Black Sea countries
is largely positive, with annual GDP growth in excess of 5 percent
in the medium and long run being feasible – not least owing to the
considerable catch-up potential of all countries concerned. Apart
from sound economic policies – which should go beyond the standard
stabilization, liberalization and privatization tasks (all of
them largely completed by now) – it is especially the fostering of
institutional reforms and related improvements of investment climate
that will be indispensable for a lasting and sustainable economic
development in the Black Sea region. More decisive steps towards
regional and EU economic integration would undoubtedly further
contribute to the favorable economic prospects of the countries
involved. However, as demonstrated by our analysis, such integration
would require significant changes in the stance of regional (and
EU) policymakers, a higher level of mutual trust, and a solution to
"frozen conflicts," and ultimately hinges on prospects for cooperation
between Russia and the EU.

Vasily Astrov is an economist at the Vienna Institute for International
Economic Studies. Peter Havlik is the institute’s deputy director.

This excerpt appears with the kind permission of the Center for
Transatlantic Relations. © 2008 Center for Transatlantic Relations,
The Johns Hopkins University/Austrian Institute for International
Affairs.

–Boundary_(ID_JuLUd//pe4f O6Ab3QuP3jw)–

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