EU Plans To Outlaw Holocaust Denial

EU PLANS TO OUTLAW HOLOCAUST DENIAL

EUPolitix.com, Belgium
April 18 2007

Controversial plans to make denying or trivialising the Holocaust
a criminal offence are expected to be endorsed by EU member states
on Thursday.

Holocaust denial is a criminal offence in several European countries,
including Germany and Austria, but the draft law would extend this
to the rest of the EU.

The proposed legislation makes a contentious distinction between
inciting violence against racial or ethnic groups and against
religious groups.

It will make it mandatory for all EU member states to punish public
incitement to "violence or hatred directed against a group of persons
or a member of such a group defined by reference to race, colour
or religion.

Diplomats stress the provision had been carefully worded to tackle
only the denial of the Holocaust – the Nazi extermination of Jews
during WW2 – and the genocide in Rwanda in 1994.

They say the wording was designed to avoid criminalising plays or
films about the Holocaust, such as the musical The Producers.

In an attempt to assuage Turkish fears, diplomats say the provisions
would not penalise the denial of mass killing of Armenians in the
aftermath of the 1915 collapse of the Ottoman empire.

EPP-ED leader Joseph Daul said he welcomes the initiative .

"At the same time I understand the reserves of some member states
who want similar treatment for people who deny the evils of communist
dictatorships."

UK Socialist MEP Claude Moraes, a former head of the influential
Commission for Racial Equality in the UK, said hopes the proposal
will be adopted when EU justice ministers discuss it on Thursday.

"I fully back this plan. It is extremely welcome and the centrepiece
of a framework decision on race. It should be widely supported by
anyone who wants to crackdown on anti-Semitism."

BAKU: Captured Azerbaijani Soldier’s Uncle: Samir Cannot Write To Us

CAPTURED AZERBAIJANI SOLDIER’S UNCLE: SAMIR CANNOT WRITE TO US BEING UNDER ARMENIAN PRESSURE

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
April 18 2007

The representatives of International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC)
Baku Office have met with the parents of captured Azerbaijani soldier
Samir Mammadov, ICRC Baku Office told the APA.

The soldier’s uncle Vidadi Mammadov said that they expressed their
dissatisfaction with the work of the ICRC Office in Armenia.

"Samir has not written to us since March 9. Armenian Office every
time declares that he does not want to write to us. We consider all
these happen under Armenia’s pressure," he said.

The representatives of ICRC Armenia Office last met with captured
Samir Mammadov on April 13.

Identity Crisis: Turkey’s Most Famous Writer Evokes His Country’s Sc

TURKEY’S MOST FAMOUS WRITER EVOKES HIS COUNTRY’S SCHIZOPHRENIC PAST AND ITS STRUGGLE WITH ISLAM’S PLACE IN DAY-TO-DAY LIFE.
by Randy Boyagoda

Walrus Magazine, Canada
April 18 2007

Identity Crisis

Books discussed in this essay:
Istanbul: Memories and the City
by Orhan Pamuk
translated by Maureen Freely
Alfred A. Knopf (2005 )
320 pp. with 206 photographs, $36

Snow
by Orhan Pamuk
translated by Maureen Freely
Alfred A. Knopf (2005 )
426 pp., $38

The Economist likes to lace its clever commentary with acid. In its
March 2005 survey of Turkey, it invoked Czar Nicholas I’s infamous
diagnosis of the Ottoman Empire as "the sick man of Europe," and then
noted that, "Over the years many Turks have quoted this with perverse
pride. They may have been sick, but at least they were part of Europe."

Since its birth as a secular nation-state a century ago, Turkey has
been caught in the intersecting shadows of imperial decline and Western
nationalism, while roiled by questions of Islam’s place in national
life. Turkey’s modern ills bespeak a much longer story. Six hundred
years of Ottoman civilization fell after World War I, a buckling that
prepared the way for General Mustafa Kemal, later apotheosized as
"Ataturk" (father of the Turks), to initiate the vigorous reinvention
of a fallen Islamic imperium as an ascendant secular nation-state. The
Turkish patriotism that developed was intended as both a cure for
a collective psyche wounded by its post-imperial diminishment and
an equalizer for a people anxious to stand beside their advanced
Western neighbours.

Today, Turkey is poised for entry talks with the European Union
this October and both pulled toward and pushed away from political,
military, economic, and cultural identifications with Asia, the
Mediterranean, and the West. It remains troubled by its struggles
with Greece over Cyprus and by the plaints of its Kurdish minority.

Above all else, Turkish life is perpetually concerned with Islam’s
standing. This is a democracy with a fissile fundamentalist element;
its religious status is guarded by generals rarely shy of boasting
their brawn in the name of constitutionally enshrined secularism. In
short, modern Turkey is embedded at the axis of contemporary
geopolitics.

As his recent books make clear, Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s most prominent
contemporary writer, is himself deeply rooted in this dense and dark
soil. This native commitment, however, has been severely tested of
late. In a February interview, Pamuk openly criticized Turkey’s
1915 massacre of its Armenian minority, an event still fraught
with controversy in Turkey. In the still-unfolding aftermath,
Pamuk’s books have been removed from Turkish libraries and burned
in political rallies; he has been sued for anti-state actions and
pilloried in major newspapers. Security concerns have precluded a book
tour. Critically renowned, translated into more than thirty languages,
Pamuk is surpassing Salman Rushdie as the world’s pre-eminent Muslim
writer. This, Pamuk is realizing, can be a burdensome achievement.

At the start of Istanbul: Memories and the City, Pamuk admits that
he must cut a peculiar figure for a cosmopolitan novelist. He has
never left his native city. Our age, he observes, is "defined by
mass migration and creative immigrants…. My imagination, however,
requires that I stay in the same city, on the same street, in the
same house, gazing at the same view. Istanbul’s fate is my fate. I
am attached to this city because it has made me who I am." This
searching memoir establishes Istanbul, with its Byzantine, Ottoman,
European, Mediterranean, Turkish, Christian, and Islamic influences and
inheritances, as providing a difficult and beguiling enough pluralism
for Pamuk to write about home from home.

>>From boyhood through early life, with over 200 personal and
historical prints accompanying his painterly prose, Pamuk comes into
knowledge of self and world through his explorations of Istanbul’s
criss-crossed cultural lineage. He meditates on the writings of its
famous European visitors, among them a miserable Gustave Flaubert, who
suffered through a case of syphilis while in town but also found ample
matter to nurture his "interest in the strange, the frightening, the
filthy, and the queer." Pamuk also celebrates Istanbul’s idiosyncratic
local voices, notably the ambitious Resat Ekrem Kocu, who, over the
course of three decades, wrote over 5,000 pages of "the world’s first
encyclopedia about a single city" but never got past the letter G.

Pamuk devotes much space to tracing out both his city’s and his own
artistic lineage but is more concerned with sketching his education as
a member of a down-at-the-heels bourgeois family. Though he recommends
that "Istanbul’s greatest virtue is its people’s ability to see the
city through both western and eastern eyes," the biographical evidence
and critiques on offer in this book suggest that the East/West gateway
vision that the city affords comes at a cost. The Pamuks live among
extended relatives in an expansive apartment building brimming with the
depression and drama of genteel poverty. These people fit remarkably
well into modern Istanbul, an "ageing and impoverished city buried
under the ashes of a ruined empire."

His early life, having developed amid pervasive gloom, Pamuk identifies
melancholy-in its distinctively Turkish form, huzun-as the defining
feature of the city and its citizenry. His accompanying descriptions
of twentieth-century Istanbul in its dusky richness provide many
wistful moments. Pamuk finds huzun in "the walls of old apartment
buildings and the dark surfaces of neglected, unpainted, fallen-down
wooden mansions;" in "seagulls perched on rusty barges caked with
moss and mussels;" in "the broken see-saws in empty parks;" and in
"the chiaroscuro of twilight" that spreads over Istanbul’s dim streets
and seeps into its crumbling buildings.

Beyond his melancholic poetics, Pamuk also explores huzun’s ugly
origin in the Faustian pact that Turkish elites have kept for decades
with the military that regulates the nation’s westward secularism. In
the memoir’s most punishing moments, Pamuk rebukes his family and
their comfortable counterparts for their self-serving support of the
"secular fury of Ataturk’s new Republic." Assuming that "to move
away from religion was to be modern and western," these Istanbullus
were poised for material success and bourgeois refinement in the new,
European-minded nation. Surveying his family’s resultant diminishments,
Pamuk regards this gambit as no great cause for boasting. Not only
has the ruling class condoned forty years of military interventions
aimed at the country’s impoverished religious majority, but for those
well-heeled, enlightened citizens apparently benefiting from the
generals’ putsch, "nothing came to fill the spiritual void. Cleansed
of religion, home became as empty as the city’s ruined yalis [mansions]
and as gloomy as the fern-darkened gardens surrounding them."

Depictions of the spiritual alienation, cultural smugness, military
might, and class divisions that infuse this desolate cityscape compel
us to renounce romance for more exacting considerations. How are
we to receive beauty born of a civilization that remains in turmoil
because of its schizophrenic history and contemporary makeup?

While Istanbul falls short of a sustained treatment of this question,
Pamuk’s latest masterpiece, Snow, leaves Istanbul to address it with
atomized intensity. This novel responds to Turkey’s continued effort
to pound a modern Western patina onto its post-imperial, God-haunted
landscape by detailing the many lives blunted and broken for patriotism
and progress. Taut and compulsively readable, Snow also recounts the
unexpected poetry and love cultivated beneath contemporary life’s
grim harrows of fundamentalism and nationalism.

Snow’s protagonist is Ka, a poet in political exile who returns to
his native Istanbul from Frankfurt to attend his mother’s funeral. A
spate of suicides by Muslim schoolgirls has broken out as a result
of state-mandated prohibitions against wearing head scarves in school.

Ostensibly seeking to write about the situation, Ka travels to Kars,
a depressed town near the former Soviet border where young women
have been taking their lives in particularly large numbers rather
than baring their heads. With "Suicide is Blasphemy" signs dotting
the landscape and citizens accepting a surveillance society and
prefabricated news, the setting encapsulates greater Turkey’s uneasy
position as a civilizational switching point. The local newspaper is
called the Border City Gazette; Kars’ architecture and culture owe
much to six centuries of competing traversals by Ottoman, Russian,
and British imperial armies; and its population is made up of
Persian, Greek, Circassian, Armenian, and other tribes, migrants,
and refugees that have settled and resettled in its environs. This
deep and multifarious history, having been summarily reinvented
as strictly Turkish in the name of patriotic purification by the
descending national army during the 1920s, bequeaths universal
"destitution, depression, and decay" to Kars’ modern-day residents,
along with a contemporary social order as thick and confusing as the
city’s genealogy.

Arriving just as the town becomes isolated by a snowstorm that goes
on for days, Ka is quickly embroiled in Kars’ chaotic politics. The
players include Islamic terrorists, Muslim feminists, student radicals,
Turkish nationalists, Kurdish insurgents, unbowed socialists,
secret police, neighbourhood power brokers, newspaper editors,
state bureaucrats, municipal election candidates, and the omnipresent
army, not to mention the leaders of a revolutionary theatre company,
who stage a nationalistic, anti-Islamist play that turns out to be a
pretext for a coup. These parties seize on each other like a clutch of
cockroach dervishes, competing to manipulate Ka into their intrigues
and machinations.

As he gets swept up in the crisis engulfing Kars, Ka attempts to revive
his faltering poetic abilities, and to kindle a romance with Ipek,
a recently divorced former classmate. The novel’s ensuing interplay
between the public and the personal reveals that its protagonist
moves so naturally and willingly between political commitments,
private desires, and artistic achievements because, in this world,
where convenient divisions of East and West have been outmoded since
the fall of Constantinople, love and betrayal and brutality and beauty
can be similarly indistinguishable.

This is how poetry is born in the age of war and terror. At the start
of an astonishing sequence, Ka feels "a surge of joy" while standing
beside Sunay, the actor-cum-coup leader, on a bridge overlooking
darkened Kars in the midst of revolution. Enraptured by his vista of
"the beautiful snow-covered city with its empty old mansions," Ka is
also "enjoying this proximity to real power." As Sunay issues orders
via walkie-talkie, Ka notices "the wretched shantytown" across the
frozen river, where the poor are easy marks for Islamic radicalization
and, therefore, obviously justified targets for Kemalist tanks. He
listens to Sunay reflect on his love for Kars and to his clever
Hegelian justification for the coup, then witnesses a condensed
version of twenty-first-century nationalism at work:

The entire valley rattled with explosions. Ka deduced from this that
the machine gun atop the tank was now in use…. [A] shanty door
opened and two people came out, their hands in the air. Ka could see
tongues of flame licking at the broken windowpanes. All the while,
[a] dog barked happily, darting back and forth, his tail wagging as he
went over to join the people crouching on the ground. Ka saw someone
running in the distance, and then he heard the soldiers open fire. The
man in the distance fell to the ground, and all noise stopped.

This passage, Pamuk at his best, matches sangfroid intelligence
with pointillist imagery; arranging together religion, poverty, and
military efficiency, punctuated by an ignorant, cheerful dog barking
before a burned-out building and playing with corpses-to-be. It is a
visceral imprint of the indiscriminate and senseless butchery found
far too widely today. And how does it move Ka, its proximate witness?

He follows Sunay back to his headquarters and writes a poem that we
never see.

Snow makes for difficult reading because it challenges our expectations
of the artist mixed up in the loud, hard world. Here, we want
to condemn Ka as a conscienceless aesthete because he blissfully
poeticizes alongside a would-be tyrant at work. At other times, we want
him to cut through the conflict and chaos by writing poetry that sets
an assured cast of heroes, villains, and victims. But Pamuk thwarts
our desire for clarity. By emphasizing Ka’s ability to hold manifold
and contradictory sympathies in suspended orbit, and then veiling the
verse that this inspires him to write, Pamuk prevents both poet and
poetry from being subjected to moralizing litmus tests and ideological
sniffing. More generally, his characterizations are correlative to
Turkey’s prismatic complexity, which, the novel makes clear, results
from the raw and unceasing interplay between its Islamic pathologies
and westernizing pressures. As a result, neither Ka nor Sunay, nor
any of the other major characters, not even the terrorist leader,
Blue, is drawn so flat as to be a steady marker of right and wrong,
or good and evil, or honour and shame, as each tries to beat the
others to claiming a singular and stable identity for Turkey.

Eventually, Snow’s whorl of themes and characters tighten around the
issue of whether a central character will remove her head covering
at the climax of Sunay’s next patriotic production. Because Ka is
so immersed in Kars’ familial, romantic, and political crises, his
services are variously demanded. He only wants to take the beautiful
Ipek back to Frankfurt with him, but this proves contingent upon
his securing a resolution amenable to everyone involved in the wider
chaos. As the novel reaches its climax, Pamuk summons a melancholic
fatedness that recalls Dostoevsky, and we accordingly sense that
Ka’s task, demanded by all sides and frustrated by each, will prove
impossible. Ka faces too many passionate and calculating men equipped
by both East and West with guns and principles, who exercise power
over a variegated population too exhausted by unremitting tumult to
do anything other than applaud the last Turk standing.

Religion, politics, art, and the private life bind together in
Pamuk with a force that the West can only recall today by reading
Dante and Chaucer, which is precisely what makes Snow so immediate
and important. But the postmodern sleight-of-hand that closes Snow
discourages sterile intercultural insights into Islamic themes and
the wider gyre of Turkish culture. As the novel closes, one of the
characters addresses Western readers, assaulting what sympathetic
relations we may have forged:

"If only to see themselves as wise and superior and humanistic, they
need to think of us as sweet and funny, and convince themselves that
they sympathize with the way we are and even love us. But if you would
put in what I’ve just said, at least your readers will keep a little
room for doubt in their minds."

This vouchsafing of imaginative uncertainty is precisely what is needed
in a world crowded by righteous men outfitted with destructive,
absolutist presumptions about each other. While enlivening our
curiosity, Pamuk’s books make a difficult virtue out of an unsettling
necessity: they leave us grateful to be denied absolute knowledge
of those faraway peoples, places, and problems that have become our
unexpected intimates through the haphazard ways of near-history.

Randy Boyagoda has been shortlisted for the 2005 Journey Prize for
his short story "Rice and Curry Yacht Club." His essay "Cities In A
Raw Young Century" appeared in the April 2005 issue of The Walrus.

05.07-books-identity-crisis/

http://www.walrusmagazine.com/articles/20

UEFA To Decide The Place Of Holding The Matches Between The Teams Of

UEFA TO DECIDE THE PLACE OF HOLDING THE MATCHES BETWEEN THE TEAMS OF ARMENIA AND AZERBAIJAN

armradio.am
17.04.2007 13:25

On April 18 the congress of the European Football Union (FIFA) will
take place in Cardiff (Wales). Among the important issues discussed
is the place of holding of the two matches between the national
football teams of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Representatives of the
Football Federations of Armenia and Azerbaijan will not participate
in the discussion, since the decision is to be taken by the UEFA.

UN Complicit In Genocide Denial

UN COMPLICIT IN GENOCIDE DENIAL

The Toronto Star, Canada
April 16, 2007 Monday

More than 90 years ago, when Turkey was still part of the Ottoman
Empire, Turkish nationalists launched an extermination campaign there
that killed 1.5 million Armenians.

It was the 20th century’s first genocide. The world noticed, but
did nothing, setting an example that surely emboldened such later
practitioners as Hitler, the Hutu leaders of Rwanda in 1994 and
today’s Sudanese president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir.

Turkey has long tried to deny the Armenian genocide. Even in the
modern-day Turkish republic, which was not a party to the killings,
using the word "genocide" in reference to these events is prosecuted
as a serious crime. Which makes it all the more disgraceful that
United Nations officials are bowing to Turkey’s demands and blocking
the scheduled opening of an exhibit at UN headquarters commemorating
the 13th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide because it mentions the
mass murder of the Armenians.

Ankara was offended by a sentence that explained how genocide came to
be recognized as a crime under international law: "Following World
War I, during which 1 million Armenians were murdered in Turkey,
Polish lawyer Raphael Lemkin urged the League of Nations to recognize
crimes of barbarity as international crimes."

The exhibit’s organizer, a British-based anti-genocide group, was
willing to omit the words "in Turkey." But that was not enough for
the UN’s craven new leadership, and the exhibit has been indefinitely
postponed.

It’s odd that Turkey’s leaders have not figured out by now that
every time they try to censor discussion of the Armenian genocide,
they only bring wider attention to the subject and link today’s
democratic Turkey with the now distant crime.

As for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and his inexperienced new
leadership team, they have once again shown how much they have to learn
if they are to honourably and effectively serve the United Nations,
which is supposed to be the embodiment of international law and a
leading voice against genocide.

This is an edited version of an editorial that appeared Friday in
the New York Times.

A. Liloyan: Policy Carried On By Turkey Does Not Further Stability

ARMEN LILOYAN: POLICY CARRIED ON BY TURKEY DOES NOT FURTHER STABILITY
AND PEACE IN REGION

LOS ANGELES, APRIL 16, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. Armenians expect
opening of the Armenian-Turkish border without preconditions for the
people are able to discuss their past and create future
relations. Armen Liloyan, the Consul General of Armenia to Los Angeles
said about it on April 9, making a speech at the plenary sitting of
the upper chamber of the legislative body of California.

Emphasizing in his speech concerning the Armenian Genocide problem the
necessity of taking lessons from historic events and preventing crimes
against the mankind, the Consul General of Armenia touched upon denial
of the Armenian Genocide by Turkey, adding that the policy carried on
by that country does not further stability and peace in the region.

According to the information submitted to Noyan Tapan by the RA
Foreign Ministry’s Press and Information Department, the lower chamber
of California, Assembly, received a joint resolution with the Senate
"On Recognizing in California the 1915-1923 Armenian Genocide as
Memory Day." The resolution particularly calls on the U.S. Congress
and President to officially recognize the Armenian Genocide. Turkey
was also called on to receive the fact of the Armenian Genocide.

Former Chess Champion Is Detained at March in Moscow

Former Chess Champion Is Detained at March in Moscow

The New York Times
April 15, 2007

By ANDREW E. KRAMER and MICHAEL SCHWIRTZ

MOSCOW, April 14 – Garry Kasparov, the former chess champion turned
opposition politician in Russia, was arrested with nearly 200 other
protesters during a rally in Moscow on Saturday that ended in clashes with
riot troops.

The rally, the third so-called Dissenters’ March held by a loose
antigovernment coalition known as Other Russia, was noteworthy because
authorities aggressively pursued the organizers, including President
Vladimir V. Putin’s former prime minister, Mikhail M. Kasyanov, whom the
police jostled but did not arrest. Mr. Kasparov was later fined and
released.

The rally was principally supported by Mr. Kasyanov and Mr. Kasparov, who
leads a group here called the United Civil Front.

Essentially barred from access to television, members of Other Russia have
embraced street protests as the only platform to voice their opposition
ahead of parliamentary elections in December and presidential elections next
March. Early this month, Mr. Kasyanov’s and Mr. Kasparov’s Web sites were
blocked, though it was unclear by whom.

The marches have become a test both of the determination of the opposition
and the willingness of the government to use force to prevent it from
gaining traction in street politics in the big cities.

Other Russia was refused a permit to march in Moscow, but defied the ban, as
it has in two previous marches in St. Petersburg and the Volga River city of
Nizhny Novgorod. Authorities said roughly 9,000 police officers and Interior
Ministry troops, known as OMON, were deployed in Moscow on Saturday.

A Moscow police spokesman said 170 people were arrested; organizers said the
number was much higher.

In addition to Mr. Kasparov, who was arrested while walking on Moscow’s
Tverskaya Street before arriving at the event, the police detained Maria
Gaidar, a daughter of a former prime minister, and Ilya Yashin, the head of
the youth wing of the Yabloko opposition party.

`I’m arrested,’ Mr. Kasparov, who resigned from professional chess but is
still the world’s highest-ranked player in the World Chess Federation, said
in a telephone interview from inside a detention van. `It was an act of
banditry.’

During a break in a hearing at a central Moscow court on charges of shouting
antigovernment slogans, according to Reuters, Mr. Kasparov said: `Today the
regime showed its true colors, its true face. I believe this was a great
victory for the opposition because people got through and the march
happened.’

Eventually Mr. Kasparov was fined $38 and released. He said he would appeal
the charges.

Mr. Kasyanov, the former prime minister, was surrounded by riot police
officers as he approached the rally on foot. `Everybody should ask
themselves what is happening in our government,’ Mr. Kasyanov said, as the
police closed in. `We respect the Constitution and demand the authorities do
the same.’

The police grabbed Mr. Kasyanov’s bodyguards, arresting them, and Mr.
Kasyanov tumbled backward but was caught by the crowd. `Officers, don’t
fulfill illegal orders,’ Mr. Kasyanov shouted. `Officers, stop!’

In defiance of city authorities, demonstrators attempted to march from
Pushkin Square, a prominent public space, to Turgenev Square, about a mile
away. Most of the several hundred who set off were arrested or dispersed
before arriving at their destination. Interior Ministry troops tried to
block the way by setting up cordons ahead of the marchers, in a cat and
mouse chase through central Moscow.

europe/15russia.html?_r=1&th&emc=th&or ef=login

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/15/world/

ANCA Sends A Letter Of Protest To UN

ANCA SENDS A LETTER OF PROTEST TO UN

Arminfo
2007-04-12 18:39:00

The chairman of the Armenian National Committee of America
(ANCA) Kenneth V. Hachikian has sent a letter of protest to
Under-Secretary-General for Communications and Public Information
Kiyotaka Akasaka following his decision to allow the Turkish
authorities to delay UN exhibit on Rwanda Genocide.

The letter says:

Dear Under-Secretary Akasaka:

I am writing to voice the Armenian American community’s profound
disappointment over your decision to allow the Turkish government to
delay – and quite possibly cancel – a United Nations exhibit intended
to help ensure that the lessons of the Rwanda Genocide are used to
help prevent future genocides.

Your actions, as reported by the Associated Press and the New York
Times, represent a troubling retreat from the founding principles of
the United Nations. In allowing Turkey’s protest over the exhibit’s
historically accurate mention of the Armenian Genocide to delay its
opening, you have, very unfortunately, undermined the credibility of
the United Nations on a central issue of our time – ending forever
the cycle of genocide. Rather than rightfully standing up for the
organization’s highest values, you permitted the immoral objections
of one member state, Turkey, to drag the entire institution into
complicity in that nation’s shameless campaign of genocide denial.

We join with Armenians worldwide, and with all people committed to
ending the cycle of genocide, in respectfully calling upon you to
reverse your decision, and to immediately facilitate the opening of
the Aegis Trust’s complete Rwanda Genocide exhibit.

Unibank Becomes First Bank Of Armenia To Put Cash Machine With Cash-

UNIBANK BECOMES FIRST BANK OF ARMENIA TO PUT CASH MACHINE WITH CASH-IN FUNCTION INTO OPERATION

Arminfo
2007-04-12 13:30:00

The Armenian Unibank has become the first bank in the country that
put a cash machine (ATM) with cash-in function into operation. The
NCR producer-company’s cash machine opening ceremony will be held
tomorrow in the "Haghtanak" (Victory) Yerevan branch in Deghagorcneri
Street 2/2.

As Head of the Bank’s Service of plastic cards Mesrop Hakopyan told
ArmInfo, the cash-in function is limited yet by acceptance of US
dollars, Euro and Russian rubles by CB’s current exchange rate. After
check-up of the banknotes authenticity, the cash machine informs
a client of the face-value, the quantity and total amount of the
received banknotes, after which a client resolves whether to deposit
them or take back. Besides deposition of the amounts in the client’s
account, the cash machine also enables to exchange the currency for
Armenian drams, pay the communal cell communication operator services.

According to the specialist, after the cash machine joins the
e-card system (in a couple of months), the client will be also
enabled to pay off his debts and percents for credits taken in the
bank. Today, the Unibank has the greatest number of own cash machines
– 31 units. M. Hakopyan said that from the technical viewpoint all of
them allow installing additional units and the cash-in technology. The
Bank intends to increase the number of own ATM to 60 units till the
end, 2007. As of today, the Bank has emitted 17.500 plastic cards,
2.500 of which are related to the ArCa national payment system,
and 15,000 to the Visa International system.

As Pavel Kartashov, a person in charge of the markets of Russia and CIS
countries of NCR Corporation, told ArmInfo earlier during presentation
of ATM with cash-in function in Yerevan, in September, 2006, the
rates of development of Armenia’s banking system indicate the dynamic
growth not only of the corporative segment but also the so-called
banking retail, providing the population with maximum wide spectrum
of services. He said that the Corporation has developed a number
of innovation products that will facilitate the financial-monetary
relations between a client and self-service.

The NCR representative emphasized that only the issue of adjustment
of the banknotes identification module to the Armenian dram
banknotes by the cash-in technology is still to be solved. As yet,
the ATM identifies the Russian rubles, US dollars and Euro with 100%
accuracy. He expressed hope that this problem will be settled jointly
with the Armenian partner in the face of the MTD Company and Central
Bank.

Kavkaz-Poti Ferry Link To Lift Armenia’s Transport Blockade-Ivanov

KAVKAZ-POTI FERRY LINK TO LIFT ARMENIA’S TRANSPORT BLOCKADE-IVANOV

ITAR-TASS News Agency, Russia
April 11, 2007 Wednesday

Russian First Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Ivanov considers it very
important to launch a ferry link between the Russian port of Kavkaz
and the Armenian port of Poti to resolve transport problems.

"The launch of a new ferry running en route Kavkaz-Poti that can
carry up to 50 cargo railway carriages helps to resolve one of the
key problems – Armenia’s transport blockade," Ivanov told a joint
news conference with participation of Armenian Prime Minister Serzh
Sarkisian on Wednesday. "The opening of the ferry link will allow to
partially cut the Gordian knot already now," he said.

"By late summer a second ferry will begin operating, which will
increase cargo turnover," he said. "There are also long-term programs
for the development of railway transport, but it is still early to
speak about them."

"Transport is a key problem in our relations, because all the rest
becomes senseless without transport," Ivanov said.

The agreement on opening the Kavkaz-Poti railway and ferry link was
signed by the then Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania and Russian
Transport Minister Igor Levitin back in January 2005.

The first ferry shipped 14 railway carriages full of corn in March
2005. Later the ferry made several passages and this link was
suspended soon.

Initially the ferry should have run between the ports twice or trice
a week.

The resumption of a ferry link is very important, as Russia and
Georgia have not had direct railway link since August 1992, when an
armed conflict broke in Georgia’s breakaway of Abkhazia.

Since then cargoes to Armenia that has no common border with Russia
have been delivered by motorways bypassing its neighbour of Georgia,
which resulted in transportation price hikes.