Author: Madatian Greg

ARMENIAN NPP INCREASES POWER GENERATION IN 2009 BY 1,3%

ArmInfo
2010-01-15 14:00:00

ArmInfo. Armenian NPP increased power generation in 2009 by 1,3%
to 2, 493 bln kWh, as compared to 2008, ANPP Director General Gagik
Markosyan told ArmInfo.

According to him, power generation to the country’s energy system over
the reporting period made up 2,290 bln kWh against 2,265 bln kWh in.

S G. Markosyan said, all the scheduled maintenance operations on
safety enhancement and refueling were carried out at the plant in full.

To recall, the Armenian NPP was transferred to the financial control
of "Iter RAO UES" CJSC, being a subsidiary of RAO "UES of Russia",
in September, 2003. Two power units of Russian sample WWER-440 with
total capacity of 815 MW have been installed at ANPP. The first unit
was commissioned in 1976, the second one – in 1980. In the beginning,
1989, the plant was removed from service for political reasons, and
in the beginning, 1995, the NPP’s second unit with capacity of 404
MW was restarted.

BLOCKING RATIFICATION OF PROTOCOLS, TURKEY WOULD VIOLATE ITS COMMITMENTS

PanARMENIAN.Net
14.01.2010 16:03 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenia, like Turkey, undertook to ratify the
protocols on normalization of bilateral relations within reasonable
terms, Russia’s top diplomat said.

"The protocols were introduced in the Turkish parliament in October
2009. In Armenia, these were submitted to the Constitutional Court,"
Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said at a joint news conference with
his Armenian counterpart Edward Nalbandian.

"Blocking ratification of protocols, Turkey would violate its
commitment to ratify the documents within shortest terms and to
avoid creating artificial obstacles. The resolution of the Armenian
Constitutional Court is a signal for Turkey to take action.

The Protocols aimed at normalization of bilateral ties and opening of
the common border between Armenia and Turkey were signed in Zurich
by Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian and his Turkish
counterpart Ahmet Davutoglu on October 10, 2009, after a series of
diplomatic talks held through Swiss mediation.

On January 12, 2010, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of
Armenia found the protocols conformable to the country’s Organic Law.

RUSSIA’S FOREIGN MINISTER ARRIVING IN ARMENIA

armradio.am
13.01.2010 11:04

The Foreign Minister of Russia, Sergey Lavrov, is arriving in Armenia
today at the invitation of Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian.

Within the framework of the visit Srtgey Lavrov will meet the
President of Armenia President Serzh Sargsyan and Foreign Minister
Edward Nalbandian. The Foreign ministers of the two countries will
give a joint press conference.

During the meetings in Armenia the parties will discuss the dynamically
developing allied relations between the two countries, issues of the
Caucasus region, the process of settlement of the Karabakh issue,
as well as a wide framework of issues related to the cooperation in
the political, military, trade-economic and humanitarian spheres.

NEW FORCE, NEW OPPOSITION
Hakob Badalyan

Lragir.am
13/01/10

The regular election rigged in Armenia with apparent cynicism and the
calm attitude of the Armenian National Congress towards it when they
stated after the election that they had never believed Nikol Pashinyan
would have won and the election was illegal, shows the need to think
about a new opposition or force in Armenia. Discussions on this topic
activated, mainly on the level of experts’ opinions.

All this has quite objective grounds. The current opposition is
apparent to have lost its trust within a tangible part of the
society due to its strategic mistakes and errors. In addition, the
society did not lose its trust towards the opposition because of the
reason that the latter is not making a revolution or is not holding
rallies. The real reason for the loss is that during time the words
of the opposition assimilated to those of the government and the
society stopped noticing the difference between the opposition and
the government.

While, in order to succeed in struggle with the Armenian government,
the latter does not need to be radically criticized but the society
is needed to be shown concrete differences between the opposition and
the government. When the current opposition was able to fulfill this
task, it was the dictator of the situation. As soon as the opposition
started looking for success within geopolitical traps, the difference
between the opposition and the government disappeared on this plane
and the opposition had only to wait for the government to collapse
or to become tolerant.

Conversations on the need of a new force are natural to be augmented
against this background which regularly activate in Armenia when
presence of a serious amount of distrust between the society and
the opposition becomes evident. Do the conversations on the need of
a new force contain practicality? From this point, we have to state
that during the history of the newly-independent Armenia every time
such conversations appeared, they have never contained practicality.

The reason of course is not that the creation of a new force was
equally dangerous for the opposition and the government of a certain
period of the Armenian history and they tried to eliminate it just
from the cradle which will surely happen now if such a force is
noticed. The point is that the conversations on the creation of a new
force in Armenia have always been based on the propaganda axis of the
distraction of the current forces. In other words, the conversations
on the creation of a new force are based on expectations: the current
forces are expected to collapse for the need to create a new force
to be voiced again.

In other words, the observations and discussions on a new force are
offered to the public according to the logic of the old forces: x
and y collapsed, the society remained without a political force, so
it is right time to create a new one. This is already an artificial
ground for the creation of a new force. The point is that politics
is a natural process. If someone has something to say and to do,
it says and does it independently from what the "old" forces of the
same process say or do. In addition, it does not base its words and
actions on the failures of the "old" forces but exceptionally on its
own values. If the society is bored with the "old" forces and does
not believe them any longer, it will follow the new force and will
believe it. Otherwise, they will have to "reign over ruins" which
is the dream of almost all the political forces of Armenia as they
can determine their mistakes by the ruins which left the previous
governor. We are witnessing now what comes out of all this when say
successes are determined by new thinking, and failures are reasoned
by the mistakes of previous years.

TURKEY WANT A REGION WHERE A CAR CAN LEAVE BAKU FOR KARS THROUGH KARABAKH

news.az
Jan 13 2010
Azerbaijan

Ahmet Davutoglu Turkey want to establish a region where a car can
leave Baku for Kars through Karabakh, Yerevan and Nakhchivan.

Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu addressed the conference
on the theme "Joint interests of Turkey and UK in expanded European
Union and other areas" at King’s College in London, reports Haberturk.

The Minister, who attended the conference within the framework of
his working visit to the UK, spoke about the bilateral relations
and situation in the Near East. To the question "Will Turkey
unconditionally ratify the protocols signed with Armenia?" Ahmet
Davutoglu said: "Our government is doing its best."

Ahmet Davutoglu noted that Turkey was pursuing policy to normalize
the relations with Armenia and eliminate the tension in the region.

"We want to establish a region where a car can leave Baku for Kars
through Karabakh, Yerevan and Nakhchivan," he said.

According to the minister, economic relationship should be increased
in order to solve the problems in the Caucasus. He said Turkey signed
51 agreements with Syria, 48 with Iraq, Batumi airport of Georgia is
used as an internal terminal of Turkish Airlines.

ARMENIAN GOVERNMENT APPROVS THE LOAN PROGRAM FOR NORTH-SOUTH ROAD CORRIDOR CONSTRUCTION
Hasmik Dilanyan

"Radiolur"
14.01.2010 15:04

At this year’s first session the Armenian Government approved the
investment program on North-South road corridor. Armenian Economy
Minister Nerses Yeritsyan reminded that the program is funded by the
Asian Development Bank, which will provide a loan of 500 million USD.

According to the Minister, the first tranche of the loan in the
amount of $60mln will be received in early 2010. Nerses Yeritsyan
informed that at the first stage, they will complete the construction
of Yerevan-Gyumri, Yerevan-Ashtarak and Yerevan-Ararat roads.

The Minister of Economy stated that according to the program, at the
second stage, they will realize construction of Sisian-Kapan road. All
in all, according to him, they plan to realize construction of 250km
of roads at the sum of $120mln in 2010.

RUSSIA DOES NOT WANT TO SEE A NEW CONFLICT BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND ARMENIA

news.az
Jan 12 2010
Azerbaijan

Stephen Larrabee News.Az interviews Stephen Larrabee, Distinguished
Chair in European Security, RAND.

What do you think about the current geopolitical situation in the
South Caucasus region? What would you say about Russia’s, as well as
the USA’s, foreign policy moves in relation to Azerbaijan?

The political situation in the South Caucasus is in great flux. The
Turkish rapprochement with Armenia has the potential to significantly
change the political dynamics in the region if it is carefully
coordinated with Azerbaijan and linked to visible progress toward a
settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. It would enable Armenia
to reduce its dependence on Russia and open up new prospects for
regional cooperation. That is why the United States supports the
the rapprochement process between Turkey and Armenia. It also would
like to see a settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, but does not
believe that progress in the rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia
should be directly linked to progress on Nagorno-Karabakh. The main
reason why it wants the process of Turkish-Armenian rapprochement
to be delinked from a settlement of Nagorno-Karabakh is because
an improvement in Turkish-Armenian relations is important in order
to prevent the passage of the Armenian Genocide Resolution before
the Congress. Passage of the Resolution would lead to a crisis in
US-Turkish relations. Thus the Obama administration does not want the
process of rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia to formally depend
on a settlement of Nagorno-Karabakh because this could slow progress
in the rapprochement process between Ankara and Yerevan, which in
turn would make it harder to defeat the Armenian Genocide Resolution.

Russia’s main goal is to preserve its influence in the South Caucasus.

It thus as little interest in seeing a resolution of the
Nagorno-Karabakh issue nor in seeing a normalization of relations
between Ankara and Yerevan since this would reduce Armenia’s dependence
on Russia.

What are the main points of the clash of Russian and American interests
in the former Soviet countries, and especially in Azerbaijan? In
your opinion, is right to say "world power" concerning Russia? Is
this country a real world power?

The main source of controversy between the US and Russia in the
post-Soviet space is the attempt by Russia to try to get the West to
formally accept that the post-Soviet space, including Azerbaijan,
falls within the Russian sphere of influence and that Russia has
"privileged interests" there — which is a code word for sphere of
influence. The United States does not accept the concept of spheres
of influence. It believes every country– including Azerbaijan —
should have the right to decide for itself the path of its internal
political development and foreign policy alliances and ties. Russia
today is an important regional power, but I would not say it is a
world power in the sense that the former Soviet Union was. Russia’s
power and influence, while expanding, is more limited than that of
the former Soviet Union.

What do you think about the war potential of Azerbaijan? Does
Azerbaijan have any chances to become a NATO member in the near
future? What kind of reforms must be carried out in the Azerbaijan’s
Army?

Azerbaijan could become a candidate for membership in NATO at some
point but it would have to undertake a much deeper and far-reaching
process of political and economic reform than has taken place to date.

It would also have to significantly restructure its military so that
it was more capable of working with NATO forces. This process —
especially the process of political and economic reform — would take
considerable time.

What do you think about the Russian military base in Armenia? In your
opinion, if military operations in Nagorno-Karabakh break out again,
will the Russian military base take part in it on the Armenia’s side?

Russia does not want to see a new conflict between Azerbaijan and
Armenia. If a conflict were to break out, Russia would try to use
diplomatic means to halt the conflict. It would only threaten to use
military force in extremis if its own forces were endangered.

What interests does the EU pursue in the process of the normalization
the relationships between Turkey and Armenia? Why doesn’t the EU
make the same intensive efforts for settling the conflict between
Armenia and Azerbaijan in accordance with the main principles of
international law?

The EU has expanded its outreach to the parts of the post-Soviet
space through its European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and and Eastern
Partnership. However, its main purpose is not conflict management.

Individual members of the EU such as France, which is co-Chairman
of the Minsk Group, have been involved in trying to settle the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

THE "REASONABLE" IS QUITE UNREASONABLE

Lragir.am
11/01/10

When it comes to discussing a possible timeframe for the ratification
of the unfortunate Armenia-Turkey protocols, certain officials who
claim to be politicians have declared with self-satisfied voices
that the process of normalisation (according to them) must take place
"within a reasonable timeframe". Accordingly, the question necessarily
arises: is there a clearly-defined limit to "a reasonable timeframe"
in international law?

The term "reasonable timeframe" has, albeit of seldom use, but
nevertheless a certain application in public international law. For
example, Articles 5 and 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights
guarantee the trial "within a reasonable time" of individuals in
custody or under arrest ("Everyone arrested or detained … shall be
entitled to trial within a reasonable time or release pending trial" –
Article 5.3 ; "Everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within
a reasonable time" – Article 6.1).[1] It is clear that such wording is
sufficiently flexible to provide the possibility of the aforementioned
multi-lateral document to be more inclusive and applicable in various
judicial systems. However, any mention of "reasonable times" in
bilateral agreements, where only mutual obligations are codified,
does not make any sense and is undesirable.

Even more so when one considers the centuries-old tradition of the
Turks to deny their domestic obligations and renege on their own
promises, such a move would be generally unacceptable in relations
with them.

A well-known contemporary Belgian legal specialist, Olivier Corten,
rightfully considers the "profound ambiguity" of the term "reasonable"
to be its main characteristic.[2] That is, the usage of such a deadline
in international relations does not bring in any clarification in the
application of a bilateral document. In the Tunisia vs. Libya case
over their continental shelf, the UN International Court of Justice
provided the following commentary on this question of interest to us:
"what is reasonable and equitable in any given case must be depend
on its circumstances".[3] Thus, the highest tribunal of the UN has
clearly stated that the term "reasonable" is strictly relative and
that there cannot be a universal and outright understanding of it in
public international law.

And so, if, for the Armenian side, a "reasonable" timeframe would
logically be, say, three months, then with just as much logic the
Turkish side could have a "reasonable" timeframe of three years.

Ara Papian Head of the Modus Vivendi Centre 4 January, 2010

[1] Basic Documents in International Law, (ed. Ian Brownlie), Oxford,
1989, p. 323.

[2] Oliver Corten, The Notion of "Reasonable" in International
Legal Discourse, Reason and Contradictions, The International and
Comparative Law Quarterly, (Cambridge University Press), vol. 48,
No. 3 (Jul. 1999), p. 613.

[3] Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) I.C.J. Re. 1982,
para. 60.

PRESS RELEASE
Zoryan Institute of Canada, Inc.
4211 Yonge Street, Suite 230
Toronto, ON, Canada M2P 2A9
Tel: 416-512-8600 Ext. 113
Fax: 416-512-1736
E-mail: [email protected]

THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE ADANA MASSACRES

A Lecture By
Dr. Bedross Der Matossian

Department of History, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

This lecture will discuss the different levels of reactions to the Adana
massacres and the extent to which this new analysis can add to the
understanding of the larger scope of violence that was inflicted on the
indigenous Armenian population during World War I. It has also been
described by historians to be a turning point for the Armenians living in
the Ottoman Empire. Unlike the existing historiographies on the subject,
this lecture will provide a new analysis of the massacres by examining the
erosion of social and political stability in Anatolia and changes in the
dynamics of power as a result of the revolution.

Friday, January 29, 2010, 7:00 p.m.

Toronto French School
Multipurpose Room
318 Lawrence Ave East (west of Bayview), Toronto

Free Admission Free Parking

Presented by
The Zoryan Institute of Canada

[email protected]
(416) 250-9807

AzerNews Weekly, Azerbaijan
Jan 6 2010

Azeri analyst sees war threat in the Caucasus

06-01-2010 23:08:00

The threat of war has escalated in the Caucasus region, an Azerbaijani
analyst has opined.
Mubariz Ahmadoghlu, the head of the Center for Political Innovation
and Technology, told a news conference on the outcomes of 2009 that
rising tension in the northern Caucasus is a serious hazard for the
turbulent region. According to him, the tension is caused by
socio-economic challenges and unfair attitude toward the nations
living in the region.
Ahmadoghlu said further that Russia-Armenia relations are currently
facing a dire crisis. However, the predicament is not evident mainly
for two reasons.
`Since more serious processes are ongoing around Armenia, the crisis
in its relations with Russia is not seen ostensibly. Another main
point is that Armenia is managing to hide the tension in its relations
with Russia,’ the analyst said.
Ahmadoghlu said the most vivid sign of the current tension between
Moscow and Yerevan is the Russian president’s avoiding a meeting with
the Armenian leader under various pretexts.
Ahmadoghlu noted that Armenia’s hopes for the Collective Security
Treaty Organization (CSTO), the military arm of the former Soviet bloc
CIS, have not been justified. He added that Moscow has recently
countered Yerevan’s joining NATO events twice.
The Caucasus region remains a source of tension due to lingering
conflicts. Azerbaijan and Armenia have been facing a conflict for
nearly two decades. Armenia continues to occupy Upper Garabagh and
seven other Azerbaijani districts despite international calls and UN
resolutions demanding its pullout. Baku has not ruled out military
action to liberate its land and has spent billions on dollars on
building up its military.*