Un Membre Du Conseil Constitutionnel Preoccupe Par Les Fraudes Elect

UN MEMBRE DU CONSEIL CONSTITUTIONNEL PREOCCUPE PAR LES FRAUDES ELECTORALES

Un membre de la Cour constitutionnelle de l’Armenie s’est dit
mercredi preoccupe par les irregularites signalees lors de l’election
presidentielle du mois dernier, en declarant qu’elles avaient alimente
la mefiance du public envers les resultats officiels.

Kim Balayan a parle de ” l’insatisfaction ” de nombreux Armeniens a
l’egard des resultats du vote officiels, au cours de l’interrogatoire
d’un representant de la police dans le cadre d’une audience en appel
de l’opposition pour l’annulation du vote du 18 fevrier. Il affirme
vouloir avoir ” bonne conscience ” lorsqu’il s’agira de statuer sur
les appels interjetes par Raffi Hovannisian, le principal candidat
d’opposition, et Andreas Ghukasian, un outsider.

Le tribunal compose de 9 membres doit rendre son verdict jeudi. Peu
s’attendent a voir invalidee la victoire contestee du president Serge
Sarkissian. Les autorites armeniennes affirment qu’il n’y a eu que
des infractions mineures qui ne sont pas susceptibles avoir affecte
le resultat des elections.

” Que ces violations aient ou non affecte le resultat de l’election
global est une question distincte “, a declare Balayan. ” Mais il est
evident qu’il y a eu des violations. ” Il se demande si les autorites
de police ne devraient pas disposer de ” leviers supplementaires ”
pour detecter les fraudes.

Des representants de la police et des procureurs ont temoigne
a l’audience sur leurs enquetes concernant 250 cas de fraudes,
mais dans la grande majorite des cas presumes les temoins oculaires
n’etaient pas disposes a se manifester lorsqu’ils ont ete contactes
par les autorites de police. Zaruhi Postanjian, une representante de
Hovannisian, a attribue ce phenomène a une ” atmosphère de peur. ”

jeudi 14 mars 2013, Ara ©armenews.com

Heritage Representative Denies Media Report On New ‘Hovannisian Cabi

HERITAGE REPRESENTATIVE DENIES MEDIA REPORT ON NEW ‘HOVANNISIAN CABINET’

Vote 2013 | 13.03.13 | 14:30

Deputy Chairman of the opposition Heritage party Armen Martirosyan
has denied that his party has any connection with the alleged “new
cabinet” that a local paper said had been formed as a result of Raffi
Hovannisian’s “political consultations.”

At a press conference in Yerevan’s Liberty Square on Wednesday,
Martirosyan said such publication by the newspaper, 168 Zham, was
rather aimed at distracting public attention from the real political
process.

The mentioned paper, citing “reliable sources”, has unveiled the
membership of a so-called shadow Hovannisian government that the
opposition leader, who is now on hunger strike in the square, has
purportedly formed.

In particular, according to the publication, among 18 ministers of
this Cabinet would also be Armenian Revolutionary Federation member
Armen Rustamyan (Minister of Territorial Administration, Deputy
Prime Minister), environmental activist Mariam Sukhudyan (Minister
of Nature Protection), Sardarapat Movement member Tigran Khzmalyan
(Minister of Culture), Karabakh war veteran Jirair Sefilyan (Defense
Minister), Armenian American rock musician Serj Tankian (Minister
of Diaspora), Heritage Party member Armen Martirosyan (Minister of
Sport and Youth Affairs), Heritage Party member Zaruhi Postanjyan
(Minister of Urban Development).

http://armenianow.com/vote_2013/44383/armvote13_heritage_party_cabinet_raffi_hovannisian

Hunger Games: Not Eating As Form Of Protest Has Short, Ineffective H

HUNGER GAMES: NOT EATING AS FORM OF PROTEST HAS SHORT, INEFFECTIVE HISTORY IN ARMENIA

Society | 13.03.13 | 15:02

Photolure

Karabakh Movement rally in 1988

By Gayane Lazarian
ArmeniaNow reporter

The hunger strike by opposition leader Raffi Hovannisian follows a
tradition of Armenian radical protests that began when the Soviet
Union was nearing collapse.

In 1988, as Armenia was rallying the Karabakh Movement, political
figure Khachik Stambultsyan announced that he would go on a hunger
strike to protest several matters, including environmental hazards
at Nairit chemical plant and Hrazdan power plant and the fair trial
of the Sumgait pogroms case.

Enlarge Photo Khachik Stambultsyan

Enlarge Photo Zori Balayan (left) and Victor Hambardzumyan

Enlarge Photo Andreas Ghukasyan

Enlarge Photo Raffi Hovannisian

“We were the first in the Soviet Union to go on hunger strike. Our
demands were met only partially. Hunger strike is an extreme step
and one should resort to it only when challenged with a matter of
life and death. One might not achieve anything with hunger strike,
but it is a means to make the issue reach the political agenda,”
Stambultsyan told ArmeniaNow.

Hovannisian, who two years ago held a 15-day hunger strike at the
same Liberty Square demanding the resignation of the country’s top
leadership, is now warning that if his political demands are not met
Serzh Sargsyan will “de facto” assume the presidential position on
April 9 (inauguration day) over Hovanissian’s “dead body”.

Hunger strikes gain more significance when prominent people, political
and public figures, intellectuals resort to it. In 1988 – in the
days of Karabakh movement (to liberate the then Autonomous Region of
Nagorno Karabakh from Azerbaijan) a group of Armenian intellectuals
went on a hunger strike in Moscow, among them eminent scientist Victor
Hambardzumyan, writer-publicist Zori Balayan, and others.

“Their demands were not met, state officials did not even visit them,”
recalls Stambultsyan.

A recent case of hunger strike among Armenians was with boxer Israel
Hakobkokhyan who in 2007 ran for a single mandate in the parliamentary
elections and lost to his Republican opponent, after which he went on
a five-day hunger strike in front of the Central Election Commission
(CEC) building. The politician-turned athlete stopped the strike
after then Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan’s visit.

The ‘tradition’ of hunger strikes in Armenia resumed in 2008 when
some 15 political prisoners in various penitentiaries declared hunger
strike. They were charged with organization of post-election mass
disorder of March 1, 2008. Karabakh war veterans of Shirak province
went on a hunger strike with a demand to release them, nine more
of them declared an infinite hunger strike in Yerablur (military
cemetery-memorial).

The spring of 2011 saw Hovannisian’s first hunger strike, which
he called “Freedom Fast”, by which he demanded the resignation of
the authorities – a demand that was never met – however Hovannisian
gained clout among oppositionists as his strike coincided with the
re-opening of Liberty Square to political rallying.

Another presidential candidate of the 2008 race Andreas Ghukasyan
resorted to hunger strike as a means of political struggle. He started
on January 21, along with the official launch of the pre-election
campaign, and continued 29 days, till the end of the Election Day.

Ghukasyan was demanding from the CEC to annul the decision nominating
Serzh Sargsyan’s candidacy for presidency, but his demand was denied.

“Permanent” presidential candidate Aram Harutyunyan went on a one-day
hunger strike and the next day (February 8) withdrew from the big run.

Stambultsyan says today’s view on such protests has turned hunger
strikes into a mockery.

“One must set a task to solve a crucial political issue of national
rather than personal importance. We had a goal to recover our
statehood, the Artsakh [Karabakh] issue… We went on a hunger strike
so that if the issue was not resolved, our death would put the issue
on the agenda and ways would be found to solve it,” he says.

Manvel Sargsyan, heading the Armenian Center for National and
International Studies, believes that if used smartly hunger strike
as a tool can be very effective.

“If a hunger strike is held long-term it eventually leads to a moment
of truth, and even in most skeptical societies it leads to great
faith. People join the struggle, that’s the logic behind it.

Politicians resort to such steps when the country is ruled by a
totalitarian regime, and the authorities refuse to make concessions
by any other way. If Andreas Ghukasyan died in the process the
elections would be stopped and new elections would be appointed,”
Sargsyan told ArmeniaNow.

Politicians resort to hunger strike boycotting food for the sake of
their ideology.

Mahatma Gandhi went on a hunger strike in 1922, 1933 and 1942
protesting against British dominance in India. Without violence every
time Gandhi was able to make the British Empire make concessions.

In 1981, there was a loud case of prison hunger strike by volunteers
of the Provisional Irish Republican Army, which led to the death of
dozens of prisoners, among them Bobby Sands. After 66 days of hunger
strike Sands died; nine others died who had been voluntarily starving
for 46-73 days.

In 1986, former NASA officer Charles Hayden survived a 218-day hunger
strike in front of the White House; he was demanding to stop the arms
race and nuclear proliferation. He did not die, but is said to have
used vitamins and juices for sustenance.

http://armenianow.com/society/44391/raffi_hovannisian_hunger_strike_khachik_stambultsyan

Stanislav Mudri: Azerbaijan Does Not Want Osce Observers To See Its

STANISLAV MUDRI: AZERBAIJAN DOES NOT WANT OSCE OBSERVERS TO SEE ITS PREPARATIONS FOR IMMEDIATE CONFLICT ESCALATION

09:00 13/03/2013 ” Society

“Every month Azerbaijan makes statement on being intended to win back
the lost territories, while Karabakh every day continues to reinforce
its own borders and trains a new generation of warriors. The solution
to this conflict is beyond the policy sphere. One of the parties
lives with the ambitions of imperial attainment, while the other is
building a new life,” Stanislav Mudrii said in an article on Ridus.ru.

The author notes that in Nagorno-Karabakh lived mostly Christian –
Armenians and the conflict arose with the Muslim – Azerbaijanis. “Over
the years, the control over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh passed
from the Armenians to Azerbaijanis and back. Moscow played a big role
in this, as during the Soviet period it was on Baku’s side (probably
because of oil?),” the article said.

The collapse of the Soviet Union led to a war in 1992 – 1994, in
the same time after the collapse of the USSR most of the military
equipment went to Azerbaijan who in May 1992 received 237 tanks from
Russia while Armenia only 54 on June 1, 1992. The same ratio was for
other types of weapons that are listed in the article.

The author notes that, thanks to the NKR Foreign Ministry he managed
to get on the first line of defense. According to local military
defense units there are 7 lines in general. “Special thanks should
be express to soldiers who fought in Karabakh war, who agree to let
the journalists to appear in the front,” Stanislav Mudri said.

“As you know, Azerbaijan does not allow the observers of international
organizations, including OSCE to be on its defence line (which is
odd). Karabakh, just on the contrary, is open to all. The thing is
that the war still goes on. It’s trench warfare. From time to time
the snipers from Azerbaijan (young Ukrainian women as they believe)
“remove” onlooker soldiers. As a result several people die in the
response exchange of fire. And, of course, the Azerbaijani side does
not want the observers to see the preparations for the immediate
conflict escalation,” the article says.

The author notes that the soldiers of the NKR Defense Army, do not
starve in their diet they have pomegranate juice, cookies / candy,
canned food, canned meat. Salary of junior officers in the Karabakh
army is $ 700. Conscripts called up for 2 years and go into army
willingly, the service is considered as a national pride. According
to the Karabakh servicemen, in a time of comparative lull in the
mountains, many underground bunkers are dug in NKR, as well as
transport tunnels, control points and deployment of troops, thus the
Azerbaijanis will have no chance for revenge.

The author notes that the air defense of NKR Defense Army shot down
more than one Azerbaijani fighter during the active phase of the war,
and at one of the polygons, near the border they managed to find
the remnants of the defeated Azerbaijani military equipment that was
beaten in battles in Aghdam city. Summarizing S. Mudri notes that it
would be better if the conflict was resolved without war as Karabakh
is too friendly and beautiful territory for it.

http://www.panorama.am/en/politics/2013/03/13/az-karabakh-article/

Fresno: Armenian Studies Annual Banquet

ARMENIAN STUDIES ANNUAL BANQUET

US Fed News
March 11, 2013 Monday 10:45 AM EST

FRESNO, Calif., March 11 — California State University Fresno issued
the following press release:

The 25th Annual Fresno State Armenian Studies Program Banquet will be
5 p.m. Sunday, March 17, at the Fort Washington Golf and Country Club
(10272 N Millbrook Ave.). In addition to an illustrated presentation by
author Matthew Karanian and photographer Robert Kurkjian, scholarship
and grant recipients and students graduating with a minor in Armenian
Studies will be recognized. Fresno State President Dr.

John Welty, who will be retiring this summer, will also be recognized.

Tickets are $50 per person, $25 for Fresno State students and Fresno
State faculty. For more information call 559-278-2669.

Yerevan Keen To Opt Out Of New Russian-Led Bloc

ARMENIA: YEREVAN KEEN TO OPT OUT OF NEW RUSSIAN-LED BLOC

EurasiaNet.org, NY
March 13 2013

March 13, 2013 – 2:18pm, by Emil Danielyan

Despite its long-standing close ties with and strong dependence on
Russia, Armenia looks set to avoid joining a new Russian-led union
of former Soviet republics.

Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan, who won a second term in a
disputed election in February, has successfully navigated apparent
Russian pressures and moved his country closer to the West – the
European Union, in particular – while maintaining, and even deepening,
Armenia’s military alliance with Russia. After a meeting with Russia’s
President Vladimir Putin on March 12, Sargsyan gave no indication
that his administration’s multi-vector policy will change.

The press services of the two leaders announced in early March that
the talks at Putin’s Novo-Ogaryovo residence near Moscow would touch
upon “integration processes” in the former Soviet Union. It was a
clear reference to Armenia’s possible accession to the Customs Union
of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus. But the talks themselves did not
appear to produce a breakthrough on the issue.

Putin makes no secret of his hopes to turn this trade bloc eventually
into a closely-knit Eurasian Union of loyal ex-Soviet states,
a grouping that Kremlin critics regard as an attempt to partially
recreate the USSR. The Kremlin-linked speakers of both houses of
Russia’s parliament promoted the idea during separate visits to
Yerevan in July last year.

Putin and Sargsyan reportedly discussed the possibility of Armenian
membership in the Customs Union during their three meetings in 2012.

Armenian leaders gave no such promises in their public statements
made after those talks. Armenian media commentators speculate that
Putin wants a final answer from Yerevan soon.

Official Russian and Armenian sources did not report or hint at any
agreements on the matter after the Novo-Ogaryovo meeting. Putin and
Sargsyan similarly did not mention it in their televised opening
remarks, and no statements were issued following their discussions.

Putin merely praised Russia’s “special relations” with Armenia, saying
they are “successfully developing” in both economic and political
areas. “We have big, promising, good joint investment plans,” he said.

“If there were even tentative agreements on the Customs Union, they
would have probably been reflected in the official press releases on
the meeting,” commented Alexander Markarov, a political scientist
heading the Armenian branch of the Moscow-based Commonwealth of
Independent States Institute.

“In all likelihood, there were no major changes in the two sides’
positions on this issue and Serzh Sargsyan again succeeded in at
least winning time,” the Yerevan-based news service 1in.am agreed in
a commentary.

Over the past year, Armenian leaders have publicly objected to joining
the Customs Union, arguing that their landlocked country has no common
borders with Russia, Kazakhstan or Belarus. Citing Russia’s Kaliningrad
exclave, Viktor Khristenko, the Russian head of the Customs Union’s
executive body, has questioned this line of reasoning.

In a February interview with the Russian daily Moskovskie Novosti,
Armenian Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan came up with another argument
against Customs Union membership – that Armenia has a more liberal
trade regime than any of the union’s three member states and lacks
vast natural resources.

Yerevan is reluctant to acknowledge publicly another, arguably more
important reason: joining the Russian-led union would essentially
preclude the signing of a comprehensive Association Agreement between
Armenia and the European Union. A key element of that agreement is the
creation of a “deep and comprehensive free trade area,” which envisages
not only the lifting of all trade barriers, but also harmonization
of Armenian and EU economic laws and regulations. A spokesperson
for Catherine Ashton, the EU’s foreign and security policy chief,
told RFE/RL in December 2012 that Armenian entry into the Moscow-led
Customs Union “would not be compatible” with the Association Agreement.

The Armenian government has since continued to express strong interest
in concluding its association talks with the EU in time for a planned
November 2013 summit in Vilnius on the EU’s Eastern Partnership program
for six ex-Soviet states. Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian discussed
preparations for the summit at a March 7 meeting with Philippe Lefort,
the EU’s special envoy for the South Caucasus.

The Armenian push for integration with the EU reflects President
Sargsyan’s broader strategy of complementing the alliance with Russia
with closer partnership with the West.

During his first term, Sargsyan earned plaudits in Western capitals
for stepping up cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
and embarking on a US-backed rapprochement with Turkey.

Analysts believe this is one reason why US President Barack Obama
and other Western leaders congratulated him on his disputed reelection.

Remarkably, there have been few indications of Russian discontent with
this policy. Russian policy-makers might be safe in the knowledge that,
with no solution to the conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh
in sight, Armenia will remain heavily reliant on military ties with
Russia in the foreseeable future.

Sargsyan was instrumental in securing a 2010 deal that extended
the presence of Russian troops in Armenia until 2044, and Putin has
responded accordingly.

In January, he authorized his government to sign a new Russian-Armenian
defense accord that calls for joint arms manufacturing. Russia’s
defense minister, Sergei Shoigu, and chief of the General Staff,
Colonel General Valery Gerasimov, discussed the planned deal during
subsequent trips to Armenia. Sargsyan thanked Putin on March 12 for
“good progress” in defense cooperation.

But appearances can be deceiving, cautioned analyst Markarov.

“Armenia has been trying to circumvent the Customs Union, while
favoring other, bilateral formats of cooperation with Russia,” he
said. “It has to listen to Russia more than any other foreign power.

But listening doesn’t mean always obeying.”

Editor’s note: Emil Danielyan is a freelance journalist based in
Yerevan.

http://www.eurasianet.org/node/66688

Armenian Finance Ministry Forecasts $30.6 Bln GDP In 2025

ARMENIAN FINANCE MINISTRY FORECASTS $30.6 BLN GDP IN 2025

Interfax, Russia
March 11, 2013 Monday 5:28 PM MSK

The Armenian Finance Ministry predicts real GDP will grow 6.5% in
2025, compared to 7% in 2012, the ministry said on its website in
its Strategic Development Program for 2012-2025.

GDP is expected to grow from $10.4 billion in 2012 to $30.6 billion
in 2025 and per capita GDP is predicted to grow from $3,400 to $10,000.

The Finance Ministry projects that government debt will fall from 45.7%
of GDP to 33.1% of GDP.

The program says that investment will grow from 26.1% of GDP in 2012 to
27.5% of GDP in 2025. Budget revenue is to go up from 22.7% to 27.6%
of GDP and spending from 25.9% to 29.1%. Industry will account for
22.4% of GDP in 2025, up from 16.8% in 2012, agriculture for 14.2%,
down from 20.1%, and services for 42.4%, up from 40%.

Economic growth in 2012 was 7.2%, according to preliminary figures,
compared to 4.6% growth in 2012. Government debt reached $4.37 billion,
or 42.6% of GDP. The finalized macroeconomic indicators for 2012 will
be announced in the next month or two.

me

Karvachar Town Has Its Coat Of Arms

KARVACHAR TOWN HAS ITS COAT OF ARMS

Today – 15:20

The town of Karvachar has got its coat of arms.

The crest is a simple mural crown with 5 towers, as it is common for
such towns.

In the centre of the shield is a citadel symbolizing the motto of
the town – “Karvachar is an Armenian citadel”. It is surrounded with
green hills and blue sky as a symbol of surrounding area of the town
and the peaceful prosperity.

The angel supports the shield on the left side of the coat of arms,
while the eagle on the right side. The angel is Ambriel the messenger
of God, the Angel of Communications and General Protection. She is
holding her sword down as a symbol of divine protection and aiming
for peace, and also the vigilance.

The eagle is the symbol of wisdom and power. On the bottom banner is
ancient style Armenian siderography “Karvachar”.

Author of the coat of arms is the resident of Karvachar town Davit
Yeghiazaryan.

http://times.am/?p=20392&l=en

Decision 2013 Fallout: Political Analyst Rules Out Major Government

DECISION 2013 FALLOUT: POLITICAL ANALYST RULES OUT MAJOR GOVERNMENT CONCESSIONS TO END POST-ELECTION STANDOFF

VOTE 2013 | 13.03.13 | 15:21

Photolure

By SIRANUYSH GEVORGYAN
ArmeniaNow reporter

Political analysts in Armenia do not consider it likely that the
government will concede to one of the demands of Raffi Hovannisian,
an opposition candidate disputing last month’s presidential election
outcome, for holding early parliamentary elections.

Meanwhile, reactions to such a proposal heard from the ruling
Republican Party now mainly concern the possibility of starting a
dialogue and providing some oversight levers to the opposition as a
possible concession.

Hovannisian, who started a hunger strike Sunday, during his Tuesday
press conference in Liberty Square revealed that he could still
consider snap parliamentary elections as a possible way-out of the
‘troublesome’ post-election situation.

He said, however, that such a solution must be an integral and
guaranteed one that would allow “the Armenian people to immediately
register its rebirth”.

Hovannisian also said he hailed the proposal of another opposition
politician, Hanrapetutyun Party leader Aram Sargsyan, who suggested
that all opposition factions in the National Assembly give up their
mandates. “Because very soon there will be pre-term parliamentary
elections and we should have a National Assembly that reflects the
real vote of the people,” he stressed.

Heritage Party representative Stepan Safaryan told ArmeniaNow that
holding pre-term parliamentary elections is a “minimum threshold”
for Hovannisian and his team to “resolve the election crisis.”

Expert on political and election technologies Armen Badalyan, however,
is skeptical about any concessions on the part of the government. He
thinks that “the authorities already made a concession when they de
jure put Hovannisian in second place”.

“We should state the fact that the February 18 presidential election
both de jure and de facto have ended. The outcome of this event called
an election had been a foregone conclusion and all politicians that
participated in it should understand that they were going, as the
Republican Party used to say, to the honorable second place. Any
action other than that, be it visits to the regions, applying to the
Constitutional Court, holding rallies in Liberty Square, a hunger
strike or holding two press conferences a day, will change nothing,”
Badalyan told ArmeniaNow.

The expert wonders why the government should agree to concessions:
“Because some 3-4 thousand people attend the rallies of Raffi
Hovannisian? Of course, not. Now attention should be focused on
municipal elections.”

Badalyan says the government would have made concessions only if
Russia or the West had not recognized the election results. But all
major world powers have recognized Sargsyan as the winner.

“Our authorities do not agree to concessions if there is no outside
pressures. It would be a different story if, for example, a few
hundred thousand people attended demonstrations and they were held
every day and had support from the outside,” said the expert.

Still, the ruling Republican Party seems to be politically constrained
as despite having a large majority, it doesn’t seem to have many
allies after the election. So far, ruling party representatives limit
themselves to only urging Hovannisian to stop his hunger strike and
start a dialogue.

Republican MP Artak Davtyan said that the government has at least
lately been open to any reasonable proposal and voiced a hope that
the opposition and the government will come to terms regarding
“institutional changes”. In an interview with RFE/RL’s Armenian
Service on Tuesday, Davtyan, at the same time, did not rule out that
President Sargsyan could eventually go and meet with Hovannisian in
Liberty Square. Other senior members of the RPA did not exclude such
a possibility either.

Meanwhile, it is remarkable that opposition factions in the National
Assembly now seem reluctant to give up their mandates, as proposed
by Hovannisian, as they consider such a step to be “meaningless”.

The Armenian National Congress (ANC), the Armenian Revolutionary
Federation, ARF, (which supports the Heritage leader most openly),
as well as the “alternative” Prosperous Armenia Party have effectively
excluded such a step.

ARF representative Vahan Hovhannisian, who visited the Heritage party
leader in Liberty Square on Tuesday, said that they are “always ready
to lay down mandates, but it should have some sense.”

Project Armenia: The Awakening Of A New Democracy

PROJECT ARMENIA: THE AWAKENING OF A NEW DEMOCRACY

by Anoosh Chakelian / 21 Feb 2013

Anoosh Chakelian examines the struggles of an emerging player in the
Caucasian circle as it takes its first steps into western markets

“When Russia sneezes, Armenia catches cold”. This was an Armenian
proverb often used to refer to the dominance of first the Russian
empire and then the USSR over the small Caucasian republic during
the previous two centuries, and how Russian incompetence and warring
would damage its hapless neighbour.

Ironically, today, it is the opposite. It is the success, rather
than the hazardous sternutations, of Armenia’s neighbours that is
one of the reasons its business relations with Britain, and the west
in general, are hampered. Namely Azerbaijan and Turkey, as today,
Armenia is firmly pro-Russian.

Armenia is landlocked, has a population of three million, and
lacks any significant variety of natural resources, but there is a
pressing feeling among the Armenian community and politicians both
east and west, that these traits are not its only obstacles to trade
and commerce.

The country’s fractious relationship with its neighbours is bad for
business. This is due to a bloody tangle of geopolitical history,
characterised on one side by Ottoman Turkey’s genocide of the Armenians
during World War I, and bitter wrangling with Azerbaijan over the
Nagorno-Karabakh territory on the other.

Both Turkey and Azerbaijan undoubtedly have more to offer the
west materially, in terms of diplomatic and financial interest –
respectively, a secular Islamic haven in the Middle East and a festival
of oil and natural gas.

Jonathan Aves has been the British ambassador to Armenia since January
last year, a job he shares, unusually, with his wife, Katherine Leach.

The couple alternate four months of work with four months off looking
after their children. This arrangement, and the fact the previous
ambassador married his Armenian press secretary, has reportedly led
to locals labelling their workplace “the love embassy.”

Aves admits that uncertain political relations can be a hindrance to
Armenia: “It’s still dealing with the legacy of 70 years of Soviet
rule, as well as the legacy and consequences of the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict and difficult relations with Turkey, so its two longest
external borders are closed. And then, if you want to pile on the
pain, while Armenia has pretty good relations with Iran, sanctions
to some extent do constrain it.”

But he is keen to emphasise that despite this difficult geographical
jigsaw it finds itself in, the republic has still developed its
economy at an impressive rate. He points out that preliminary figures
show Armenian GDP in 2012 rose by over seven per cent, recovering
rapidly from the global economic crisis, remarking upon the country’s
“economic dynamism”.

“Even within the constraints posed by the problems it faces
externally, there is a lot of potential here, and that potential
could be increased. Clearly, if its external border opened up with
Turkey, that would give a massive boost to Armenia’s economy, but
this shouldn’t prevent, and I don’t think is necessarily preventing,
companies from coming here and looking at opportunities.”

Indeed, despite Armenia’s rather wretched positioning in the Caucasus,
there seems to be a mood of optimism about its business relations
with Britain. Today, if you walk the streets of its strange capital
– Orthodox Christian opulence meets Soviet uniformity – you will
find Marks & Spencer, Debenhams, Next and HSBC, among many others,
displaying a bond between the two nations.

A handy M&S on the high street may be the noble legacy of such
ancient friendship as sparked by King Levon II of Cilician Armenia
fighting alongside Richard the Lionheart in the 12th century during
the Third Crusade.

For Armenia and Britain have a rich history of friendly relations, from
this 1191 siege, to Churchill famously using the word “Holocaust”
when referring to the Ottoman massacres of Armenians, to the
present day. Prince Charles hosted an Anglo-Armenian charity event
at Buckingham Palace in 2011, with 250 guests including royal family
members, business leaders and the Armenian prime minister. The next
major fundraising event for the project, called ‘Yerevan My Love’,
will take place in the Armenian capital in May this year. As the
patron of the charity, Prince Charles is expected to attend, the
first time he would visit Armenia.

If even the Prince of Wales is taking an interest in this often
overlooked member of the Caucasus, relations must be positive – but is
there anything tangible to be gained from such pleasantries? Dr Hratch
Tchilingirian, of the Associate Faculty at Oxford University’s Oriental
Institute, who organises these events, infers that Armenia’s status
as a Christian country interests the British royal, as well as its
architectural heritage. He gives me his own view of the relationship
between the two countries: “Yes, relations are friendly. Obviously,
Britain has much greater foreign policy interests in Azerbaijan and
Turkey than in Armenia. UK bilateral trade in goods with Azerbaijan
in 2012 in January to August have increased by 70 per cent compared
with 2011. Trade with Armenia is about $100m annually and only a
handful of British companies operate in Armenia. It is very obvious
where British priorities would be.

“What are the main drivers of British-Armenian foreign policy? It’s
difficult to say. I don’t see any concrete development of the
relationship.

“There is goodwill to grow and develop this positive relationship,
but both sides don’t know how, or in what areas, that would be.”

So is this goodwill purely symbolic, and therefore unlikely to open
Armenia up to the “concrete” area of economic growth via foreign
investment and exportation of its business?

Aves is quick to defend the Anglo-Armenian bond: “I wouldn’t
underestimate the goodwill. It’s great to have friends in this world.

I have had to deal with countries where, when you try to talk to
them about political co-operation with the UN, or whether you’re
just talking about common values like human rights and democracy,
you don’t get a very good hearing. But with our Armenian friends you
do get a very good hearing, on a basic level of common understanding
and shared values.”

He suggests that this is a good platform upon which to build a
bilateral relationship between the two states, albeit explaining that
commercial relations “are not at a very developed stage”, and lists
some areas where he sees real opportunity for Armenia and Britain,
including the spreading of British outlets and brands in Armenia,
pharmaceuticals and construction materials.

There is also the British-based mining company, Lydian International,
which has a large gold-mining project planned in Armenia; Aves and
others are keen to explore the potential of Armenia’s gold reserves
when forging Anglo-Armenian relations.

At the beginning of this year, Armenia abolished visa requirements
for EU citizens, which has therefore made it easier, and a more
attractive prospect, for British businesses to visit the country in
search of opportunities.

Bedo Eghiayan, an Armenian businessman who lives in London, owns a
pharmaceutical manufacturing company in Yerevan called PharmaTech,
which he started in 1995, and he describes how it has become easier
to do business in Armenia over the past 15 years, partly due to
its government.

“Now it’s pretty well organised, in very much the western way of doing
business – the legal strength does protect you. Before, there were
no company laws or regulations and banking was non-existent until
HSBC went there. Now it’s a very strong banking country.

“The government helps a lot, the laws are such that money transfers are
quite easy and there are no restrictions at all. Taxations are very
low. Slowly, organically, it’s opened up in the past 15, 16 years,
I suppose since it’s left Soviet Union. But I think major improvement
started since 2000.”

Eghiayan refers to Armenia’s advances in IT, and of course,
gold mining, as attractive prospects to Britain, as well as
pharmaceuticals. But it’s not all positive.

“The main obstacle is transportation,” he explains. “The government
needs to make exportation easy. We have grown as much as we can with
such a small population, but we need help to export.”

Again, it comes down to the frustration of closed borders. He explains
gloomily that the cost of transporting from England to Poti, a port
in Georgia (which he describes as Armenia’s “main bloodline”) is the
same as then transporting from Poti to Yerevan, which he says is only
about 250 miles from the port.

Aves explains that he is focusing mainly on Armenia internally, to
break down the existent layers of bureaucracy in order to make it
more attractive to foreign investors.

While within its borders, Armenia seems to be on track for growth,
global relations will make it a challenge to reach its potential,
because of its place on the Caucasian chessboard of socio-political
turmoil. Its unfortunate positioning is a sad irony for a country
that remains top of the world at chess.

http://www.totalpolitics.com/articles/364032/project-armenia-the-awakening-of-a-new-democracy.thtml