Author: Talar Tumanian

Armenian ombudsman: Portraying POWs as ‘terrorists’ a gross violation of international humanitarian law

Talar Tumanian
Panorama, Armenia
March 9 2021

Armenia’s Human Rights Defender (Ombudsman) Arman Tatoyan on Monday delivered a special report at a discussion hosted by the Armenian National Committee of the United Kingdom, highlighting the urgency of the return of the Armenian prisoners of war (POWs) – servicemen and civilians – being held in Azerbaijan.

The meeting was attended by UK Ambassador to Armenia John Gallagher, Chairman of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Armenia Tim Loughton and others, the Ombudsman’s Office reported on Tuesday.

Arman Tatoyan noted that the Azerbaijani authorities are artificially delaying and politicizing the process to cause mental suffering to the Armenian society, especially to the families of the prisoners, and to create tensions in the country.

The ombudsman presented in detail the international humanitarian and human rights rules which require the immediate release of prisoners and their safe return. Wrongly portraying POWs as “terrorists” is a gross violation of international humanitarian law and the rights of prisoners given the circumstances of ongoing armed conflict, he underlined.

Tatoyan also briefed the participants on war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Azerbaijani military during the recent war in Artsakh (beheadings, torture, mutilation of bodies, etc.).

Referring to the border determination process, Arman Tatoyan presented his new concept calling for the creation of a demilitarized zone in Armenia’s Syunik Province to guarantee the security of the people. He presented concrete evidence and facts which his new approach is based on.

“The process related to the borders has violated and seriously endangered the rights of Armenia’s border residents, disrupted their normal life, continuing to cause concerns to the villagers,” the defender said.

Something’s happening in Armenia. But is it a coup? In fact, coups are rare in post-Soviet countries

Talar Tumanian
Washington Post
March 2 2021
By Adam E. Casey
March 2, 2021 at 2:00 p.m. GMT+2

On Feb. 25, Armenia’s top military leadership called on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to resign. This threat came in the form of a letter signed by “several dozen” army officers, who cited “attacks” on the armed forces by the government. On Monday, pro-Pashinyan supporters demonstrated in one part of the capital while protesters demanding his resignation rallied at a separate site.

It isn’t clear what the next moves might be — and whether the army will attempt to forcibly remove the civilian government. But military coups are extremely rare in the countries that once made up the Soviet Union, so analysts are keeping a close eye on the situation and the potential effect on regional politics.

Scholars have long noted that the USSR left a number of poor legacies for democracy — but overly interventionist militaries was not one of them. The Soviet Union itself was remarkably invulnerable to coups, and Soviet clients in Eurasia and elsewhere were highly coup resistant.

While Armenia and Azerbaijan fought over Nagorno-Karabakh, their citizens battled on social media

Though less frequent, military coups still happen: last year in Mali, for instance; and last month in Myanmar. One data set tallies 109 coup attempts between 1991 and 2020, not all successful. Just two took place in the former Soviet Union — two failed coups in Azerbaijan in 1995 and 1996.

Of course, post-Soviet security services have hardly remained outside politics, but involvement by the army in ousting a leader is rare. We don’t know whether this coup threat will bring soldiers to the streets or oust Pashinyan’s government. Regardless, this crisis poses a serious challenge to Armenian democracy, civil-military relations and the fragile peace in the region. The powerful military that was once the source of regime strength in Armenia now threatens to bring down the government.

Armenia’s parliament named Nikol Pashinyan prime minister in 2018, when a “Velvet Revolution” swept the regime led by Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan from power. This regime transition was the result of weeks of peaceful protests in the most recent example of a successful “color revolution.”

But Armenians weren’t happy last fall with a peace deal that ceded Armenian-held territory in Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan after the long-standing conflict reignited. Many within the army took issue with the dismissal last week of the deputy chief of the army general staff.

Five ways the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict will change the map

There are also reports that the army had refused an order to use force against protesters in December. Large protests on Feb. 20 brought thousands into the streets to call for Pashinyan’s resignation. On Monday, protesters broke into a government building, demanding he resign.

Former Armenian presidents Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharian, along with high-ranking police officers, also called for Pashinyan to resign. While the large internal security service has urged calm, their position in any clash will also prove critical.

On Feb. 25, Pashinyan rallied thousands of his supporters to the streets of Yerevan and tried to fire the leader of the army. However, on Feb. 27, the Armenian president effectively sided with the army and refused to approve the order to dismiss Gen. Staff Chief Gasparyan.

During the Velvet Revolution, Russia notably stood on the sidelines, and Pashinyan gave assurances of his desire for continued close strategic relations with Moscow. So far, Russia has expressed a desire for a peaceful resolution to the current crisis, describing it as an “exclusively internal affair” that should be resolved through constitutional means.

A standard definition of a coup is an “illegal and overt action intended to seize executive authority in the state.” Despite Pashinyan’s claims to the contrary, it’s not clear the scenario in Armenia is a coup attempt, using this definition.

However, many scholars adopt a more expansive definition, which includes actions short of direct attempts to seize executive power. This broader scope would encompass an attempt by the military to unseat the sitting head of state via unconstitutional means. In this case, the explicit call for the removal of the head of government constitutes this act of insubordination and, arguably, a coup attempt.


This leaves Armenia’s situation perhaps a parallel to the scenario in Bolivia, when the army effectively forced President Evo Morales to resign in 2019, but did not directly seize power. Like Bolivia, Armenia is seeing mass protests. This is in fact quite common as a lead-up to coup attempts and regime change.

Most basically, this matters for democracy in Armenia, which has been struggling to establish democratic institutions since declaring its independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. Many analysts viewed the Velvet Revolution as a democratic breakthrough against an authoritarian regime.

Of course, this could turn out to be what some analysts call a “good coup,” if it’s a reaction to the government’s plans to use the army against domestic protesters. But “good coups” are also rare, and coups overall tend to increase, rather than decrease, the risk of violent repression.

To scholars, the potential involvement of the regular army in an effort to overthrow a government in the former Soviet Union is a novel development. After all, Armenia’s initial victory in the territorial conflict over the contested Nagorno-Karabakh region strengthened the regime in Yerevan and enabled the construction of a powerful security apparatus. We might be witness to the double-edged nature of a powerful military: When military forces blame civilian leadership for poor battlefield outcomes, a coup attempt is increasingly likely.

The fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh is about local territories and wider rivalries

The wider implications, if the military overthrows the government and creates a more hard line regime, could include a threat to the relatively fragile peace agreement with Azerbaijan. In that scenario, the risk rises of resumed hostilities in a conflict that left thousands of casualties.

Even failed coups can have tremendous consequences for democracy, as the post-coup purges in Turkey demonstrated. If Pashinyan’s regime shakes this threat off, would we see a similar purge of opponents in the armed forces?

As of now, the army remains in the barracks, and it’s unclear whether Pashinyan will successfully maneuver past the coup threat. What is clear is that the challenge Armenia’s mass protests pose have grown more acute. Without a loyal army willing to defend the regime, Pashinyan may find he has few options to resist the growing clamor for his resignation.

Adam E. Casey is a research fellow at the Weiser Center for Emerging Democracies at the University of Michigan.

 

Armenia improving positions in Index of Economic Freedom

Talar Tumanian

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 11:45, 5 March, 2021

YEREVAN, MARCH 5, ARMENPRESS. Armenia improved its ranking by two notches in the Heritage Foundation’s 2021 Index of Economic Freedom, scoring 71,9 out of 100 and listing as a mostly free economy.

Armenia is 32nd among 178 countries.

Countries rated “free” or “mostly free” in the 2021 index generate incomes that are more than double the average levels in other countries and more than six times higher than the incomes of people living in countries with “repressed” economies.

“Armenia’s economic freedom score is 71.9, making its economy the 32nd freest in the 2021 Index. Its overall score has increased by 1.3 points, primarily because of an improvement in fiscal health. Armenia is ranked 18th among 45 countries in the Europe region, and its overall score is above the regional and world averages,” the report says.

Armenian designers featured in Vogue Italia

Talar Tumanian
Public Radio of Armenia
March 4 2021

During the latest edition of London Fashion Week, the British body Fashion Scout and Fashion and Designer Chamber Armenia (FDCA) – the non-profit association founded in November 2017 by a group of Armenian designers to strengthen the fashion and Armenian design allowing them to be fully inserted in the local and international context – collaborated on a purely digital project to present six emerging designers, Vogue Italia reports.

In this regard, emerging designers had the opportunity to exhibit their collections in a see-now-buy-now format., to increase their global network with buyers, members of the press and the rest of the fashion community. Furthermore, together with the fashion films presented by the various designers, there was the launch of a new e-commerce portal, miashop.am, which sells works curated by the most promising Armenian designers, many of whom have already captured the attention of professionals.

Starting from 2019, Fashion Scout has worked alongside the Fashion and Designer Chamber Armenia in order to develop an accelerator program and a showcasing business for Armenian designers. The project, called “Supporting SME’s and Creating Sustainable Ecosystem for Armenian Textile Industry” “to support and create a sustainable ecosystem for the Armenian textile industry” was initiated by the FDCA with the invaluable support of the UK’s Good Governance Fund (GFF). 

Vogue Talents presents three very promising Armenian sustainable fashion designers here:

– Public Radio of Armenia

RUZANĒ

A decisive femininity, which lies in wanting to create a wide-ranging creative approach to fashion to involve all dimensions of lifestyle: this is the banner signed by RUZANĒ , the brand founded by Ruzanna Vardanyan in 2016 as a declaration of maximum femininity and style.

“We tend to be strong and fearless, but it’s not about physical strength, our power is our femininity,” explained the designer. The latest collection harks back to how society uses this power in response to humanity’s major challenges. The label creates timeless pieces made with refined fabrics, enhancing quality. 

Nelly Serobyan 

A manifesto of trust, independence and tradition, is at the helm of the homonymous brand that embodies a strong and self-confident design. The minimalist wardrobe is endowed with a strong personality, tuned with clothes that enhance the concept of essentiality and femininity. 

The arsenal of clothing is divided into baggy dresses with a tailored cut, neutral colors and composed volumes. In addition, a touch of functionality softens the high-low effect of the collection. “Due to the current economic crisis, our brand has started saving as much as possible,” explains Serobyan.

LOOM Weaving

© aghayan

Founded by Inga Manukyan in 2014, LOOM Weaving proposes an evolution of the contemporary wardrobe by combining the concept of practical wear with the attention to detail typical of the world of knitwear. Dresses and cardigans favor oversized silhouettes with revolutionary necklines and maxi weaves. Sweaters, on the other hand, appear in different lengths with a sturdy lightness. 

LOOM Weaving was founded with the aim of reviving national handmade techniques and building a new path for Armenian knitwear production to design, develop, weave and above all create. The label has developed its own style, which is both modern and traditional at the same time, as the products require style and individuality. The proposals are easily identifiable by their appearance, design, idea, handmade and natural raw materials used. The brand refers to the development of an exclusive knitwear design, using an original blend of inlay and the best natural yarns (wool, viscose, cotton, lurex and silk) in infinite color combinations. 

Explainer: What Is Russia’s Role in Recent Armenian Unrest?

Talar Tumanian
The Moscow Times
March 2 2021

By Uliana Pavlova

March 2, 2021 

Armenia has faced days of political crisis after its prime minister’s remarks on a Russian missile system that Yerevan used during last fall’s war against Azerbaijan sparked demands for his resignation.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan clashed with the general staff of Armenia’s armed forces after he claimed that Iskander missiles supplied by Russia — Armenia’s main military ally — had been ineffective during the war over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Tens of thousands of Pashinyan’s supporters and members of the opposition have protested in Yerevan in the days since, with the prime minister accusing the military of an “attempted coup” and defying growing calls to resign.

Here’s a look at what has happened — and what the events mean for Russia’s relationship with Armenia: 

In a Feb. 23 interview with local television, Pashinyan said that the Russian-made Iskander missiles “didn’t explode, or maybe 10% of them exploded” during the fighting over Nagorno-Karabakh. When asked by the interviewer if that was really true, Pashinyan replied “I don’t know… maybe they were weapons from the ‘80s.”

The comments came after Pashinyan’s predecessor Serzh Sargsyan criticized him for waiting to deploy the Iskander missiles, one of the most sophisticated weapons in Armenia’s arsenal, until the war was essentially over.

On Wednesday, Pashinyan advised the president to fire Tigran Khachatryan, the deputy chief of the general staff, after he ridiculed Pashinyan’s comments. 

The next day, the military’s general staff, who have traditionally been uninvolved in politics, called on Pashinyan to resign. Pashinyan fired back with an accusation that they were mounting an “attempted military coup.”

Pashinyan’s criticism of the Russian missile system provoked “an added element of military defiance [among] those who were seeking Russian support and sensed an opportunity in the potential conflict between the prime minister and Moscow,” Richard Giragosian, director of the Regional Studies Center in Yerevan, told The Moscow Times. 

Pashinyan on Monday walked back his criticism of the Russian missile system, saying he had been “misinformed” of its effectiveness. The statement came shortly after a phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

“Pashinyan’s recent correction regarding the missile system is a welcome move after the prime minister’s previous comment which reflected his military inexperience,” Giragosian said. 

While Russian lawmakers took umbrage at Pashinyan’s remarks, the Kremlin issued a carefully worded statement in response to the political crisis unfolding in Armenia and extended its support to Pashinyan. 

“Vladimir Putin spoke in favor of maintaining order and tranquility in Armenia, resolving the situation within the framework of the law. The head of the Russian state called on all sides for restraint,” a Kremlin readout of Putin and Pashinyan’s call said. 

Moscow’s response to the Armenian unrest was so restrained “because the Kremlin is mainly interested in fulfilling the agreement that was signed in order to preserve at least some semblance of peace in the region,” said Vadim Mukhanov, senior researcher at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO). 

Russia, an ally of both Armenia and Azerbaijan, sought to quell the fighting between the two after the latest clashes broke out in September. Moscow brokered a peace agreement in November that ended the war, with some 2,000 Russian military peacekeepers deployed to Nagorno-Karabakh to enforce it.

“The Russian factor is quite influential, both in domestic and foreign policy, especially after the defeat in Karabakh, which can be assessed as the largest geopolitical crisis in Armenia in post-Soviet history,” said MGIMO’s Mukhanov.  

The six-week Nagorno-Karabakh war ended in a devastating defeat for Armenia, with a Russia-enforced peace agreement that saw Azerbaijan regain control of districts that Armenia had controlled since the 1990s as well as the strategic city of Shusha. But for Russia, the end of the war presented an opportunity to expand its influence in the region.

“Russia is clearly a winner after years of limited leverage because it was the only conflict in post-Soviet space with no Russian military presence which ended on Moscow’s terms,” Giragosian said.

While the Russia-brokered peace agreement granted regional power-broker status to Moscow, analysts said the outcome of the conflict left Armenians deeply dissatisfied. 

“It is clear that these agreements did not satisfy Armenian society and thus ignited protests against Pashinyan, who became the symbol of these agreements,” said Mukhanov. 

AFP contributed reporting.



Number of people vaccinated against COVID-19 twice as high as global case count

Talar Tumanian

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 15:09,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 26, ARMENPRESS. The number of people vaccinated against COVID-19 in the world is twice as high as the global case count, TASS news agency calculated based on the data provided by governments, experts and the media.

Currently, about 227 million people have been vaccinated (about 2.9% of the global population), while 113.1 million people have been diagnosed with COVID-19, according to TASS calculations.

About 75% of all those vaccinated are residents of eight states: the US, China, the UK, India, Turkey, Israel, Brazil and the UAE.

Pashinyan orders internal investigation over IDEX-2021 gaffe

Talar Tumanian

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 11:42,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 25, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has ordered an internal investigation to reveal how the Armenian defense exhibits failed to reach the IDEX-2021 expo in Abu Dhabi.

Pashinyan said at the Cabinet meeting that the investigation will bring to account the officials in charge if they have any fault in the incident.

Earlier, the Ministry of High-Tech Industry had announced that the samples of the military-industry failed to reach the expo due to “logistical problems”.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenia Speaker of Parliament holds meeting with Iranian Ambassador

Talar Tumanian

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 16:04, 18 February, 2021

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 18, ARMENPRESS. Speaker of Parliament Ararat Mirzoyan received today Ambassador of Iran to Armenia Abbas Zohouri, the Armenian Parliament told Armenpress.

During the meeting Speaker Mirzoyan said he views Iran as a friendly country and reliable partner. Touching upon the Artsakh conflict, the Speaker said after the November 9 trilateral statement on the ceasefire it is necessary to implement the agreements reached. As a priority he mentioned the exchange of the prisoners of war with “all for all” principle. Mirzoyan added that the Nagorno Karabakh conflict cannot be considered as completely resolved because the status of Nagorno Karabakh – the right to self-determination of the Artsakh-Armenians has not been solved under the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship format. He said Iran cannot refrain from expressing position on the Artsakh issue, taking into account also the active involvement of other regional countries for the benefit of the Azerbaijani side both at the hostilities stage and afterwards.

The Ambassador stated that the Iranian side welcomes  the agreement on the ceasefire in Artsakh and reaffirmed the opinion of the Iranian Foreign Minister according to which the return of the prisoners of war should be quickly solved.

At the meeting the officials also discussed a number of issues relating to further boosting the inter-parliamentary ties, the economic relations and conducting joint economic activity in Armenia’s Syunik province.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Minister of economy offers condolences on death of former agriculture minister Sergo Karapetyan

Talar Tumanian

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 11:37, 18 February, 2021

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 18, ARMENPRESS. Minister of Economy of Armenia Vahan Kerobyan has offered his condolences over the death of former minister of agriculture Sergo Karapetyan, the ministry said.

“With a deep sorrow I have learnt about the death of former minister of agriculture Sergo Karapetyan.

On behalf of the ministry staff and myself personally I express my sincere condolences to Sergo Karapetyan’s family, relatives and colleagues.

At this difficult moment of loss please accept my condolences and support”, the minister’s condolence letter reads.

Former minister of agriculture Sergo Karapetyan died on February 18 from COVID-19 complications at the age of 72.

He has served as agriculture minister from 2010 to 2016.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Asbarez: Calif. Lawmakers Call for Release of ‘Illegally Held Armenian Hostages’

Talar Tumanian

February 15,  2021



Members of the California Armenian Legislative Caucus signed letters to relevant international mediators calling on them to assist in the release of illegally held Armenian hostages currently in Azerbaijan and allow the soldiers to return home to Armenia and Artsakh.

The lawmakers addressed four separate letters to Nazhat Shameen Khan, President of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the three co-chairs of the OSCE Minks Group, Igor Popov of Russia, Stephane Visconte of France and Andres Schofer of the United States.

The California Armenian Legislative Caucus signed by senators Bob Archuleta, Andreas Borgeas, Brian Dahle, Anthony Portantino and Scott Wilk, as well as Assemblymembers Laura Friedman, Luz Rivas, and Adrin Nazarian.

The California Armenian Legislative Caucus said it “is deeply concerned for the well-being and safety of these Armenian individuals and ask you to demand for the release of the Armenian hostages and other detainees as well as the remains of the fatalities.”

Below is the complete text of the letter:

It is with great humanitarian concern that the California Armenian Legislative Caucus strongly urges you to demand and assist in the release of illegally held Armenian hostages currently in Azerbaijan and allow the soldiers to return home to Armenia and Artsakh. Azerbaijan has continued to block the timely return of Armenian captives, with reports of up to 150 soldiers still being held.

On September 27, 2020 Azerbaijan launched an unprovoked attack against the peaceful Republic of Artsakh (also known as Nagorno-Karabakh) by shelling military positions and innocent civilian populations indiscriminately. Turkey played an active role in supporting Azerbaijan’s aggression toward Artsakh by providing arms, logistical and communications support, and even transporting paid Jihadist mercenaries to Azerbaijan from Libya and the Turkish Syrian border. Armenia was forced to make significant concessions at the conclusion of the war. Furthermore, for more than a century, Turkey and Azerbaijan have maintained a violent history toward the Armenian people. Descendants of the Armenian Genocide continue to mourn the loss of 1.5 million ancestors murdered by the Turks and over 5,000 civilians and military personnel were killed in this conflict.

On November 9, 2020, a ceasefire was declared that called upon the mutual release and exchange of prisoners. Azerbaijan has not yet released the prisoners of war and innocent civilians that are being held captive. All persons were to be exchanged. Azerbaijan has a history of gruesome treatment and human rights violations of captives. So far, only 54 Armenians, both civilians and soldiers have been returned from Azerbaijani custody while the number of missing Armenians continues to grow. Even after the ceasefire, Armenian soldiers have been captured and Azerbaijan has failed to acknowledge these soldiers as prisoners of war and want to try them in Azerbaijan on criminal charges. Azerbaijani soldiers are continuing to break the ceasefire and capture innocent Armenian soldiers and hold them as hostages only to unfairly extort political and territorial demands.

We are deeply concerned for the well-being and safety of these Armenian individuals and ask you to demand for the release of the Armenian hostages and other detainees as well as the remains of the fatalities.

The California Armenian Legislative Caucus is a bi-partisan, non-political Caucus that serves as a forum for members from the California Senate and Assembly to identify key issues affecting Armenian Americans and develop and empower the Armenian American community throughout California.