Pridnestrovian President sent NK President Condolences on Memorial D

Pridnestrovian President sent Karabakh President Condolences on
Memorial Day of Died for Fatherland

news.am
June 29, 2012 | 18:32

Nagorno-Karabakh courageous people celebrate the 20th anniversary of
national heroes, Memorial Day of volunteers and defenders of freedom
and independence, who died due to Azerbaijani aggressive attacks while
defending their Fatherland.

On this occasion, the Pridnestrovian President Yevgeni Shevchuk sent a
condolence letter to the Nagorno-Karabakh President Bako Sahakyan for
the Day of Remembrance of those fallen for Homeland and Missing
People, PMR inform informs

Benvenuto tra gli armeni del Libano ita

Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso
29 giugno 2012

Benvenuto tra gli armeni del Libano ita

Paolo Martino

Sull’altopiano della Bekaa, in Libano, in compagnia di Hrayer, un
ragazzo della comunità armena locale. Tra ortaggi, alberi da frutto e
un tragico passato. La prima tappa del reportage “Dal Caucaso a
Beirut”

Hrayer fende l’oscurità passo dopo passo, affidando la marcia a
sporadici indizi sul terreno. In cielo, fasci di luce improvvisi
intersecano la calotta innevata del Monte Libano, annunciando il
giorno. `Siamo arrivati, meglio non avvicinarsi troppo alla
frontiera’. Il ragazzone sprofonda sulla ghiaia, sistemandosi per un
bivacco. `Proseguendo lungo il crinale fino a quella sella’, la mano
tesa verso sud indica un passo già schiarito dall’aurora, che a breve
conquisterà anche questo lato del cielo, `sei già in Siria.’ La parola
lascia dietro di sé uno strascico di silenzio.

La paglia brucia sotto il pentolino come benzina, senza fumo. `Qualche
mese fa ti avrei accompagnato fin lì e oltre’, l’acqua già bolle, `ma
ormai il confine è un campo minato’. Mentre Hrayer versa il tè, un
crepitio di pietre e zoccoli anticipa la comparsa in controluce di due
cavalieri che scendono la costa della montagna. Hrayer fa il gesto di
porgergli una tazza, ma loro alzano il braccio senza fermarsi,
rotolando a valle. `Contrabbandieri?’ E’ la prima parola che pronuncio
da quando mi sono svegliato. Hrayer soffia sul vapore, mentre la sua
testa annuisce.

A valle, un fuoristrada mattiniero spande dai finestrini le atmosfere
trionfali di Aram Khachaturian, il compositore armeno che incantò
Stalin, annullando lo spazio tra noi e il villaggio di Anjar, da cui
siamo partiti a notte fonda. Hrayer sorride, mentre l’alba esplode in
una valanga di luce che restituisce l’altopiano della Bekaa ai colori
delle sue piantagioni. Finalmente assaporiamo il tè, dolcissimo:
`Benvenuto tra gli armeni del Libano.’

Dal mio diario. 5 ottobreVivo a Beirut da quasi un anno, ormai il
tempo stringe. Rafi ripete che il mio interesse per la diaspora armena
non mi porterà da nessuna parte. `Di noi armeni libanesi si dirà
presto quello che si è detto di tutti gli armeni della storia: sono
venuti e hanno costruito scuole e chiese – poi sono spariti.’ Per
giustificare la decadenza del presente Rafi affonda le dita nelle
ferite della storia: `guarda Ani. La capitale millenaria di uno
smisurato impero armeno è ormai dimenticata in un angolo di territorio
turco, ridotta a vento e sassi. Noi armeni mediorientali stiamo
affondando come Ani.’ La fabbrica di scarpe di Rafi non produce a
pieno ritmo da ormai troppo tempo; dai muri pendono ingobbite le
fotografie dei primi anni ’70, quando la guerra civile libanese era un
incubo che poteva ancora essere rimandato. Tra i suoi dipendenti, due
operai sciiti, un tornitore sunnita, un calzolaio curdo, due manovali
siriani e un anziano cucitore maronita: neanche un armeno, nonostante
la produzione sia nel cuore di Burj Hammoud, il quartiere di Beirut
che da un secolo ospita la più grande comunità armena del Medio
Oriente. Tentando di scoraggiarmi Rafi non fa che aumentare la mia
curiosità per questo mondo che si è già avviato alla scomparsa.

Sfrondati dalla potatura, i filari di mandorli e meli non oppongono
resistenza al vento continuo dell’altopiano, mentre nei canali
d’irrigazione che squadrano gli ottantamila ettari di Anjar scorrono
quattro dita d’acqua limpida. `Sono stati progettati gli ingegneri
dell’esercito francese nei primi anni ’40, quando ci fu assegnata
questa terra’. Passeggiando tra gli appezzamenti che circondano Anjar,
Hrayer ripercorre la storia del suo popolo come se leggesse in ogni
zolla le memorie delle generazioni di armeni che l’hanno coltivata
prima di lui. `Aranci e melograni crescono meglio ai piedi del monte
su cui ci siamo arrampicati stamattina, lì c’è meno vento e il sole
scalda di più. Qui va bene per gli ortaggi, gli ortaggi hanno un
bisogno continuo d’acqua’. Accovacciato sul ciglio di un invaso di
cemento, Hrayer beve a mani piene.

Libano, Hrayer guida armena nella Bekaa
Circa un secolo fa, mentre in Anatolia si consumava il genocidio
armeno, nel golfo di Alessandretta i sette villaggi armeni di Musa
Dagh organizzarono una resistenza armata che per alcune settimane
tenne testa alle truppe ottomane. Tratti in salvo da una flotta
francese in transito, i superstiti poterono rientrare nelle loro case
dopo quatto anni, quando nel 1919 la Francia mandataria estese i suoi
domini siriani fino al fiume Oronte. All’alba della Seconda guerra
mondiale però, Parigi scambiò quella regione con una promessa di
neutralità di Istanbul nell’imminente conflitto, e Musa Dagh tornò
sotto sovranità turca. La buonuscita offerta agli armeni fu un
fazzoletto di terra nella valle della Bekaa, nel Libano mandatario
francese, dove i profughi arrivarono stremati dopo due mesi di viaggio
la sera del 12 settembre 1939, fondando Anjar.

`Domattina andremo a cercare Angel, la donna più anziana di Anjar’.
Hrayer arrostisce le kefte, spiedini di carne macinata e speziata,
sulle braci estratte dalla pancia del falò, mentre dal buio in cui è
precipitato l’altopiano della Bekaa non arriva che silenzio. `Lei
potrà raccontarti dell’infanzia a Musa Dagh, della fuga, dei primi
durissimi anni in Libano’. Dei cinquemilacinquecento profughi arrivati
nel 1939, il freddo dei primi due inverni passati agli oltre

-L’intero reportage —
Vai alla pagina dedicata al reportage
-mille metri di altitudine della valle ne uccise ottocento, uno ogni
sette. `Di tutto quello che vedi intorno a te’, sorride Hrayer, quasi
che i suoi occhi possano penetrare l’oscurità, `non esisteva nulla. I
profughi si arrangiarono in tende di stracci, mangiando radici. La
resistenza dei combattenti di Musa Dagh nel 1919 contro i soldati
ottomani non fu la battaglia più dura per i miei antenati. L’inverno
della Bekaa fu un nemico molto più mortale’.

Con il trasferimento in Libano, il destino dei profughi di Musa Dagh
confluiva in quello delle centinaia di migliaia di armeni che
vent’anni prima avevano trovato rifugio nel Medio Oriente arabo.
Aleppo, Baghdad, Damasco, Amman: l’elenco delle città in cui si
insediarono gli armeni sopravvissuti al genocidio contiene i nomi di
tutte le capitali levantine. Luoghi in cui il cosmopolitismo, la
contaminazione linguistica, il multiconfessionalismo e la coesistenza
di diversi modelli economici e sociali offrivano agli esuli ampi spazi
di integrazione. Tuttavia, disseminata ai quattro angoli della
Mesopotamia, la neonata diaspora subiva il richiamo costante di un
luogo che rapidamente si affermava come sinonimo di opportunità,
sviluppo, cittadinanza, libertà: il luogo in cui si sarebbe
strutturata la più grande, articolata, operosa e intrigata comunità
armena del Medio Oriente, e che si sarebbe candidata al ruolo di testa
pensante, interprete, portavoce e braccio armato dell’intera diaspora
armena nel mondo: Beirut.

Nel silenzio della Bekaa la suoneria del mio cellulare è un sussulto.
`Sono Rafi. Il tuo uomo ha accettato di incontrarti domani mattina qui
in fabbrica. Ha un aereo per Mosca nel primo pomeriggio, gli ho già
detto che ci sarai’. I fari del furgone che mi riporta a Beirut
accendono il giallo delle bandiere di Hezbollah, la milizia sciita che
controlla l’altopiano. La barba ispida e il turbante del leader Hassan
Nasrallah, ricercato numero uno di Israele e Stati Uniti, si replicano
a ogni incrocio, ogni cavalcavia, ogni palo della luce, mentre a valle
il cuore di Beirut già pulsa di luce arancione. Il saluto veloce a
Hrayer è stato solo un arrivederci: le tracce che seguo disegnano una
pista che presto tornerà ad incrociare la sua. Intanto la mente si
immerge nella nebulosa di volti, luoghi e suggestioni raccolte nei
mesi trascorsi a contatto con la diaspora armena per prepararsi
all’incontro di domani mattina. L’uomo che aspettavo da mesi avrà
finalmente un volto, Sarop il guerriero ha accettato un’intervista.

http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/Dossier/Dal-Caucaso-a-Beirut/Dal-Caucaso-a-Beirut/Benvenuto-tra-gli-armeni-del-Libano-119048

ISTANBUL: Non-Muslims: Key cases must not be affected by removal of

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
June 29 2012

Non-Muslims: Key cases must not be affected by removal of special courts

29 June 2012 / YONCA POYRAZ DOÄ?AN, İSTANBUL

As there is a government plan to pass a law that would abolish or
significantly curtail the powers of Turkey’s specially authorized
courts, Turkey’s non-Muslims have voiced their concerns over this and
indicated that progress in important cases must not be affected by the
changes.

`Our concern is in regards to the fate of current cases such as
Ergenekon, Zirve and Hrant Dink. Changes to the law must not affect
the progress of these key cases which are not only important for the
non-Muslim community but also for the whole of Turkey,’ said Tatyos
Bebek, a civil society activist from the Armenian community.

Bebek was referring to the Ergenekon case — a clandestine
organization nested within the state that was trying to manipulate and
overthrow the democratically elected government; the Cage (Kafes) case
— a plan that targeted Turkey’s non-Muslims to create chaos and
grounds for military interference; the Zirve case, which involved the
killing of Christian missionaries in Malatya; and the murder of Hrant
Dink, a Turkish citizen of Armenian origin.

He added that he was against the lawlessness practiced by the
notorious State Security Courts (DGMs) and that restricting the
authority of special courts could be a positive step in that regard as
long as progress in important cases continues to be made.

`Government officials say that ongoing cases will not be affected by
the changes. That’s what we expect. If the changes are going to
eliminate the allegations that there are unfair practices conducted by
these special courts, then the new law will bring positive changes,’
said İvo Vedat Molinas, the editor-in-chief of Shalom, a Jewish
community newspaper in Turkey.

The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) eliminated the
DGMs and instead set up the current special courts in 2004 to align
the Turkish judicial system with that of the EU and to implement
reforms recommended by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). In
addition, members of the legal community argued that strong criminal
networks nested within the state cannot be brought to justice by
ordinary courts and prosecutors.

Specially authorized courts were credited with dismantling gangs and
organized crime in Turkey and going after coup-plotting senior
generals for the first time in the republic’s history, which has seen
four military coups and numerous attempts.

However, human rights lawyer Orhan Kemal Cengiz, who is also the
lawyer for the families of the brutally murdered Christians at the
Zirve Publishing house in Malatya in April 2007, said it is important
to have `special measures’ to fight organized crime and gangs in
Turkey but that it must be done at the prosecution level.

`What we need are more powerful prosecutors who can prepare good
indictments for cases. What is important in law is the preparation of
well-rounded indictments. When there is a good indictment, it is not
that important which court those cases are heard in,’ he said.

He also said that the ongoing cases must not be hurt by the new
changes but there is no information yet about what changes will be
made.

According to the government’s plans, the new bill will be passed
before Parliament adjourns for summer recess on July 1. There are
predictions that the new law might lead to the release of hundreds of
gang members, drug traffickers, terrorists and terror suspects.

ISTANBUL: Syria and Turkish foreign policy

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
June 29 2012

Syria and Turkish foreign policy

�°HSAN YILMAZ

Despite what the staunch Justice and Development Party (AKP) enemies
have been arguing, there was nothing wrong with the
zero-problems-with-neighbors approach. This was an idealist aim,
worthy of trying to attain. Moreover, it is not mainly Turkey’s fault
that this approach is now not practical. Saying this does not mean
that Turkish policymakers must be immune to criticism and have been
working immaculately. Starting with the Syrian issue, let us evaluate
what went wrong.

Thanks to its economic success, increasing democratization and ability
to accommodate a formerly Islamist group to run the country, Turkey
has been a shining star in the Middle East. Turkish foreign
policymakers were good at leading Turkey’s soft power that not only
includes its economic and political success but also its growing civil
society, cultural achievements and gradually increasing intellectual
advances. Only time will tell if they are also good at leading the
country in a difficult time of turmoil, but the first signs suggest
they are clumsy and very inexperienced when it comes to hard power and
smart power issues.

In the Libyan revolt, Turkey did not know what to do and initially did
not side with the opposition to Muammar Gaddafi’s rule. Our
politicians explained that Turkey had $25 billion in investments and
25,000 Turkish workers in Libya, so it was not easy to side with the
opposition.

This strong and very confident rhetoric that sometimes amounted to
lecturing peer policymakers has been one of the problematic aspects of
our foreign policy. I have heard many international colleagues and
politicians joke about it and I cannot blame them.

Even though, initially, we did not support the opposition in Libya and
strongly opposed a NATO intervention, after this intervention and
after seeing that Gaddafi was going down, we started to support the
opposition. This is understandable as long as we honestly face the
fact that Turkey, like any other nation-state, places its own
interests over other considerations. The impact of the Libyan
experience was costly for Turkey vis-Ã?-vis the Syrian crisis. This
time, Turkey apparently did not want to repeat the same mistake that
it made in Libya in Syria and from almost the beginning sided with the
opposition and started putting pressure on the Bashar al-Assad regime.

Nevertheless, this time we overdid it at the other extreme —
especially the Turkish prime minister, Recep Tayyip ErdoÃ?Â?an, who
became more aggressive every time he talked about the Syrian issue. We
had not made careful calculations of our capabilities, our allies’
probable positions and action plans on the Syrian crisis, the
possibility of being bogged down by a proxy war in Syria with Iran and
Russia, supported by China and India, and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party
(PKK)/Kurdish problem. Our prime minister even shockingly said that
the Syrian crisis was our internal affair. Turkey was implying that
resorting to hard power was on the table, too. Then, to the public’s
surprise, Turkey’s harsh rhetoric — amounting to threatening the
Assad regime — abruptly stopped. There could be a few explanations
for this, but I think the major one was the Russian message to Turkey
and its allies. Russia sent a warship to its one and only base on the
Mediterranean Sea and gave a very clear message to Turkey. I think
this was actually the real test case for Turkey’s capability of hard
power, not the downed jet.

When it comes to soft power, Turkey is also in an unfortunate
position. Even though the Turkish army has been positioning its tanks,
etc. alongside the Syrian border, it is very highly probable that it
is a ploy for the benefit of domestic observers. Syria will not attack
Turkey. Our politicians are quite justifiably trying to save face
without clashing with Syria. Syria does not have much to lose. Its
economy is already in tatters and it does not have any soft power at
all. It is Turkey that needs millions of Western tourists, direct
foreign investment, a status of credible peace-broker, people spending
confidently and a country that aims for zero problems with its
neighbors. It is obvious that Turkey now needs creative solutions. It
seems that only a NATO intervention invited by the Arab League could
save Turkey’s face and help the opposition. But even this does not
promise a bright future for Turkey. A NATO intervention could pave the
way for Syria’s partition, which means there will be another Kurdish
at least de facto state along our longest southern border.

All in all, overconfidence and ambitious rhetoric that alarmed our
adversaries unnecessarily and caused concern among our friends in the
Middle East, the Balkans and Caucasus; not being able to walk our
talk, as was the case with Armenia and our Iran and Israel policies
vis-Ã?-vis the Malatya missile shield issue; and the lack of
calculating our capabilities are some of the reasons why Turkey’s
foreign policy is now in trouble.

Instead of getting upset with people who constructively criticize
them, our politicians, their bureaucrats and advisors should follow
God’s order to engage in consultation. Free debate in the public
sphere is part of this process of consultation in democracies. God
will reward humility and consultation.

Azeri Hack of Armenian Wine Site a Case of Sour Grapes?

EurasiaNet.com
June 30 2012

Azeri Hack of Armenian Wine Site a Case of Sour Grapes?

June 29, 2012 – 4:32pm, by Yigal Schleifer

Perhaps following the Latin proverb “in vino veritas,” a group of
Azeri hackers decided to recently use the website of a major Armenian
wine producer to spread their version of the “truth.” Reports
Armenia’s News.am:

Azerbaijani hackers cracked the website of Armenia-based `Armenia
Wine’ factory on the night of June 25.

A group of hackers calling themselves `Anti-Armenia team’ posted an
article about alleged Armenia’s `aggression’ towards Azerbaijan,
photos, videos about Azerbaijani leader and armed forces.

In response, the Armenia Wine company said the hack was not fueled by
the political tensions that exist between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but
rather by Azeri sour grapes over the recent growth of the Armenian
wine industry. Again, from News.am’s article:

In its statement the company said Azerbaijanis are angered by
Armenia’s ability to develop production and enter international market
even being under the blockade. The company representatives assured
that promotion of Armenian wines in the international market will
continue regardless of any attempts.

Indeed, as previously reported on this blog, the Armenian wine
industry has been making strides lately, with the creation of a
handful of new wineries that are working to bottle world-class wines
and with several older wineries also revamping their production to
boost the quality of their product.

Not to be outdone by its rival, Azerbaijan is also working hard these
days to fix the dismal reputation of its wine, at least according to
an article in Sommeliers International magazine, which suggests that
the country is now using “western-style” growing and winemaking
techniques to good effect:

We discover now Azeri wines of a high quality with a beautiful sensory
expression, mono or bi-varietals, sometimes associating Azeri and
French grape varieties. It is a very big recon – version, in mind of the
modern vine growing that leads now Azerbaijan in the circle of the new
producing countries of the Old World.

For now, the jury is still out on this new wave of Azeri wines. What
is clear, though, is that like with so many other things, Azeris and
Armenians will likely find a way to turn even the subject of
winemaking into something to fight about.

http://www.eurasianet.org/node/65619

90% of Armenian hostages are alive

90% of Armenian hostages are alive

15:10 – 29.06.2012

June 29th is the day of lost soldiers of Armenia, which was confirmed by GOAM.
President of `Lost Freedom fighter’ NGO Rima Araqelyan told
journalists during the press conference that the number of lost
soldiers from RA and NKR are around 1000.

According to her information, 90% of them are alive: `We are trying to
find out their names. We have given the information to the Red Cross’,
said she.

Mother of Arthur Gharibyan, who was a member of `Arabo’ detachment in
1992, Alvard Gharibyan said that she lost her hope about her son being
alive. `When my son went to the battle, he told me that he would kill
himself but will never become a hostage to turks

http://www.yerkir.am/en/news/28036.htm

Three Armenian boxers win bronze medals

Armenian three boxers win bronze medals

news.am
June 30

European Junior Boxing Championships 2012 held in Sofia, Bulgaria is
about to be over. As a result, three Armenians, including Hrayr
Shahverdyan, Erik Petrosyan and Narek Manasyan, left the championship
at the stage of semi-finals.

Shahverdyan (46 kg) lost to Bulgarian Daniel Asenov 14-16. Petrosyan
(52 kg) was defeated by Ukrainian Vitaly Solyanik 5-10. Manasyan (75
kg) was defeated by Russian Mohamed Mohamedov 17-8. All the three
Armenian boxers won bronze medals.

Historical-astronomical conference to take place at Byurakan

Historical-astronomical conference to take place at Byurakan
observatory in Armenia

news.am
June 30, 2012 | 17:43

An international historical-scientific astronomical conference within
the framework of the events dedicated to the 1400th anniversary of
Armenian mathematician, astronomer and geographer Anania Shirakatsi
will take place at Byurakan observatory in Armenia on September 25-28.
The conference is entitled `Astronomical heritage in national
culture’.

The organizers of the conference are the Byurakan Observatory of the
Armenian National Academy of Sciences (NAS), The History Institute of
the Armenian NAS, the NAS Institute of Archeology and Ethnography and
the Matenadaran Institute after Mesrop Mashtots.

Around 50 Armenian and foreign scientists will participate in the
conference. Those who would like to participate can register here.

No norms of ethics observed in Armenian society – expert

No norms of ethics observed in Armenian society – expert

tert.am
14:46 – 30.06.12

The Armenian society pays absolutely no heed to the norms of ethics,
according to Karen Kocharyan, a political engineer.

At a news conference on Saturday, the expert expressed his concerns
over the tragic incident at the Harsnaqar restaurant, noting that the
norms ethics are not observed even by children.

`The laws of the jungle prevail over us today, with the society having
turned into a Mowgli. I am very happy that chess was introduced to
[secondary] schools but it is also important to teach ethics,’ he
said.

Three military doctors from the Yerevan Garrison Hospital were beaten
severely by security guards of Harsnaqar about a fortnight ago. One of
them, Major Vahe Avetyan, was hospitalized with serious skull
injuries. Remaining unconscious at the hospital’s Intensive Care
Department after a surgery, he died on Friday evening.

Addressing the incident, Kocharyan said that the officials’ habit of
hiring a bodyguard to protect themselves from people who elected them
is a little bit strange.

According to him, the society has developed a kind of indifference to
what is happening around.

Harsnaqar restaurant belongs to Republican Party lawmaker Ruben
Hayrapetyan, the president of the Football Federation of Armenia. The
media reported earlier today that one of the men involved in the
scuffle is Hayrapetyan’s personal bodyguard.