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Remains of Armenia soldier Isahak Simonyan declared missing in action during 44-day Karabakh war are found

News.am, Armenia

Remains of Isahak Simonyan, who was missing in action during the 44-day war [in Nagorno-Karabakh], have been found, as reported on the Facebook page of Vayots Dzor Province of Armenia.

“Dear compatriots, residents of Vayk city, we are deeply sad to report that the remains of Isahak Simonyan, who was missing in action during the 44-day war, have been found.

The Requiem Service will be held on at St. Mary’s Church in Malatia district of Yerevan (5:30pm-7:30pm).

The funeral will be held at Yerablur Military Pantheon on July 23 at 12:30pm.

Isahak was born in 1995. On October 9, 2020, he left and participated in the battles that were being led in Jrakan. Since October 12, he was declared missing in action. The remains were found after searches conducted on July 18.

We express condolences to the family, realtives, friends and close ones of Isahak Simonyan on this irreversible and very premature loss.

It is extremely difficult to find words of consolation when a young man dies, especially a hero.”


Armenia to participate in Dubai Expo 2020

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 16:24,

YEREVAN, JULY 20, ARMENPRESS. Armenia will participate in Dubai Expo 2020, a large international exhibition in the United Arab Emirates.

The Expo will launch on October 1 and will last until 2022 March 21.

Last year the Expo was postponed because of the COVID-19 restrictions.

192 countries will participate in the event.

The organizers expect around 25 million visits of both local and foreign guests.

Armenia’s caretaker economy minister is the chief commissioner for coordinating, organizing the country’s participation to the exhibition.

The Expo organizers provided support package for Armenia’s participation, as well as special conditions. The package involves providing property and services worth 1.5 million USD free of charge.

Made In Armenia four-day exhibition will also be organized on during the Expo. The Armenian companies will present their products and services, will have a chance to establish business ties, find foreign partners and investors.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Residents of Armenia’s Kajaran launch petition demanding the release of their mayor

News.am, Armenia

Citizens of Kajaran launched a petition in support of their mayor Manvel Paramazyan this morning. They say his arrest is unfair and demand his release.

“Paramazyan has proved that he is a patriot with his work. During the 44-day war [in Nagorno-Karabakh], he fought for the security of our borders. Kajaran is considered ‘headless’ without him,” one of the residents said.

On July 9, Manvel Paramazyan was charged with receiving a bribe and obstructing the free realization of the elector’s will. Paramazyan doesn’t accept the charges and finds that all this is a part of the chain of political persecution against him.

Armenia’s post-election challenges

NEW EUROPE

By Richard Giragosian

Founding Director of the Regional Studies Center


In the wake of Armenia’s recent early parliamentary election, incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is set to form a new government.  Armed with a fresh mandate of nearly 54 percent of the vote in the snap election of June 20, Pashinyan’s “Civil Contract” party will enter the new Armenian parliament with a decisive majority of 71 seats.  Beyond that election win and besides the achievement of a free and fair contest, the euphoria of victory for the incoming government will evaporate quickly, however.  And for both Pashinyan and his party, the post-election challenges that lie ahead are no less daunting and, in some ways, even more difficult.

A Polarized Parliament

The immediate challenge awaiting the new Pashinyan government is political.  In this context, the new incoming parliament will still reflect the deep political polarization of the campaign.  Politics will be marked by confrontation and conundrum, with the parliament as the arena for conflict pitting the opposition against the government.  Although the opposition garnered significantly fewer votes and, therefore, less seats than they expected or promised, as opposition front runner, the electoral bloc of former President Robert Kocharian is far from defeated.  Buoyed by just over 21 percent of the vote, this opposition “Armenia Alliance” bloc holds 29 seats in the new 107-seat parliament.  

In addition, another opposition party, the “I Have Honor” bloc affiliated with former President Serzh Sargsyan, will also enter the new parliament, with 7 seats, albeit due to a constitutional concession.  Interestingly, with a meager 5.2 percent of the vote, this second opposition bloc failed to surpass the threshold of minimum votes necessary to gain representation in the parliament but benefited from the constitutional requirement of having at least three parties in parliament.  

And with an added degree of either irony or drama, both parliamentary opposition parties will be dominated by two former two-term presidents.  By virtue of both Serzh Sargsyan, the victim of Pashinyan’s “Velvet Revolution” of 2018, and Robert Kocharian, the elusive target of Pashinyan’s wrath, the opposition is endowed with two decades of experience.

But the outlook for the opposition is not as assured as asserted.  For one, the two former presidents are hobbled by their own tense relationship, confirmed by their failure to unite against the government for the election.  In fact, this factor only helped to re-elect the Pashinyan government, as the broader anti-government electorate was seriously split, thereby dividing opposition votes between four different and competing opposition parties and blocs.  And by running separate and even dueling campaigns, the mutual animosity of the opposition leaders was seen to be as deep and as divisive as their hatred of Pashinyan.  This also suggests an incapacity to coordinate legislative strategy against the government that would further undermine their parliamentary potential to obstruct or oppose Pashinyan in the months to come.  

And even if they could bridge their personal divide, their combined total of 36 seats is still less than needed for exercising any real power in parliament.  Ironically, one decision where both men agree is to not serve as deputies.  But this will only further weaken their position in the coming partisan warfare within parliament.  While Sargsyan opted to serve as the leader, but not as a candidate. for his opposition bloc, Kocharian has expressed disdain for his mandate, revealing that a seat in parliament would be beneath his stature as a former president.

An Obstructionist Opposition Strategy 

Against that backdrop, the more possible scenario involves a new parliament marked more by hostile confrontation than any legislative compromise.  Rather, reflecting a more destructive anti-establishment posture, the opposition will revert to its original political strategy of resignation over election.  More specifically, that initial strategy, pursued by the opposition right up until Pashinyan decided to resign and trigger an early election, was focused on one pressing priority: the resignation of Pashinyan and his government.  Therefore, by reverting to that original objective, the opposition is expected to obstruct policies, disrupt votes and derail legislative procedures within parliament, while seeking to sabotage the government at every turn.  But with the incoming Pashinyan party holding just one vote short of an outright two-thirds supermajority, such opposition moves are more likely to damage the public policy process and impede governance than to inflict any lasting injury on the government.    

Pressing Priorities

But beyond the immediate political challenge, the next Pashinyan government will also have to manage a set of looming policy priorities.  In a broader sense, the outcome of the election and the fresh mandate for the government brought only a temporary respite.  Unprecedented challenges, ranging from pronounced post-war insecurity to the lingering impact of COVID-19, demand immediate political attention and urgent policy initiatives.  And more narrowly, as important as this recent early election was, it was not enough to address the deeper deficiencies in governance in Armenia, such as a lack of institutional checks and balances and a reform program that is imperiled.

In terms of public policy, the three main imperatives are clear.  First, post-war insecurity demands a new Armenian diplomatic strategy, based on the inclusion of a more innovative and flexible adoption and adaptation of diplomatic tactics in pursuit of defined national interests and in defense of “end state” objectives.  The second imperative stems from post-war uncertainty and is rooted in the need for a new direction in defense reform, incorporating “after action” assessments and military “lessons learned” based on a critical review of the unexpected severity of the losses in the 2020 war for Nagorno Karabakh.  And each of these two imperatives requires a coherent strategic vision that has been lacking to date.

While there has been dangerously little real progress in either area, the third imperative is equally significant.  While this policy imperative actually pre-dates the Karabakh War, it involves a different kind of war: the public health war against the Coronavirus pandemic.  And in this regard, the government must confront the impact of the health crisis and the distressingly low level of vaccination in the country, but also plan for the essential economic recovery from the pandemic.         

The Risk of “Self-Inflicted Wounds”

At the same time, there is a further danger facing Armenia, which stems neither from the political opposition nor from the pressing policy challenges.  This risk originates from the government itself, demonstrated by the risk of “self-inflicted wounds.”  Moreover, given a record of impulsive and often reckless leadership, it is Pashinyan himself who poses the most serious risk to his standing.  This is a risk derived from the temptation for Pashinyan to pursue vendetta politics, engaging in political retribution and personal revenge that may very well undermine his own legitimate government and unravel the hard-fought democratic gains in governance since 2018.  Thus, Armenia’s post-election reality remains as fragile and vulnerable as ever, which no amount of wishful thinking or misplaced exceptionalism can effectively manage or mitigate.  

Average pension in Armenia increased by more than 7% in 2020

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 19:26,

YEREVAN, JUNE 25, ARMENPRESS. There was a widespread increase in pensions in Armenia in 2020, the average amount of pensions increased by more than 7%, ARMENPRESS was informed from the Government of Armenia.

It is mentioned that before that the pensions had not been increased for 5 years.

“Pensions are about 9% higher in 2020 compared to 2018, and more than twice as high as in 2008,” the Government informed.


OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs format continues to operate: the regional visit on agenda

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 16:26,

YEREVAN, JUNE 22, ARMENPRESS. Russia thinks that the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs’ format dealing with the Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement has never stopped its activity and continues to act, Russian Ambassador to Armenia Sergei Kopyrkin told reporters today, commenting on the question relating to the resumption of the negotiation process for the settlement of the NK conflict.

“Our approach is that the Co-Chairs’ format continues acting, there are issues which are on the agenda of the co-chairmanship format, and I think that here a lot will depend on the positions of the sides”, the Russian diplomat said.

He said that the upcoming regional visit of the Co-Chairs is on the agenda, but couldn’t mention the exact dates.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

15 Armenian POWs Freed Through Georgia’s Facilitation

Georgian Journal, Georgia
June 14 2021
14 Jun, 2021

Photo: Retrieved from @CaucasusWarReport

Two days ago, on June 12, Azerbaijan released 15 Armenian citizens, previously captured during the recent Nagorno Karabakh conflict, who now returned to their families through Georgia’s territory. In turn, the Armenian side handed over to Azerbaijan important material concerning territories with concealed mines.

“We are grateful to Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili and the Government of Georgia for the essential role Georgia played in facilitating these steps,” reads the statement of the US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken. According to the Government of Georgia, PM Garibashvili personally maintained constant communication with President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev and acting Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian to facilitate discussions between the sides and ensure the positive outcome of the process.

“Solving humanitarian issues, much the way it happened today, will promote the international community’s goals and will encourage a better political and security environment in the region,” reads the statement of the Government of Georgia from June 12.

What is behind Iran’s involvement in the ongoing Armenian-Azerbaijani border crisis

JAM News
June 14 2021


    Gayane Mkrtchyan, Yerevan

After the second Karabakh war, Iran is trying to intensify its involvement in the geopolitical processes of the South Caucasus. A country with thousands of kilometers of sea and land borders with over a dozen of countries, Iran, nevertheless, considers it important to preserve 42 kilometers of its border with Armenia.

Iran made this statement after May 12, when the Azerbaijani Armed Forces crossed the southern border of Armenia in the Syunik region. Azerbaijan has advanced its positions several kilometers deep into the territory of Armenia and refused to retreat, despite Armenia’s repeated demands.

Azerbaijan declares these territories its own citing Soviet maps as evidence, however, Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan stated later that the maps are fake. The Armenian media then published a map of the General Staff of the USSR Armed Forces, proving that these territories belong to Armenia.

It was this situation that became the reason for Iran to declare that it stands for the preservation of the territorial integrity of Armenia. Tehran used the _expression_ “red lines”, in case of violation of which it would be ready to intervene in the conflict.

Iranians in Armenia are actively discussing and commenting on Iran’s position in the ongoing crisis.


  • The road to Nakhichevan: is Armenia surrendering its territories to Azerbaijan or emerging from blockade?
  • What Armenia lost to Azerbaijan after the war

Iran’s statement on the red lines concerns the ongoing crisis in the Syunik region, as well as Azerbaijan’s statements in regards to the Zangezur corridor, Iranianist Garik Miskaryan says. In particular, this concerns the reopening of the communications in the region under the trilateral agreement signed on November 9, 2020, by the heads of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia:

“Iran is concerned about the rumors that the corridor will not be controlled by Armenia. In Iran, this is regarded as an attempt to interrupt the Armenian-Iranian land border and expand the border with Turkey. This situation might be the source of geopolitical risks for Iran. The border with Azerbaijan has already expanded significantly. At the same time, the influence of such countries as Turkey and Israel has increased in the region, one of which competes with Iran, the other is openly hostile to it”.

“Armenia is an alternative to Turkish-Azerbaijani partnership, and the Iranians do not want this alternative to disappear or be threatened”, says Iranian scholar Vardan Voskanyan.

Armenia is important to Iran as much as Iran is important to Armenia, says Iranian scholar Gohar Iskandaryan.

She explains that Armenia is the only Christian country bordering Iran and a large Armenian community is residing there. Every time Iran is accused of radical Islamism or terrorism, they convincingly refer to their warm relations with Christian Armenia and Armenians.

“Secondly, for Iran, Armenia is an alternative route to Europe. Thirdly, given Iran’s great desire to deepen relations with the Eurasian Economic Union, it needs a land border with the EAEU countries [Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia] and Armenia is the only EAEU country that Iran borders.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Iran and Armenia are natural allies. Although separated by religion, the current national identity of the countries is very similar at the moment as both are struggling to resist the unification and further strengthening of the Turkic world, which would be destructive for both countries”, says Gohar Iskandaryan.


The South Caucasus is not the most important region for Iran from the point of view of its vital interests, political scientist Beniamin Poghosyan believes.

According to him, Iran is trying to maintain good relations with both Armenia and Azerbaijan, in the best traditions of eastern diplomacy. Beniamin Poghosyan believes the statements of Iranian Foreign Minister Zarif in Baku and Yerevan served a very specific purpose:

“In Baku, he announced the historical role of Aliyev in the liberation of the territories [of Karabakh], and this flattered the pride of both Aliyev himself and the entire Azerbaijani people. In turn, in Armenia, he made a statement about the country’s territorial integrity and ‘red lines’ which should not be crossed, realizing that we are all concerned about the territorial integrity of Armenia.

There is one more issue to consider. I practically rule out the possibility of Iran taking any concrete actions if the situation in Syunik escalates. Iran knows that Armenia is considered a zone of influence of Russia, where Russia is making decisions and taking steps”.

Referring to the statements from Iran on the implementation of various communication projects with Armenia, the political scientist assumes that they are merely statements and messages aimed at creating a positive image:

“The Artashat-Meghri road, according to various estimates, will cost on average about one and a half billion. It is obvious that Iran is now unable to invest even several hundred million in this project. These words are designed to arouse sympathy in Armenia and maintain a balance between Armenia and Azerbaijan”.

Despite realizing that Armenia is in the zone of influence of Russia, Iran is still trying to keep up with the processes taking place in the region, Iranianist Georgy Mirzabekyan believes. This is especially noticeable after the signing of a trilateral Russia-mediated agreement on the cessation of hostilities in Karabakh:

“Iran is trying in every possible way to restore its influence by offering alternative geopolitical solutions. A vivid confirmation of this is the statement of the Minister of Roads and Urban Development Mohammad Eslami, made in Armenia. He said that the road connecting the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea should pass through Armenia via the Nakhichevan road.

Iran is discussing this route in order to reduce its losses from the process of unblocking regional communication [outlined in a trilateral statement signed by the leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia]. Iran wants to maintain its influence in Nakhichevan.

Also, one should not forget that Azerbaijan carries out its land communication via the territory of Iran. But now Iran has found itself in the position of ‘closing the race’ and, whenever possible, it is trying to protect its state interests. Therefore, Iran is currently negotiating with the countries of the region”.

Iranians believe that the upset in the Caucasus balance is not in Iran’s favor, and Armenia’s southern neighbor is making efforts to rectify the state of affairs.

During the last Karabakh war, Iran also tried to take on the role of mediator, says Gohar Iskandaryan. according to her, simultaneously, #Turkey, one of its main competitors, provided direct material, military, military-technical assistance to one of the belligerent parties – Azerbaijan and Russia, being a strategic ally of Armenia, tried to maintain neutrality.

“Thus, because of the unprecedented, large-scale assistance from Turkey to Azerbaijan, the fragile balance that had been preserved for 30 years in the Caucasus between three countries – Russia, Iran, and Turkey, was disturbed. Iran did not have and does not have the fulcrum that it had in Armenia neither in Azerbaijan nor in Georgia.

However, the passive position of Iran during the war caused disappointment in the Armenian society, and its congratulations on Azerbaijan’s victory and ‘liberation of the lands’ after the war caused bewilderment”, Gohar Iskandaryan said.

Iran is still trying to stay in the game, she said:

“The country understands that the opening of communication lines has become a priority, therefore, they come up with similar proposals. It must be said that Iran has repeatedly offered Turkey and Russia to apply the same model in the Caucasus as in Syria. In this case, we are talking about the 3 + 3 principle: Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan + Russia, Turkey and Iran.

However, this proposal from Iran seems to be losing its meaning. Firstly, since Georgia has no desire to enter into any process in which Russia is involved, and secondly, Armenia is categorically against the participation of Turkey”.

Armenpress: U.S. Ambassador visits National Defense Research University of Armenia

U.S. Ambassador visits National Defense Research University of Armenia

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 19:15, 15 June, 2021

YEREVAN, JUNE 15, ARMENPRESS.  US Ambassador to Armenia Lynne Tracey visited the National Defense Research University of the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia on June 15. The leadership and professional staff of the Research University attended the meeting, who presented to the Ambassador the activities of the University.

As ARMENPRESS was informed from the press service of the MoD Armenia, the US Ambassador spoke about the Armenian-American cooperation and regional development directions. She positively assessed the activities of the National Defense Research University.

The head of the university, Major-General Gennady Tavaratsyan highly assessed Ambassador Tracy’s visit to the University and expressed readiness for further cooperation.

Ombudsman: Armenian government’s approach to border delimitation and demarcation ‘extremely dangerous’

Panorama, Armenia

Armenia’s Human Rights Defender (Ombudsman) Arman Tatoyan on Friday warned against considering the border delimitation and demarcation issue only from the political and military perspectives especially due to the consequences of last year’s war and the policy of Armenophobia of the Azerbaijani authorities.

In a post on his Facebook page, Tatoyan said the Armenian government must put the rights of the population – and human rights in general – at the core of discussions on the delimitation and demarcation of the country’s borders.

“The current approach of the government is extremely dangerous, especially in the long run, including in connection with the mechanisms proposed by international observers,” he said, pointing to the government’s failure to ensure the implementation of positive obligations.

“Due to the current approaches of the government, some government institutions are failing to perform their functions,” he said.

The ombudsman stressed the importance of creating a security zone at all the border parts around Syunik and Gegharkunik Provinces, adding it will help reinstate the rights of the Armenian people, guarantee their normal life and security, along with other vital rights.

“Delimitation and demarcation can last for more than decades, and the rights of Armenian residents cannot remain violated for decades, with their life and security seriously endangered.

“Internationally, it is a direct requirement that demarcation and demarcation are not legitimate if they disrupt the everyday life of the border population and do not take into account human rights and the rule of law,” the ombudsman said.