Author: Mary Lazarian

Verelq: “Low profile” moves. What is hidden behind the Iranian crisis in Yerevan?

Mary Lazarian

Photo: primeminister.am

The military conflict of the USA and Israel with Iran has created a new geopolitical reality on the southern borders of Armenia. In the conditions of an unprecedented regional crisis, official Yerevan is forced to play a complex diplomatic game, from maintaining pauses and operational contacts with Ankara and Baku to multi-vector rhetoric on European platforms. About what is hidden behind the foreign policy maneuvers of the authorities, will the country manage to avoid isolation, and is Armenia’s economy ready for inevitable logistical shocks? VERELQtalked to a political scientist and an economist Hrant Mikayelyan with.



In the photo: Hrant Mikayelyan, source: 168.am


VERELQ: In the very first hours of the American-Israeli operation, the death of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei was a shock for many. However, official Yerevan maintained a pause of almost three days before establishing direct contact with Tehran. How would you explain this silence? Was this political paralysis in the face of the unexpected scale of the escalation, waiting for a response from global players, or cold, calculated pragmatism?


Hrant Mikayelyan. The fact that Yerevan was late in contacting the Iranian side to express condolences could, of course, be partially attributed to unprofessionalism and the weekend. Although I believe that the authorities would have responded more promptly to a situation of such importance if they knew exactly how to respond. Therefore, most likely, it is really a matter of pragmatic calculation.


After the serious clashes in Iran in January 2026, many believed that the Iranian regime was no longer able to resist and might actually fall. Considering the very tough attitude of the Americans, this situation could have bad consequences for Armenia, especially since the Armenian government is now actively developing relations in the Western direction, including the American one. Besides, Armenia does not have its own security parity with Azerbaijan.


It seems to me that the Armenian side wanted to maintain a pause until it became clear that Iran will endure, and will definitely endure, at least in the foreseeable future. It is clear that we cannot make predictions for an indefinite period, but now we see that the initial goals of the Americans have not been realized and most likely will not be realized. It was not so obvious in the first two days, so the Armenian government pragmatically refrained from a clear response. In the end, however, condolences appeared.


VERELQ: Against the background of this “Iranian pause”, the actions of Armenian diplomacy in the Turkish-Azerbaijani vector look especially contrasting. Yerevan contacted Baku and Ankara very promptly after the incidents of the downing of Iranian drones on their territory. What lies behind this arrangement of priorities? Is this an attempt to insure Armenia against a regional fire, a gesture of loyalty to the Western coalition, or a signal to neighboring countries about Yerevan’s strict neutrality?


Hrant Mikayelyan. I think that in this case this is a gesture of loyalty to the Western coalition. It is not only Azerbaijan and Turkey. Yerevan MFA has also established contact with Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the Emirates. All these are the countries that were subjected to the Iranian strikes. It is clear why this is done. if Yerevan strictly maintained neutrality, it could simultaneously reach out to both Iran and Azerbaijan, urging both sides to de-escalate and expressing its concern or hope for regional stability. But that was not done, contact was established only with the Azerbaijani side. Moreover, I do not think that the Armenian side should have maintained neutrality in the situation of conflicts between Iran and Azerbaijan.


VERELQ: Meanwhile, as soon as the identity of the new Supreme Leader was clarified in Tehran, the slowness of Yerevan immediately disappeared. the Armenian authorities reacted quite promptly, congratulating him on the occasion of his election. How would you explain such a sudden change in tempo? Does this mean that Armenia was simply waiting for the intra-elite turbulence in Iran to end, for fear of making the wrong bet?


Hrant Mikayelyan. I think the answer to this question follows from my first answer. From the moment it became clear that the Iranian regime had resisted, there was no longer any need to pause before taking sides. It became clear that Iran and its current system, the Islamic Republic, are preserved, and good relations with it must be maintained. Not to mention the fact that immediately before the American-Israeli attack, the dialogue between Armenia and Iran in the field of strategic relations was actively developing. It is interesting, of course, how it will develop in the future. it is possible that the dialogue will resume as soon as this war is over. It is possible that the process will be delayed, but most likely we will only have a pause, not a complete cessation of contacts.


VERELQ: On March 11, in the European Parliament, Nikol Pashinyan demonstrated diplomatic equilibrium. He called Iran a “good neighbor”, but immediately curtsied to the USA and the Gulf countries. And he positioned Armenia itself as a “small state”, which can only pray for the wisdom of the leaders of world powers in order to end the war diplomatically as soon as possible. How viable is such a strategy of total egalitarianism and abstraction? Does Yerevan, trying to please everyone, not risk ending up in isolation?


Hrant Mikayelyan. The policy of “low profile” is justified in the case of Yerevan, and there is nothing surprising here. Advancing against someone makes sense only when you can influence something. With its anti-Iranian, anti-American or any other actions, Armenia will not affect the outcome of the war between America and Iran. Moreover, Armenia can suffer from it, but it cannot gain anything, so such a policy is completely logical.


But I would not call it complete neutrality. Pashinyan accused the clerics of working for the KGB (KGB) without any evidence, and his speech had an implicit anti-Russian character. Conventionally speaking, trying not to take sides in the conflict between Iran and the USA, he took an anti-Russian position, for which the European audience thanked him. It is not neutrality. That is why Yerevan will not remain isolated. The anti-Russian position is in the greatest demand today from the collective West. As for the isolation in the format “for no one”, Armenia was in such a situation until 2018, and it was not a big problem.


Another question is: how well is this policy being implemented, and are the levers supporting diplomacy developing? Diplomacy does not exist in a vacuum. it relies on military-political instruments, a system of alliances and a network of contacts, including economic ones. There are questions about how well this is done.


The statement that if you do not take any specific position, you will end up in isolation, is not very true. Especially taking into account that today they do not pay for the position with strategic support. they can only express thanks and provide hidden political assistance. Instead, you can pay very dearly for a certain position. we see that many Gulf countries paid for their evasive stance, and Iran made them the target of its strikes in the framework of the conflict with Israel.


Therefore, Armenia definitely does not need to position itself on one of the sides of the Iranian-American confrontation. Although at some point, when the situation stabilizes, Armenia should provide charitable and humanitarian aid to Iran, as Azerbaijan did. In addition, it would be advisable to send specialists to clean up the rubble and provide technical assistance, which is not military, but will help maintain a friendly image in the eyes of the Iranian partners.


VERELQ: Let’s move on to the economy. Iran is not just a neighbor for Armenia, it is a logistical and energy hub of critical importance. In the conditions of a large-scale war near the southern borders, what macroeconomic risks threaten Armenia in the first place? And the main thing. Do you see a real anti-crisis plan for diversifying those risks in the government’s current actions, or is Armenia just hoping for the best for now?


Hrant Mikayelyan. It is very difficult to develop an anti-crisis program in one week. Armenia’s logistics do not allow to redirect flows so easily and quickly. Iran is not only a source of goods or a consumption market, but also a logistic route through which the products reached Armenia. Another logistics destination is the emirate of Dubai, which has also been badly affected, and I cannot say with certainty that supplies from there are now continuing at full volume. Therefore, at the moment there is no such plan, and there is nothing surprising in this, because the situation is developing very quickly.


Is such a program necessary? I think that in the future, strategies should be developed in different directions, including the Iranian one. But it is difficult to assume that this war will continue for months. This is not a contact, but an air war with a large number of expensive missiles. On both sides, that stockpile has already been depleted in huge quantities, and the military potential diminishes as munitions are used up or stockpiles are destroyed. Already after a month, the ability of the parties to continue combat operations with the same intensity will be many times lower, so the crisis will begin to fade one way or another. at least that’s how it seems now.


I don’t think that at this moment it can lead to a large-scale economic crisis, but it should be assumed that Armenia is starting to live in the realities of the post-globalized world. That world will be much less connected to long logistics chains, and they need to be optimized. Today it is the Iranian crisis, tomorrow it may break out in another place. Իրանը, Իսրայելը և ողջ Մերձավոր Արևելքը լարվածության կետ են տվյալ պահին, բայց նման կետեր կան ամենուր՝ Լատինական Ամերիկայում, Հարավարևելյան Ասիայում, Արևելյան Եվրոպայում։ Not to mention the fact that similar points also exist in Armenia itself and on its borders. Therefore, the state should first of all increase the level of self-sufficiency, self-sufficiency and food security, as well as create large strategic reserves in case of communications failure.

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Is the non-reserve role of the army a message of war? Aliyev, Erdogan

Mary Lazarian

March: 12, 2026

During the briefing after the government session, Nikol Pashinyan answered a journalist’s question: said: 

“There is such an emphasis in your question, you say there is peace, maybe there is a war, I don’t know. Or, there is a conflict somewhere, there is an escalation, there are victims and wounded, you don’t tell me, you spare me.

Where is there a war, where is there a wounded person, where is there a shooting, where is there a victim, where is there an attack, explosion, bombardment, rocket fire, etc.?

In other words, in the context of the US-Israeli military operation against Iran these days, expert, political science concerns are being manipulated again, as well as the desire or not for peace of the opposition political forces, clerics and ordinary citizens, and what drives war and what does not. But we’ll get to that a little later.

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Now, let’s see what statements the presidents of Azerbaijan and Turkey made in the last few days against the background of the operation against Iran. By the way, there is no war in these countries either.

In particular, in one of his latest statements, Turkish President Erdogan emphasized the following:

■ This war must be stopped, it can spread and the whole region will be in flames. If possible, diplomacy can certainly achieve this.

■ Despite the possibility of solving the problems at the negotiation table, due to calculations, miscalculations and, of course, the provocations of the bloodthirsty network, our region is once again covered with the smell of blood and gunpowder.

■ account taking created of the situation sensitivity, we extreme careful we are expressed. We in action we are restrained` Turkey to protect his around flaming from the fire.

We undertaking we are necessary միջոցներ՝ to prevent our in the region bloody the scenarios, which ones experience is being done implement, and: first հերթին՝ interdenominational conflicts.

■ We we don’t have Sunnism or Shiism, we we have only one կրոն՝ Islam.

By the way, before this, the Turkish Foreign Minister spoke about another danger, that the scenarios inciting a civil war in Iran will lead to a large flow of refugees to neighboring countries and beyond.

In other words, there is a clear awareness of security risks and, above all, for Turkey itself. And in this logic, on the one hand, Erdoğan shows caution, on the other hand, he does not forget to issue warnings in his own security interests, including to Iran, with whom, as we mentioned, he is also cautious. In other words, when it is necessary, it reminds about the military potential, outside of that, it shows subtle diplomacy.

By the way, today the Ministry of National Defense of Turkey, in response to statements from Iran, that they are not targeting neighboring countries, but US bases in those territories, known and unknown Israeli military facilities, issued a message in which it is said: 

“The presence of American soldiers does not mean that it is a US base. The 10th Air Force Command is located in Incirlik (Adana). But here are our F-16 fighters, refueling planes, drones. All those facilities and equipment belong to Turkey. The commander of the base is also our brigadier general. By the way, there are also military personnel from Spain, Poland, and Qatar.”

At the same time, the Turkish Ministry of Defense emphasized that they continue to take appropriate measures against security threats, including against the backdrop of the Iran-US-Israel conflict, and that the country’s air and missile defense is implemented within the framework of a multi-layered structure based on threat assessment and operational necessity. In this context, Ankara also reminded that it is part of NATO’s anti-aircraft and anti-missile system, which implies the presence of early warning, command and control systems and interceptor missiles.

168.amthe had written, that the Turkish military system was linked to the NATO command and control system for 44 days.

By the way, against the backdrop of Turkish-Azerbaijani accusations against Iran, on March 11, the delegation led by the Commander of the Ground Forces of the Turkish Army, Army General Metin Tokel, visited Nakhichevan, was in the separate joint forces of Nakhichevan, and met with the commander, Lieutenant General Kyan Seidov.

Metin Tokel noted that Turkey always stands by Azerbaijan in order to strengthen stability in the region and fully ensure security, and that Shushi declaration logically, they are ready to provide any military assistance.

At the end of the meeting, the parties discussed issues related to the planning of joint military exercises.

The Turkish general also met with Jeyhun Jailiov, the plenipotentiary representative of the President of Azerbaijan in the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic. First to the meeting has been remembered Turkey’s support to Azerbaijan during the 44-day war, then the drone attacks in the direction of Nakhijevan were mentioned, but Iran was not mentioned, which has launched an investigation into the incident.

And what did the President of Azerbaijan Aliyev say in his last speech? in speech regarding security situation and peace establishment in and around the region.

«2020 in the year, 44-daily of war time witness we were by force «our areas to liberation»։ do you think i am, that this important indicator is. if peaceful solution hope there is none, and the truth, justice and: international the right your the side are, of peace to reach for sometimes need is power apply. And exactly that email place had. We of Armenia with of peace we arrived նախ՝ by force, ապա՝ political means. I would say that this is a rare case in the history of recent decades, when the country restores its sovereignty and territorial integrity by force and thus achieves peace,” Aliyev said, adding that today they have achieved peace with Armenia.

On the other hand, the leader of Azerbaijan continues that “achieving peace is not easy”.

“Today we see we are, that protracted conflicts continues are, and: of the world of the map on in: application are coming tension new hearths. …today, more than ever safety and: stability the questions need is stay any of the state of the agenda priority, because without դրանց՝ the rest becomes is pointless” he emphasized.

And Aliyev has said more than once that the army remains the primary factor in ensuring security, despite strong diplomacy.

And what is Nikol Pashinyan trying to instill in the society, particularly through his speech in the European Parliament or during the joint statement with the President of the European Parliament, Roberta Metzola?

Moreover, Nikol Pashinyan understands very well that peace cannot be strong in today’s world, that issues cannot be solved by international law, but still he does not give the same importance to the armed forces as Erdogan and Aliyev. Now, more substantive.

For example, Pashinyan in the European Parliament declared.

“We are often criticized that the peace established between Armenia and Azerbaijan is not perfect, but please tell me, where is the peace perfect, where is there perfect peace and where was it and when?

And on the contrary, it is the will to take care of peace that creates options to make it as close as possible to the perfect one, and this is how we approach all issues, including the issue of our compatriots held in prison in Azerbaijan.”

In other words, does Pashinyan also accept that there can be no talk of peace as long as Aliyev keeps the former military-political leadership of Artsakh in Baku, and is not going to pardon him yet? In other words, their return will be a political decision, in that case, why is their return not considered as a precondition for concluding a peace treaty, as Azerbaijan considers the exclusion of the Declaration of Independence from the RA constitution, to which Pashinyan has already agreed: “There should be no reference to the Declaration of Independence in the new Constitution, because the Declaration of Independence is built on the logic of conflict.”

And the fact that Azerbaijan is not going to get rid of the demands contained in its constitution and based on the logic of the conflict against the Republic of Armenia, this does not concern the current authorities, and the fact that “Zangezur region” considers the state propaganda of Baku as Azerbaijani and threatens to return there physically. Moreover, Aliyev does not connect this with whether or not to mention the Republic of Artsakh in RA (as Pashinyan is trying to present), but that issue is observing in the context of the international law of those representing the “Western Azerbaijan” community.

Let’s continue the series of Pashinyan’s manipulations. In a joint statement with the President of the European Parliament, Roberta Mezzola, he, in particular, announced.

“For us, the army is not a tool of security, but a security reserve, when suddenly under any circumstances the primary tools of peace that I mentioned suddenly do not work: peace, cooperation, interaction and so on.”

In other words, the person who considers himself the supreme commander considers the army not as an important security institution, but only as a reserve, a security “reserve”, a “reserve player”, a reserve force. And nothing that they constantly talk about a professional army.

Naturally, the country must have strong diplomacy so that the matter does not escalate to war.

And why did Nikol Pashinyan not move in this logic in 2019, in 2020, so that there would not be a 44-day war?

And in today’s world, does the settlement of issues through negotiations depend on one side? A war occurs when one of the parties at some point refuses to fulfill the unilateral demands of the other party and agrees to fulfill them tirelessly, for example, questioning the Armenian citizenship of the occupied territories of the Republic of Armenia in order to avoid war, not to demand a change in the constitution of Azerbaijan so that there is no war, at some point agreeing to the return of Azerbaijani refugees so that there is no war, and so on.

We repeat: no one in RA wants a war, including non-military ones, which is what Pashinyan is leading to.

By the way, when we say that the army should remain an important and primary security factor, it does not mean a call for war, after all, the armed forces have various units that also have important functions in peacetime, from intelligence to the protection and inviolability of air borders and land areas, positions. The truth that Erdogan and Aliyev understand very well, and to which Nikol Pashinyan and his team show “criminal” indifference.

For example, the other day it was reported that Azerbaijan has ordered 40 units of the latest ASELPOD electro-optical targeting system developed for combat aircraft from Turkey, the leading defense company ASELSAN, for the JF-17 fighter jets purchased from Pakistan.

The system allows you to detect and track long-range targets, determine their geographic location, and deliver accurate strikes. Moreover, ASELPOD can be integrated with F-16 and unmanned aerial vehicles.

—

RFE/RL – Armenian Officials To Get More Bonuses Ahead Of Elections

Mary Lazarian
  • Astghik Bedevian
March 12, 2026
Armenia – Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian chairs a cabinet meeting in Yerevan, June 12, 2025.

The Armenian government decided on Thursday to spend 4.6 billion drams ($12.2 million) in fresh bonuses that will be paid to its senior officials and other government employees before the parliamentary elections slated for June 7.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s cabinet said that they will be rewarded for their improved performance, rather than the elections. But it did not specify any criteria used for evaluating their work.

Armenian opposition leaders are bound to describe the latest payments as an attempt to buy votes. They already accused Pashinian of seeking to bribe voters when the latter unexpectedly announced late last month an imminent rise in pensions.

The fresh bonuses will be allocated from the government’s budgetary Reserve Fund designed for emergency spending. Their aggregate amount represents a sizable increase from 3.6 billion drams provided for the same purpose last year.

Details of the previous bonuses paid to senior staff and other employees of 16 government agencies were exposed by Armenian media only in January, causing outrage among many citizens. It emerged that the ministers, their deputies and department heads received sums comparable to their annual incomes, ordinary civil servants were rewarded with less than one month’s worth of their much smaller salaries. It is not yet clear whether the government will maintain this huge disparity.

Justice Minister Srbuhi Galian was the only senior official to have disclosed the size of her post-tax bonus: about 7 million drams ($18,400). Pashinian defended these lavish payments on January 15, saying that they will make those officials less prone to corruption. He gave a similar reason for his government’s latest decision.

“No matter how much we are criticized, with this mechanism, we are taking an important step on the path to the further development of our state,” he said.

Varuzhan Hoktanian, a veteran activist affiliated with Armenia’s leading anti-graft watchdog, again questioned on Thursday the official rationale for the bonuses, pointing to a lack of transparency in their distribution.

“In addition to high salaries which are a necessary condition for reducing corruption, we should also look at the existence of transparency, accountability, and oversight mechanisms,” Hoktanian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “I doubt that this exists. But if it does, we should at least see in a transparent way what exactly the rewards are for.”

The leadership of the Armenian parliament controlled by Pashinian’s Civil Contract party also caused outrage on social media in December when it confirmed spending at least 545 million drams ($1.4 million) on yearend bonuses to its members and staffers. Each of the 107 parliament deputies received 3 million drams ($7,850).

The net salary of a rank-and-file deputy is roughly 600,000 drams ($1,550) per month. Armenia’s official average monthly wage currently stands at almost 309,000 drams ($810). Most working-age Armenians, including schoolteachers and other public sector employees, earn less than that.

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A charter flight will depart from Bangkok to Tbilisi, which will also transport RA citizens

Mary Lazarian

On March 11, a charter flight will be made from Bangkok to Tbilisi, which will transport the citizens of Georgia and Armenia in Thailand. This is reported by Sputnik Georgia.


According to the media, the special flight was organized for those people who are currently in Thailand and want to return to the South Caucasus. It is planned that the plane will bring Georgian and Armenian citizens who are in Bangkok and other regions of the country to Tbilisi.


It is said that the chartered flight is considered as a special return flight for passengers, as regular connections between Bangkok and Tbilisi are limited and many have to take complicated transfer routes to get home.

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Urban resilience through integrated spatial planning։ Armenia’s key learnings for the region

Mary Lazarian
Feb 28 2024

Armenia’s unique landscape is often at the brunt of seismic challenges. This has presented the Government the opportunity to implement a variety of urban development strategies tailored to its seismic risk zone. In response to such geodynamic processes, Armenia has not only embraced cutting-edge guidelines for earthquake-resistant construction but has also focused on the renovation of existing housing stock.

At the center of this is the implementation of a “micro regional planning document”, a participatory spatial plan aimed at fostering balanced territorial development with a green energy focus. Armenia’s focus on integrated governance, community involvement, and a holistic approach to spatial planning, sheds light on valuable lessons for sustainable urban development in the wider Asia-Pacific region.

Considering that Armenia is in a seismic risk zone with geodynamic processes throughout its’ territory, it has adopted new guidelines for earthquake-resistant construction, as well as enforcement of existing housing stock and its renovation.

Another important milestone is the protection of historic heritage and adaptive reuse of industrial abandoned areas from the post-Soviet cities, done in parallel with the modernization of the housing stock, urban fabric, mobility enhancements and low carbon transport.

The development of these policies ensures active involvement of local communities through public discussions supported by decentralization of governance processes in the country, in line with the pledge of “leaving no one behind”.

A key learning for the region is Armenia’s integrated and participative governance model for urban planning which has proved to be more effective for achieving sustainable urban regeneration and growth.

Analysis of Armenia’s existing human settlement system uncovers disparities and uneven utilization of territorial resources as well as urban expansion to agricultural lands and on the other hand shrinking settlements in the suburbs.

In response to these spatial development challenges, several priorities to promote sustainable territorial arrangements from Armenia’s experience based on integration of social, economic, environmental and cultural demands emerge. These include priorities to strengthen:

  • Polycentric urban growth to formulate a sustainable settlement system across regions for a balanced spatial structure with cities as centers of the system.
  • Cities’ urban structure and their inclusive governance systems.
  • Partnerships for balanced territorial development between urban and rural areas.
  • Economic capacity of the region by building integrated economic relations between the components of urban clusters.
  • Disaster risk management including addressing the adverse impacts of climate change such as flooding.
  • Ecologic frameworks and cultural resources as part of new urban development strategies.

  • Ecological frameworks, which integrate public spaces, attract a number of key development functions and affect climatic conditions, along with being places for leisure and culture-which are essential for social life.

    Since 2017, joint planning projects have been developed for marzes (regions) of Armenia. Due to the clustering of the communities, they need new urban models and general concepts for their spatial structure to respond to new development challenges․


  • The conceptual, socio-economic justification of combined spatial planning should be aimed at identifying internal potential opportunities and preconditions of the region as a complete planning unit cluster and communities, interconnected by mutual territorial, economic and infrastructural relations. The ongoing spatial planning programs improved local policies and designs for safe, inclusive and accessible public spaces, which support more compact, integrated and connected, socially inclusive cities and neighborhoods in partner settlements of the urban cluster-joint community.

    In addition, the documents recommend solutions to address the problems of providing proper housing to the forcibly displaced population from Nagorno-Karabakh, and those displaced as a result of disasters.

    Armenia’s experience in advancing sustainable urban development and localizing the SDGs provides valuable insights and policy implications for the wider Asia-Pacific region. The region can draw upon these lessons to formulate and implement effective policies for sustainable urban and territorial development.

    Omar Siddique
    Economic Affairs Officer

    Nune Petrosyan

    Deputy Chairman of the Urban Development Committee of the Republic of Armenia


  • https://www.unescap.org/blog/urban-resilience-through-integrated-spatial-planning-armenias-key-learnings-region

Armenpress: Armenia-EU relations have never been stronger – EU Commissioner for International Partnerships

Mary Lazarian

 22:22,

YEREVAN, 27 FEBUARY, ARMENPRESS. The EU Commissioner for International Partnerships Jutta Urpilainen  has addressed the need for closer ties between the EU and Armenia, as well as the necessity for a peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia. During her speech in the European Parliament, she emphasized that Armenia-EU relations are currently undergoing historic moments.

"Armenia-EU relations have never been stronger than today. This was confirmed two weeks ago at the Armenia-EU Partnership Council. Back in October last year, in this plenary session, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signaled Armenia’s readiness to get closer to the European Union," said Urpilainen, emphasizing that the EU is working to move forward in that direction.

According to her, Armenia's previous decisions, which led to political, economic and security dependence, cannot be overcome overnight.

 "However, the clear political will of both sides will allow us to move forward in deepening and expanding our partnership. We already have a good foundation, solid frameworks, which is the European Union-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement,’’ said the EU Commissioner for International Partnerships.

She noted that together with Armenia, they had undertaken the preparation of a new ambitious partnership program. "We have proposed this new partnership program to be based on our shared values consisting of three pillars. First, we will work to strengthen Armenia's resilience and diversify its economy by expanding cooperation in trade, energy, communications, and aviation security.

In order to expand contacts between people, we are discussing options for initiating a dialogue on visa liberalization. Armenia has expressed its strong interest in this issue, and we call on its leadership to intensify work in the direction of relevant reforms. The start of the dialogue on the liberalization of the visa regime will be an important political impulse for the citizens of Armenia and will provide leverage for further reforms.

Secondly, the issue of security is becoming an increasingly important element of our relationship. We are pleased to celebrate the first anniversary of the EU mission in Armenia and look forward to its strengthening through the European Peace Facility. We are expanding our dialogue on foreign and security policy issues, including participation in EU unit missions and operations.

Thirdly, increased investment will be of great importance for closer economic cooperation. We are committed to supporting Armenia's participation in the construction of an electric cable in the Black Sea, as well as joining other projects aimed at creating closer ties between the countries of the region. Creating closer ties between the countries of the region has great potential to contribute to peace," said the EU Commissioner for International Partnerships, Jutta Urpilainen.

 According to the commissioner, the EU continues to support the Armenians of Karabakh by providing financial resources to address their socio-economic problems.

''Our firm commitment to the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan remains unchanged. We are ready to support stable and lasting peace, based on the principles of recognition of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both countries. We reject any use of force or threat of force and continue to support the peaceful settlement of conflicts," concluded the EU Commissioner for International Partnerships Jutta Urpilainen.

Armenia keen on strategic partnership with India: Minister

Mary Lazarian
MINT
Feb 25 2024

Shashank Mattoo

Armenia is keen to keep closer ties with India, and also to work on raising bilateral ties to the level of a strategic partnership.

“I think our relations are mature enough to be defined as a strategic partnership. I hope that our ministers of foreign affairs will have discussions on this issue," Armenia’s labour minister Narek Mkrtchyan said in an exclusive interview with Mint.

Mrkrtchyan also said that his country is keen to deepen defence ties with India. “We have cooperation in the defence and we are looking for what to make our cooperation much deeper," he said in response to a question about planned defence deals between the two countries.

This comes after India has stepped up arms sales and strategic support to Armenia amid its clashes with Azerbaijan. Located in the South Caucasus, Armenia clashed with neighbour Azerbaijan for control over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. A short but intense conflict in 2020 saw Azerbaijan inflict severe military setbacks on Armenia.

Since then, the country’s defence ties with India have strengthened. Armenia purchased the Swathi weapon-locating radar system from India in 2020. Following this, a bilateral agreement was reached for New Delhi to provide Armenia ammunition and multi-barrel rocket launchers for Pinaka, as well as anti-tank munitions.

In November 2022, Kalyani Strategic Systems, a wholly owned subsidiary of Bharat Forge, won a $155 million contract to supply artillery guns to Armenia, according to numerous media reports citing defence ministry sources.

This has brought closer strategic cooperation between the two countries. Armenia’s national security chief met with NSA Ajit Doval in August 2023, which came after a meeting between defence ministers Suren Papikyan and Rajanth Singh in October 2022.

Armenia is also keen to see Indian firms bid for tenders to construct infrastructure in the country, particularly for marquee projects like the country’s North-South Road, which runs along the length of the country. It connects Armenia’s southern border with Iran to the country’s northern border with Georgia.

According to persons aware of the matter, the road needs upgrades to manage the flow of heavy trucks, which could provide an opportunity for Indian infrastructure firms.

“There are still unbuilt parts of the road like some tunnels and some bridges that need to be constructed. When an international tender will be announced, the government of Armenia will be happy to seek proposals from India as well," Mkrtchyan said about the project.

“We are announcing international tenders and we are happy to receive proposals from international companies for construction. For example, we are constructing 300 to 500 schools and kindergartens and this is also an opportunity for Indian companies to come and participate in tenders," Mkrtchyan said.

“We are now implementing a mega project of an academic city in Armenia, which means that universities will be located there. We will be announcing an international tender and we'll be happy to see Indian companies invest and do business in Armenia," he added.

 

Armenia’s choices: complete capitulation to Azerbaijan, or another war and another defeat

Mary Lazarian
Feb 23 2024

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  • BY Nikola Mikovic

Azerbaijan and Armenia – two neighboring South Caucasus nations that have fought two major wars over the past 35 years – seem to be on the brink of another large-scale conflict that threatens to destabilize the strategically important region. Yerevan fears that Baku may soon attempt to achieve its ambitious geopolitical goals by invading Armenian southern province of Syunik, and creating a land link with its Nakhchivan exclave, as well as with Turkey.

Quite aware that Armenia cannot count on Russia’s help, and that the European Union is unlikely to get involved if border clashes between the two countries escalate, Azerbaijan undoubtedly has capacity to capture significant parts of the landlocked nation of around 2,8 million people. However, it remains unclear if Iran, Yerevan’s alleged strategic partner, would intervene and prevent Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey from semi-encircling the Islamic Republic?

For both, Yerevan and Baku, as well as for Tehran, Armenia’s Syunik province has a strategic importance. It is the only Armenian region with a land border with Iran. At the same time, it separates mainland Azerbaijan and its exclave of Nakhchivan. As such, it remains extremely vulnerable to a potential Azerbaijani attack, especially given Armenia’s weak position in the global arena, and the fact that it recently lost the Second Karabakh War.

In 2020, the two nations fought the war over Nagorno-Karabakh – a mountainous region, internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, although it has been under Armenian control for around three decades. As a result of the conflict, the energy-rich South Caucasus country managed to restore its sovereignty over significant parts of Karabakh. In September 2023, following low-scale clashes between local Armenian forces and Azerbaijani military, Baku recaptured the remaining portions of the region.

Now that the Nagorno-Karabakh issue has been resolved in Azerbaijan’s favor, Baku seeks to achieve another strategic goal. Ever since the two sides signed a ceasefire agreement in Moscow in November 2020, Azerbaijan has been pressuring Armenia to build its section of the Nakhchivan corridor (also known as the Zangezur corridor) that should pass through Syunik. Baku, as the clear war winner, insists that the route should have no customs or border control, which means that Armenia would effectively lose not only its sovereignty in the area, but also the access to the border with Iran.

Indeed, this tiny piece of land represents a critical hot spot. According to reports, on February 12, Armenian forces attacked Azerbaijani positions on the border between the two countries. The Ministry of Defense of Armenia has promptly initiated an investigation into reported ceasefire, pointing out that “if this fact is confirmed, those responsible for violating the border will be held accountable”. Azerbaijan, for its part, did not wait for any Armenian investigation, but immediately responded. As a result, four Armenian soldiers were killed and one injured in clashes with Azerbaijani troops near the border village of Nerkin Hand in the southern Syunik region.

Three days later, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan accused Azerbaijan of planning a “full-scale war” against his country. Baku, on the other hand, denies that it has any territorial claims to Armenia, although in January 2023 – four months after Azerbaijan successfully restored its sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh – the Caspian nation’s President Ilham Aliyev said that Yerevan is “an ancient Azeri city”.

Such rhetoric, however, does not necessarily mean that Baku plans to capture the Armenian capital, or to fight another war against its archenemy. The fact that, on February 19, Pashinyan and Aliyev agreed to resume normalization talks after months of delays, indicates that Azerbaijan will seek to achieve its geopolitical goals peacefully.

Yerevan will, therefore, be under pressure to build its section of the Zangezur corridor, and allow Baku to have full control over the road. Given that Russia has a history of ignoring Armenia’s calls for help, and that the West does not seem particularly interested in protecting the landlocked country’s territorial integrity, Pashinyan will likely attempt to find a relatively painless way to de facto capitulate to Azerbaijan.

The only country that seems to genuinely care about Armenia’s sovereignty (not because of Armenia itself, but because of its own geopolitical interests) over the Syunik province is Iran. The authorities in Tehran have repeatedly stated that the creation of a land corridor through Armenia to Nakhchivan is the Islamic Republic’s “red line”. Still, given Iran’s rather limited and calculated actions in the international arena, it remains highly uncertain if it will be ready to fight a war against Turkey-backed Azerbaijan in order to protect Armenia.

Moreover, Pashinyan aims to develop close ties with the European Union and the United States, while Brussels and Washington are unlikely to want to see a strong Iranian influence in Armenia. As a result, Yerevan’s position remains very difficult, and Pashinyan likely seeks to fulfil Azerbaijani demands in such a way that would allow him to save face and preserve his post.

Thus, Azerbaijan is in a win-win situation in the region. If Yerevan agrees to allow Baku to have a corridor to Nakhchivan and Turkey, the two nations may continue normalizing relations. Under Azerbaijani terms, though. If Armenia, however, keeps obstructing the realization of the Zangezur corridor, Azerbaijan may eventually use the force, aiming to achieve its geostrategic goals in the South Caucasus.

The ball is in Yerevan’s court, and it has two options that seem to be equally bad – a de facto capitulation, or another war that Armenia will almost certainly lose.

UCI to Host Event Dedicated to French Resistance Fighter Missak Manouchian

Mary Lazarian
“In the footsteps of Missak Manouchian: Armenian Poet in the French Resistance” flyer

The University of California, Irvine Center for Armenian Studies will honor Missak Manouchian on Wednesday, March 6 with its program “In the footsteps of Missak Manouchian: Armenian Poet in the French Resistance.”

Missak Manouchian (1906-1944) was an Armenian Genocide survivor, poet, communist activist, and defender of liberty who joined the French Resistance during World War II, resolutely leading a group of fighters against occupying Nazi forces. Manouchian, along with many

members of his group, was sentenced to death by a German military court and shot by firing squad on 21 February 1944. In honor of his sacrifice, he entered France’s Pantheon mausoleum, along with his wife Mélinée Assadourian — also part of the Resistance — thus becoming both the first foreign and communist members of the Resistance to be honored in the Pantheon.

The program will include a reading of his last letter to his widow and a talk by Professor Daniel Brunstetter (UCI Political Science Department), followed by a Q&A session.

Co-sponsors of the event include the Center for Citizen Peace Building, Department of History, Department of European Languages and Studies and the UCI Armenian American Alumni Chapter.