Opposition Parties Condemn Case Against Ter-Petrosian Allies

OPPOSITION PARTIES CONDEMN CASE AGAINST TER-PETROSIAN ALLIES
By Emil Danielyan

Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Nov 2 2007

More than a dozen opposition parties have strongly condemned last
week’s arrests of several supporters of former President Levon
Ter-Petrosian and demanded that the Armenian authorities drop
"baseless" criminal accusations leveled against them.

The five opposition activists, among them two newspaper editors,
were formally charged on Tuesday with assaulting police officers who
tried to stop their October 23 march in Yerevan. The demonstration,
sanctioned by municipal authorities, was aimed at informing city
residents about Ter-Petrosian’s upcoming rally in the capital. It
followed the Ter-Petrosian camp’s complaints that none of Armenia’s
major television stations agreed to broadcast paid advertisements of
the event.

The police claim that the several dozen marchers interfered with
traffic and disrupted public order by littering the streets with
leaflets and disturbing residents. But organizers deny this, saying
that they simply exercised their constitutionally guaranteed rights.

In a joint statement issued late Thursday, 11 opposition parties, most
of them allied to Ter-Petrosian, also rejected the official version
of events. "We declare that police actions against participants of
the peaceful and legal march are illegal and blatantly violate human
rights and civil liberties," they said.

The statement demanded that the authorities end the "baseless criminal
prosecution" and "hold accountable" the deputy chief of the Yerevan
police who ordered a special police unit to use force against the
demonstrators.

The police actions were also separately condemned by two other
major opposition parties that have had an uneasy relationship
with Ter-Petrosian and are unlikely to support him in the upcoming
presidential election. One of them, the National Democratic Union
(AZhM), said Armenia has had a poor human rights record and lacked
rule of law "since 1988," implying that Ter-Petrosian is also to
blame for the existing situation.

While deploring the "illegal and unjustified use of force," the
National Unity Party of Artashes Geghamian, blamed on Friday the
rising political tensions on both the authorities and "some opposition
parties and their leaders."

Turkey "Less Dangerous" For USA Than Pakistan

TURKEY "LESS DANGEROUS" FOR USA THAN PAKISTAN

La Stampa, Itali
Oct 24 2007

Commentary by Loretta Napoleoni:

"Karachi and Istanbul, Dual Challenge"

The United States is having to reckon with two Muslim countries which
are plagued by terrorism, and which are jeopardizing the precarious
global balance. Turkey is openly defying it, and is threatening to
attack Iraqi Kurdistan, in order to crush what they see as a maggot,
the PKK. Pakistan is doing the opposite: in order to curb the violent
advance of Islamic fundamentalism, it has brought back, with the
blessing of the United States, Benazir Bhutto, whose government was
marked by rampant corruption, uncontrolled growth in the public debt,
an arms race, and the near collapse of its banks. In both countries,
the role of the military is a safety valve for the young recruits
who find in the army a privileged caste.

But whereas in Turkey the army stays in the barracks, in Pakistan it
is in power. Both countries are undergoing an economic rebirth linked
to globalization: foreign investments in energy, telecommunications,
and agriculture (Turkey and Pakistan are major producers of cotton,
which China is hungry for). But whereas in Turkey the redistribution of
incomes makes it easier for the middle classes and lower-middle classes
to have access to a share in the new wealth, in Pakistan the economic
rebirth is lining the pockets of the old, corrupt, large land-owning
elites. Alarming figures describe a very poor country, where more than
half of the 170 million inhabitants live on less than a dollar a day,
and where illiteracy is rife – in Waziristan, the tribal area where Bin
Ladin and Mullah Omar reside, it is sometimes as high as 85 per cent.

The profound difference between the countries is to be looked for
in the differing nature of the elites in power, and not in their
geographical proximity to the West. Turkey has a strong nationalist
identity, led by a political class which is aware of this situation.

Pakistan is a nation which was born from the religious separation
between Muslims and Hindus, a tribal country, led by corrupt elites
who only pursue their own interests. In the aftermath of her arrival,
Bhutto attacked Musharraf, who is technically her ally, using the
blood of her followers to promote herself beneath the banner of
democracy. But it is a democracy which is fictional and feudal, and
corrupt. The Financial Times has recalled that in Switzerland a judge,
Fournier, will over the next few days make public the investigation
into money-laundering by Bhutto and her husband, known as Mr 10
per cent, owing to the kickbacks he used to demand when his wife was
prime minister: 13 million dollars are frozen in their Swiss accounts,
revenue from kickbacks paid out in the 1990s by Swiss firms.

Turkey and Pakistan are also Muslim countries where the Islamic thrust
is strong. In Turkey the moderates have managed to hold this movement
in check, and have kept the terrorism of Islamic fundamentalism at
bay. In Pakistan the radical Islamic movement has become an opposition
force against the military and the corrupt elites who are followers
of Bhutto and her rival, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, the
head of Pakistan’s Muslim League. This polarization perpetuates
their reliance on the coffers of economic aid from Washington, the
only major arbiter in the political contest in Pakistan. By contrast,
Turkey disdains the United States, which has betrayed it in Iraq, and
which has humiliated it with the accusation of the massacre of the
Armenians. Turkey’s elites are challenging the superpower because,
backed up by their national identity, they have built economic ties
with the new, large powers on the rise via strategic accords, foremost
among which is the accord on economic cooperation in the Black Sea,
an alliance between Turkey, Russia, China, and the countries of central
Asia, which, to all intents and purposes, is aimed at excluding Europe
and the United States from the Black Sea.

Paradoxically, Turkey’s defiance against the United States is a sign
of internal stability and geopolitical certainties, and thus is less
dangerous than the docility of Pakistan.

Translated from Italian

For Kurds In N. Iraq, A Familiar Foreboding

FOR KURDS IN N. IRAQ, A FAMILIAR FOREBODING
by Sudarsan Raghavan; Washington Post Foreign Service

The Washington Post
November 1, 2007 Thursday
Met 2 Edition

Shelling by Turkey Leads Many to Flee

The last three women left this tiny hamlet on Monday, carrying no more
than their clothes and prayers. They joined 250 villagers who fled in
the past two weeks, locking their homes and their yellow church and
driving away on a desolate road scarred by war. Only 11 men remain,
their lands separated from Turkey by a thin, emerald river winding
through a fertile valley.

For several months now, Turkish forces have been shelling this rugged
terrain from mountain bases, including a massive one perched above
Deshtetek, in an effort to root out Kurdish guerrillas. An immense
Turkish flag, its white crescent and star gleaming in the sun, is
painted on the mountainside.

During the rule of Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party, Deshtetek’s community
of Chaldean Christians was driven from here, their ancestral homeland,
to Mosul and Baghdad. Two years ago, they came back to this remote
edge of northern Iraq to escape religious persecution and sectarian
violence. Now, as the shelling from Turkey intensifies, a familiar
dread has returned to their lives.

"This is our fate," said Zaito Warda Michael, 75, Deshtetek’s mayor.

"We have to flee all the time."

Along Iraq’s border with Turkey, Kurds are caught in the crosshairs
of a long-simmering conflict between Turkey and the guerrillas of the
Kurdistan Workers’ Party or PKK, which threatens to open a new front
in the Iraq war. Several thousand civilians have fled their homes,
propelled as much by the shelling as fear of the unknown. The pace
of their departures picked up after Turkey’s parliament two weeks
ago voted to authorize the military to invade. Turkish attacks,
including aerial bombings, have burned scores of fields and orchards,
the villagers’ main source of income and food.

But the campaign has done little to stop the guerrillas. On Monday,
it took a half-hour’s drive from Deshtetek, through these forbidding
mountains, to run into four fighters, wearing grenade belts and
clutching rifles, heading into Turkey. Their outpost was less than
a mile from a border checkpoint operated by the Kurdish regional
government, the semiautonomous body that administers northern Iraq.

The Iraqi Kurds have had an ambivalent relationship with Turkey.

During a period of intra-Kurdish strife in the mid-1990s, Turkish
forces were allowed into northern Iraq to pursue the PKK, and they
remain in the area. On Wednesday at least 10 Turkish tanks were parked
around their military base near the town of Bamerni.

Following the 2003 U.S.-led invasion, Iraqi Kurds feared the Turks
would enter their region to undermine Kurdish autonomy and seize Iraqi
oil. Since then, Turkish investment in northern Iraq and cross-border
trade have grown.

As fellow Kurds, many villagers sympathize with the PKK, which has
fought to carve a Kurdish state out of Turkey but now seeks Kurdish
autonomy. But the villagers deny Turkish accusations that they
support the guerrillas. They have little confidence that Iraq’s weak
central government can solve the crisis and place their hopes in the
Iraqi Kurds’ main Western backer. "Our destiny is in the hands of the
United States," said Yusef Ali, 50, a farmer in the village of Kashan,
which was shelled last week.

The tensions arise in a region finally reaping peace after generations
of suffering, in contrast to the rest of the country. "We want to
build irrigation projects, a church, a mosque, or pave a road," said
Khalid Aziz, the mayor of Batifa, to which many families have fled. "We
don’t want war. We have witnessed too many wars in our lives."

Jamil Oraha, 53, moved back to Deshtetek from Mosul after Sunni
insurgents started using the telephones in his call center to threaten
Iraqis working with the police and the U.S. military. They warned
Oraha that they would detonate a hand grenade in his store if he
didn’t cooperate.

For 13 months, he found stability in his village, along with other
Chaldean families, Catholics who observe a rite of worship developed,
in part, in the Mesopotamian region. The regional government built 25
houses colored in shades of cream and lime-green. Families returned
from Mosul, Baghdad, even as far away as the southern city of Basra.

That they faced a Turkish military base across the valley was never
a threat. "We knew our roads and lands. They knew theirs," Oraha
explained.

In February, their calculus changed. Shells began to fly over their
village, pounding mountainsides, valleys and farms. Since then, Turkey
has bombed this patch of Iraq’s border at least 97 times, with as
many as 800 shells and six aerial assaults, said Col. Hussein Thamer,
the regional head of Iraq’s border guards. No Iraqis were killed,
but several were injured, he said.

"The Turks always say their target is the PKK," said Thamer, whose men
patrol 125 miles of Iraq’s border with Turkey. "But since February,
nobody from the PKK has been injured."

In the office of Aziz, the mayor of Batifa, colorful folders are
stacked on the floor, each an accounting of damage caused by the
shelling. So far, he said, 1,100 farmers have filed complaints. One
farmer lost 300 apple trees, each one at least 20 years old, he said.

On Monday, an hour after the last female residents left Deshtetek,
the remaining men gathered inside a house, where a rifle rested
against a sofa. All stayed behind to protect their lands and property.

"We have no choice," said Salim Michael Warda, 39, a farmer. "All we
own in our lives is here."

Since the attacks, the village school has shut down because teachers
were afraid to commute to the border. Their pastor also left. The
men can no longer fish in the river. They said they have thousands
of dollars worth of ripe walnuts they cannot take to market.

"Now, we are afraid to go out — we can’t even go get wood," said
Zarro Kutto Zarro, 53. "If we go out, they will hit us."

A few days ago, at least 20 shells struck the lands around Deshtetek.

One tore a six-foot-wide hole in the narrow, buckling road leading
out of the village.

Three miles away along the same road, which coils through a line
of oatmeal-colored mountains stretching from the border, the Muslim
village of Parekh sits silent, save for the howling wind. Once there
were 400 residents. Now, there are six.

"They fled because the news was bad," said Sabria Yusef Amar, frail
and angular-faced, in her 50s.

She has lived alone since her family fled. Shells struck the
mountainside above their house, but Amar refused to leave the village
where she was raised. She was tired of running, she said.

"Whatever God has decided, it will happen," she said.

In the late 1980s, Hussein’s government evicted Amar and her family and
took them to a desert camp. Several of Amar’s relatives were executed,
she said, their bodies never found — victims of the Anfal campaign,
in which Iraqi authorities systematically killed tens of thousands
of Kurds. She later moved to Zakho and didn’t return to her village
until two months ago, when the regional government built her family
a small purple house.

"We were so happy. I felt that our life before Anfal would come
back," Amar said. "Now we are afraid that the Turks will come here
and deprive us of this gift."

About 1 a.m. Oct. 21, shells began to rain around Kashan. Sayran
Hussein, 40, grabbed her children and hid in a nearby canal until dawn,
as did scores of other villagers. The next morning all 30 families,
including nearly 100 children, fled to Zakho.

Several days later, they heard on a newscast that Turkey’s prime
minister would visit Washington in November. They returned to their
village, reasoning that any invasion would surely wait until after that
meeting. Just in case, they left the elderly and the frail in Zakho.

On Sunday, a group of village elders gathered on a porch to discuss
the geopolitics that rule their plight. During the Anfal campaign,
the entire village — people living in mud houses and caves — fled
to Turkey, where officials initially blocked U.N. assistance and
confined the Kurds to camps.

"Saddam killed us and chased us to Turkey. We came back from Turkey.

Now, Turkey is chasing us and trying to kill us," said Abdullah
Abdal, 80.

He, like his neighbors, believes that Turkey’s motive is to seize
control of Iraq’s oil — not tackle the PKK. "There are 25 million
Kurds in Turkey. They love the PKK. They should solve their problems
inside Turkey," said Abdal. "We have nothing to do with the PKK."

Others expressed admiration for the guerrillas.

"The PKK are also Kurds," said Hadji Abdullah, 53. "Why should we
fight and kill them?"

Less than a mile away, large charred patches pock the mountainside,
where gray and orange shell fragments lay scattered.

"With artillery and bombs, we can hide. But if they launch an
offensive, where can we hide?" said Yusef Ali, as he and his 5-year-old
child picked up some bomb fragments.

"Turkey is practicing what Saddam was doing to us. That’s why we’re
afraid," said Fateh Mahmoud, 53, a farmer. Seconds later, he added:
"The U.S. has always supported us. Why are they not applying pressure
on Turkey to stop these attacks?"

In Deshtetek, Jamil Oraha is worried about the future. "The central
government can’t protect itself. How can we ask it for help?" Oraha
said, shaking his head. "We can’t go back to Mosul. We can’t go back to
Baghdad. The cheapest house in Zakho is $400 a month. Where can we go?"

Michael, Deshtetek’s mayor, is worried about history. He sees parallels
with Turkish massacres of Armenian Christians in the waning days of
the Ottoman Empire.

"We believe what happened in Armenia can happen to us at any moment,"
Michael said.

>From the gates of the church, he gazed up at the Turkish base and flag,
his back straight, his silence defiant.

Staff researcher Robert E. Thomason in Washington contributed to
this report.

Armenian story has another side

Chicago Tribune

Armenian story has another side

By Norman Stone, a historian and the author of "World War I: A Short
History"

October 16, 2007

aper/printedition/tuesday/chi-oped1016endoct16,0,2 073252.story

All the world knows what the end of an empire looks like: hundreds of
thousands of people fleeing down dusty paths, taking what was left of

Their possessions; crammed refugee trains puffing their way across arid
plains; and many, many people dying. For the Ottoman Empire that process
began in the Balkans, the Crimea and the Caucasus as Russia and her
satellites expanded. Seven million people — we would now call them
Turks — had to settle in Anatolia, the territory of modern Turkey.

In 1914, when World War I began in earnest, Armenians living in what
is now Turkey attempted to set up a national state. Armenians revolted
against the Ottoman government, began what we would now call "ethnic
cleansing" of the local Turks. Their effort failed and caused the
government to deport most Armenians from the area of the revolt for
security reasons. Their sufferings en route are well-known.

Today, Armenian interests in America and abroad are
well-organized. What keeps them united is the collective memory of
their historic grievance. What happened was not in any way their
fault, they believe. If the drive to carve out an ethnically pure
Armenian state was a failure, they reason, it was only because the
Turks exterminated them.

For years, Armenians have urged the U.S. Congress to recognize their
fate as genocide. Many U.S. leaders — including former secretaries of
state and defense and current high-ranking Bush administration
officials — have urged Congress either not to consider or to vote
down the current genocide resolution primarily for strategic purposes:
Turkey is a critical ally to the U.S. in both Iraq and Afghanistan and
adoption of such a resolution would anger and offend the Turkish
population and jeopardize U.S.- Turkish relations.

Given this strong opposition, why would Congress, upon the advice of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee, make itself arbiter of this
controversy?

What makes the Armenians’ dreadful fate so much worse than the
dreadful fates that come with every end of empire? It is here that
historians must come in.

First, allegedly critical evidence of the crime consists of forgeries.
The British were in occupation of Istanbul for four years after the
war and examined all of the files of the Ottoman government. They
found nothing, and therefore could not try the 100-odd supposed
Turkish war criminals that they were holding. Then, documents turned
up, allegedly telegrams from the interior ministry to the effect that
all Armenians should be wiped out. The signatures turned out to be
wrong, there were no back-up copies in the archives and the dating
system was misunderstood.

There are many other arguments against a supposed genocide of the
Armenians.

Their leader was offered a post in the Turkish Cabinet in 1914, and
turned it down. When the deportations were under way, the populations
of the big cities were exempted — Istanbul, Izmir, Aleppo, where
there were huge concentrations of Armenians. There were indeed
well-documented and horrible massacres of the deportee columns, and
the Turks themselves tried more than 1,300 men for these crimes in
1916, convicted many and executed several.

None of this squares with genocide, as we classically understand it.
Finally, it is just not true that historians as a whole support the
Genocide thesis. The people who know the background and the language
(Ottoman Turkish is terribly difficult) are divided, and those who do
not accept the genocide thesis are weightier. The Armenian lobby
contends that these independent and highly esteemed historians are
simply "Ottomanists" — a ridiculously arrogant dismissal.

Unfortunately, the issue has never reached a properly constituted
court. If the Armenians were convinced of their own case, they would
have taken it to one. Instead, they lobby bewildered or bored
parliamentary assemblies to "recognize the genocide."

Congress should not take a position, one way or the other, on this
affair.

Let historians decide. The Turkish government has been saying this for
years. It is the Armenians who refuse to take part in a joint
Historical review, even when organized by impeccably neutral
academics. This review is the logical and most sensible path
forward. Passage of the resolution by the full House of
Representatives would constitute an act of legislative vengeance and
would shame well-meaning scholars who want to explore this history
from any vantage point other than the one foisted upon the world by
ultranationalist Armenians.

http://www.chicagotribune.com/services/newsp

First UK Armenian Genocide Monument Unveiling

PRESS RELEASE
Wales-Armenia Solidarity
Contact: E. Williams
Cardiff, Wales
Tel: 07870267447
Email: [email protected]

Genocide Monument Unveiling – Turkish Nazis and Genocide deniers
expected to protest

Several hundred Armenians from across the UK will gather at the
Temple of Peace, Cardiff at 1.00 p.m. this Saturday (3rd November) for
the unveiling of the first public monument to the Armenian Genocide in
the UK. Permission has been granted by the United Nations Association
Wales and the monument will stand on land owned by the National
Assembly of Wales. The monument will be unveiled by the Presiding
Officer of the National Assembly, Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas and the
Armenian Ambassador, Dr Vahe Gabrielyan.

Welsh and Armenian choirs will take part as well as Armenian
dancers. Canon Patrick Thomas, a well known Welsh writer, will speak
on "Armenia and Wales" and Mike Joseph, a highly respected
Welsh-Jewish historian and academic will speak on Aneurin Williams MP,
the Welsh lobbyist for Armenia in Parliament during the time of the
Genocide. Prayers will be said in Welsh, Armenian and Aramean.

The Monument is a "thank you" to the people of Wales for the
Recognition of the Armenian Genocide by the political cultural and
religious representatives of the nation.

It will be seen as an embarrassment by the government in London as
well as the Conservative Party who have both consistently colluded
with the Turkish denial of their past crimes against the
Armenians. Last week the new Minister for Europe, Jim Murphy, promised
to look afresh at the issue.

Significantly for the cause of recognition, 187 Westminster MPs
have signed an Early Day Motion recognising the truth of the Armenian
Genocide.

(Of these 187 only George Galloway MP for Bethnal Green, and David
Burrowes MP for Southgate in North London, caved in to Turkish
pressure and withdrew their names)

We are informed by the police that several hundred Turkish Nazi
Genocide deniers, widely believed to be organised by the Turkish Grey
Wolves ultra-nationalist terrorist organisation, will protest near the
monument. Amazingly only a handful of police officers have been
promised for the protection of the audience, who will be armed with
hymns and prayers only.

Contact: Eilian Williams 07876561398

Robert Kocharian And Anatoly Serdyukov Discussed Military-Technical

ROBERT KOCHARIAN AND ANATOLY SERDYUKOV DISCUSSED MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION BETWEEN ARMENIA AND RUSSIA

DeFacto Agency
Oct 31 2007
Armenia

Today RA President Robert Kocharian received Russia’s Defense Minister
Anatoly Serdyukov, who had arrived in Yerevan on an official visit.

According to the information DE FACTO received at the RA President’s
Press Office, in the course of the meeting the parties had discussed
the issues referring to the two countries’ military-technical
cooperation, expressing satisfaction with the level and quality of
cooperation in that sphere.

Israel And The Armenian Question

ISRAEL AND THE ARMENIAN QUESTION
by The Stiletto

Blogger News Network

Oct 31 2007

Even as American Jewish groups were championing the Armenian Genocide
Resolution, lobbyists from Turkey and Israel relentlessly pressured
members of the U.S. House of Representatives to squelch the symbolic
bill, which was tabled late last week by Speaker Nancy Pelosi.

Israel’s state policy of Armenian Genocide denial, and its fevered
efforts to coerce Pelosi to back off bringing HR 106 to a floor vote,
prompted many of Israel’s Armenian citizens – roughly 5,000 Christians
and 20,000 Jews – to take to the streets in protest (second item).

Unlike Turkey, which prosecutes its citizens for writing about or
otherwise acknowledging the Armenian Genocide as settled history,
Israel’s media practiced self-censorship, reports The Christian Science
Monitor:With Israel’s strategic relationship with Turkey in mind,
the Armenian question has become an untouchable topic. The protest
went virtually uncovered by most of the local media and got noticed
by foreign papers only.

And Israel’s government took a page from the Ahmadinejad Handbook Of
Holocaust Denial:

[Turkey’s ambassador to Israel, Namik] Tan says there is no proof
to support the genocide claims and reiterated what he says is a
longstanding offer to bring Turkish and Armenian historians together
to study the issue.

That, says George Hintlian, historian of the Armenian community of
Jerusalem, is not an option.

"For us," he says, "it’s like sitting with David Irving," a self-styled
British historian famous for questioning facts surrounding the
Holocaust. "Do you sit with deniers?" …"I think the totality
of the Israeli public and the press sympathizes with us, but this
double-standard is so embarrassing for Israeli intellectuals that it’s
hard for anyone here to speak about it. We have a psychological burden
for the next generation. The American-Jewish community is saying that
this stain should be taken away from the people of the Holocaust,
but Israel is acting pragmatically."

Ironically, as Israel curries favor with the Turks it risks losing the
once-unquestioned support of the American Jewish community, some of
whom are worrying whether they are losing their souls by sacrificing
their principles on the alter of pragmatism. The Forward interviewed
a member of Anti-Defamation League’s national executive committee who
was concerned that the ADL could no longer be counted on to "stand up
for what’s right and wrong," and dared to ask: "[A]re our principles
put through some kind of filter that involves Israel’s self-interest?"

Note: The Stiletto writes about politics and other stuff at The
Stiletto Blog.

http://www.bloggernews.net/111338

ANTELIAS: His Holiness Aram I receives Simon Karam

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Fr.Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

Armenian version: nian.htm

HIS HOLINESS ARAM I RECEIVES SIMON KARAM

The former ambassador of Lebanon to Washington, Dr. Simon Karam, visited His
Holiness Aram I in Antelias on 30 October. The Pontiff and his guest held
talks on the main issue occupying Lebanese political circles- the upcoming
presidential elections in Lebanon.

Dr. Karam is an important political figure and, for the last six months, the
leader of an association representing all the Christian communities in
Lebanon.

##
The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates of
the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the history and
the mission of the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer to the web page of
the Catholicosate, The Cilician
Catholicosate, the administrative center of the church is located in
Antelias, Lebanon.

http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/v04/doc/Arme
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org

Police Prevents Next Stage Of Military Tournament Of Karabakh Libera

POLICE PREVENTS NEXT STAGE OF MILITARY TOURNAMENT OF KARABAKH LIBERATION ORGANIZATION

arminfo
2007-10-30 16:14:00

ArmInfo. Karabakh Liberation Organization’s effort to hold the fifth
stage of the military tournament ‘Militant fighter for Karabakh’s
freedom’ on 29 October, incurred failure, a source in the organization
told Trend. The policemen prevented the contest in the shooting center
of Baku’s settlement of Bilajari. Closing the way to the center, the
employees of Binagadi Police Department did not miss the participants
to enter the center. After resistance, the police removed the members
of the organization from the territory. The police stated that the
Executive Power and Police Department of Binagadi district imposed
a ban on KLO to hold any events in this center.

They did not explain the reasons of the ban.

On 29 October the KLO made a statement saying that the Azerbaijani
power and its local bodies avoid conducting any events of patriotic
character and do not wish to strengthen military-patriotic spirit
in the Country. "We require that the Presidential Administration and
Interior Ministry should immediately explain it," the statement says.

Bako Sahakian Appointed Members Of Council Of NKR Public Television

BAKO SAHAKIAN APPOINTED MEMBERS OF COUNCIL OF NKR PUBLIC TELEVISION AND RADIO COMPANY

DeFacto Agency, Armenia
Oct 30 2007

October 29 Nagorno-Karabakh Republic President Bako Sahakian signed
a decree, according to which Vardges Baghriyan, Georgy Ghazarian and
Ara Vanian were appointed the members of the Council of NKR Public
Television and Radio Company.

According to the information DE FACTO received at the Central
Department of Information under NKR President, the same day the state’s
head had received the members of the Council and congratulated them
on the new appointment.

Bako Sahakian stated Television played an important role in the
Republic’s public life and underscored that the Council should work
hard in that direction.