Armenian National Congress Plans To Appeal Election Results

ARMENIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS PLANS TO APPEAL ELECTION RESULTS

Tert.am
11:07 ~U 12.01.10

The Armenian National Congress has issued a statement commenting on
the No. 10 electoral district elections which took place in central
Yerevan on January 10.

The statement, in part, reads:

"As it was expected, in the unoccupied National Assembly deputy
post of the No. 10 electoral district elections, the administration
once again put into effect its arsenal of coercion, illegitimacy and
electoral fraud, mobilizing all of its resources.

"In violation of the norms of law, the election day was January 10
instead of December 26, particularly taking into account that the
10-12 days prior are holidays and thus, the press would be absent.

"Registered opposition candidate Nikol Pashinyan, during the entire
process, was unlawfully kept imprisoned; thus being personally denied
from participating in his own campaign.

"During the entire process, residents were kept in the dark: not
only did television stations refuse to broadcast any news about the
opposition candidate’s campaign, but they also did not broadcast the
election at all.

"Electoral committee members instead of fulfilling their official
duties, evidently occupied themselves with acquiring votes for the
pro-government candidate.

"[As a result,] the Armenian National Congress does not recognize
the election results, which it will appeal in all the court bureaus,
with the demand of recognizing [the election] as invalid."

Fadey Sargsyan Dies Aged 86

FADEY SARGSYAN DIES AGED 86

ArmInfo
2010-01-11 15:03:00

ArmInfo. Adviser to RA Prime Minister Fadey Sargsyan passed away
on January 10 at the age of 86. The Prime Minister charged setting
up an ad hoc commission to organize funerals. Fadey Sargsyan was
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Armenian SSR (1977-1989),
parliamentarian (1995-1999) and major general. He graduated from
Leningrad Military Academy after S.M. Budyonov (1946).

He made researches in radio electronics, computer engineering, and
automatic control systems.

Fadey Sargsyan held different leading positions in the Scientific
Technical Committee of the Central Rocket Artillery Administration
of the USSR Ministry of Defence (1946 – 1959), was Director of
Yerevan Scientific Research Institute of Mathematical Machines
(YSRIMM) (1963-1977), Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the
Armenian SSR (1977-1989), Academician-secretary of the Division of
physico-mathematical and technical sciences of the National Academy
of Sciences of Armenia (1989- 1993), and President of the National
Academy of Sciences of Armenia (1993-2006).

He had been Adviser to the Prime Minister of Armenia since 2006,
the Public Radio of Armenia reported.

Police Launch Investigation Into Scuffle Between Empowered Persons O

POLICE LAUNCH INVESTIGATION INTO SCUFFLE BETWEEN EMPOWERED PERSONS OF CANDIDATES FOR POST OF NA DEPUTY

Noyan Tapan
Jan 11, 2010

YEREVAN, JANUARY 11, NOYAN TAPAN. At 2:45 pm on January 10 the Kentron
unit of the RA police received a call about an argument in front of
the polling station 10/09 located in the Yerevan secondary school
after John Kirakosian.

According to a report of the RA Police, it turned out that an argument
broke out between Tigran Muradian, 46 – a person empowered to act for
the candidate for the post of a National Assembly deputy Ara Simonian,
and Petros Makeyan, 60, Karen Makeyan, 31, and Suren Martirosian,
27 – persons empowered to act for the candidate for the post of a
National Assembly deputy Nikol Pashinian. According to the same source,
the latter three persons beat T. Muradian, who suffered injuries to
various parts of his body. T. Muradian has submitted a report and
will undergo a forensic examination.

At 3:35 pm on the same day a call was received from Yerevan university
hospital No 1 that Suren Martirosian with a a face injury, Petros
Makeyan with craniocerebral traumas, and Karen Makeyan with scratches
on his back had asked for medical aid.

Investigation is underway.

Purchase And Sale Transactions Of .5 Million Conducted At Nasdaq OMX

PURCHASE AND SALE TRANSACTIONS OF .5 MILLION CONDUCTED AT NASDAQ OMX ARMENIA OJSC ON JANUARY 11

Noyan Tapan
Jan 11, 2010

YEREVAN, JANUARY 11, NOYAN TAPAN. Purchase and sale transactions of
.5 million at the weighted average exchange rate of 377.5 drams per
dollar were conducted at Nasdaq OMX Armenia OJSC on January 11. The
press service of the Central Bank of Armenia reported that the closing
price was 377.4 drams.

Questionable Economic Results No Justification For Signing Protocols

Questionable Economic Results Do Not Provide Justification For Signing
The Turkey-Armenia Protocols
Asbarez
Jan 8th, 2010

BY ARA KHANJIAN

Those who support the Armenia-Turkey Protocols claim that, when Turkey
lifts the blockade, Armenia will experience a significant amount of
economic gain, which will reduce poverty.

This article questions this claim. It argues that when Turkey opens
the border, economic gains to the consumers, theoretically, could be
positive; however its extent would be questionable. The article argues
that open borders would hurt Armenian producers who could not compete
with subsidized and protected Turkish products, that the open borders
would cause just a modest increase in Turkish imports and finally, in
order to generate economic development and reduce poverty, it is much
more important for Armenia to implement domestic reforms than for
Turkey to the lift the blockade.

1. Will Armenian consumers benefit when Turkey lifts the blockade?

The answer is maybe. Currently Turkish products are imported through
Georgia. When Turkey opens the borders, Turkish products will be able
to enter Armenia directly from Turkey and the transportation cost will
go down. Therefore the Armenian businesspeople who are importing the
Turkish products will be able to bring them to Armenia at a lower
cost. Economic theory assumes that there will be competition among
importers and the price of Turkish imported goods will go down. In
this scenario the Armenian consumer will benefit; however the problem
is that there is no guarantee that there will be competition among
importers. There is the possibility that a few oligarchs might control
the major imports through Turkey. In that case the Armenian
monopolists will be able to keep prices at the same level and the
benefit of lower transportation cost will go to the powerful rich
importers, instead of the consumers. Therefore there is no guarantee
that there will be consumer surplus and that consumers will benefit
from open borders.

>From around 2003 to early 2009 when the value of the Armenian money
Dram (AMD) was going up and appreciating, economic theory predicted
that the prices of imported goods in AMD will go down. However the AMD
prices of many imported goods did not go down or their decrease was
insignificant; therefore the benefit of appreciated AMD went to the
powerful rich importers, instead of the Armenian consumers and the
poor. Armenia could experience the same, when the borders with Turkey
are opened.

2. The lifting of the blockade would hurt Armenian producers who could
not compete with subsidized and protected Turkish products

During June 2009 in Yerevan the ARF Bureau published an excellent
report on the impact of the opening of the Turkish border on different
economic sectors in Armenia. The report provides detailed information
about both Turkish and Armenian economic sectors. [1]

The information of this section, is based on the information available
in this report.

We could divide Armenian producers into two groups: First, large
companies producing energy and raw materials such as copper. Most of
Armenia’s exports are based on raw materials. This group will be
affected very little from the opening of the Turkish border. The
second group could be represented as small and medium size producers,
producing for the domestic markets, mainly in the agricultural and
food production sector. It is expected that the cheap Turkish imports
would hurt this second group of Armenian producers and some of them
would go bankrupt. A major advantage of Turkish producers is the
amount of government support that they receive. It is safe to say that
the Turkish government supports its domestic producers more than
Armenia’s government supports producers in Armenia in three different
ways: protecting domestic production, subsidizing domestic production
and promoting exports.

Protecting domestic production: Turkey protects domestic production
from imports through higher tariffs and quotas than Armenia. In
Armenia, many goods don’t have import tariffs and the highest tariff
is 10 percent, while in Turkey the average tariff is 10 percent and
about 1/5 of the goods have tariffs higher than 10 percent. A major
sector that is protected is the agricultural sector. Relative to
Turkey, Armenia has significantly fewer import restrictions. When
Turkey lifts the blockade this inconsistency must be addressed.

Government subsidies: In Turkey there are many state programs and
agencies that provide state support and subsidies to local producers.
Farmers are supported through law interest loans, and other subsidies,
such as funds to buy fuel and fertilizer. When market prices of
certain agricultural goods, such as olive oil, cotton, wheat etc. go
down significantly, the government subsidizes their producers. Turkey
reduces the tariffs and restrictions on imported goods that are used
as inputs to produce goods in Turkey. These measures act as subsidies
to the local producers. Also, Turkey spends relatively much more on
research and development than Armenia, which could give it an
advantage in the long run. Armenia’s government can’t afford to
provide so many subsidies to its producers; therefore when Turkey
lifts the blockade Armenian production will be vulnerable to Turkish
imports.

Promoting exports: A Turkish government agency called Trade Promotion
Center is the main organization through which the state promotes
exports. This center achieves its goal through promoting research and
development, providing and publishing information about trade,
managing plans for exports and promoting trade through
intergovernmental relations. The government also promotes exports
through reduction in taxes and subsidies. Sixteen product groups, such
as eggs, honey, processed fish, etc., receive export subsidies from 10
percent to 20 percent of their total value.

The Turkish government promotes exports through subsidized loans. In
1987 The Turkish government created a special bank called Eksimbank,
to finance and support businesses that export goods. Its goals are to
increase the volume of Turkish exports, to find new international
markets for Turkish exports, to diversify the Turkish export goods and
to support the businesses that cooperate with Turkish exporters, their
investors or foreign partners. This bank provides loans with low
interest rates to these entities.

It is amazing that the government of Armenia still advocates
unrestricted markets and justifies the signing of the protocols by
arguing that the protocols are promoting free markets, given the fact
that the Turkish government does not just rely on free markets and is
actively involved in the economy,

3. The lifting of the blockade will cause a modest increase in Turkish imports

transportation cost will go down, when Turkey ends the blockade and
Turkish imports start arriving to Armenia directly instead of through
Georgia. This will increase the amount of Turkish products that would
be competitive in Armenia. In 2007 Beilock and Torosyan estimated that
the lifting of the blockade would increase imports from Turkey by
about 50 percent. [2]

During 2008, according to the National Statistical Services of the RA,
armstat.am, imports originating from Turkey represented just 6.1
percent of Armenia’s total imports. Therefore a 50 percent increase of
a small percentage of Armenia’s imports should not have a major impact
on the standard of living of the population and poverty, contrary to
the claims of the supporters of the Protocols. It is interesting to
note that Armenia has open borders with Iran and Georgia; however the
level of imports from these two neighbors is very modest. The imports
from Iran represent 4.6 percent of total imports, while imports from
Georgia represent just 1.1 percent of total imports. This implies that
open borders do not necessarily generate high levels of trade.

If the powerful rich Armenian oligarchic importers artificially keep
the prices of Turkish products high, then the gains of the cheap
Turkish imports would go to the rich Armenian oligarchs, instead of
the Armenian consumers. In this case the Armenian consumers would gain
very little from the lifting of the blockade, while the Armenian
producers would lose significantly, generating a net overall economic
loss.

4. For the reduction of poverty in Armenia, the improvement of the
domestic economic and social environments is much more important than
the lifting of the blockade

If the government and the leadership of Armenia are really concerned
with the reduction of poverty in Armenia, then instead of wasting
energy on lifting the Turkish blockade, which will have debatable
economic impact on the standard of living, they should use their
resources to implement domestic reforms, such as:

1. Reduce the power of rich oligarchic monopolists and promote genuine
competition in Armenia. We could argue that the increase in the level
of competition in the Armenian markets is much more important for the
development of the economy, than the lifting of the Turkish blockade.3

2. Reduce the level of corruption, bureaucratic obstacles and shadow
economy. Improve the legal system. These measures will make it
possible for Armenian small and medium size businesses to thrive and
contribute to the generation of jobs in Armenia. This will also
increase the tax revenues of the government, which are relatively very
low compared even to the other former Soviet republics. With higher
tax revenues, the government will be able and should: [3]

Build public infrastructure in agriculture such as: roads and water
resources. Armenia should increase productivity and competitiveness of
the agricultural sector. We should reduce the sector’s dependence on
the climate, improve irrigation, provide financing to the farmers,
improve marketing etc.
Improve the productivity of the Armenian economy in general. This
could be achieved by increasing expenditures in education, research
and development, health care and the infrastructure of the country,
such as transportation, electricity, irrigation, communication,
internet access, etc.,
Improve pensions, housing and safety nets for the poor.
All these measures would generate economic development and reduce
poverty. They would increase the standard of living of the people and
not just the living conditions of the upper middle class and the rich.
[4]

In conclusion, dubious economic results do not provide justification
for signing the Turkey-Armenia protocols, which will confirm and
accept that Kars, Ardahan, Massis, Ararat and the remaining Armenian
lands occupied by Turkey are Turkish land, which will generate
directly or indirectly doubts about the Armenian Genocide and which
could endanger Karabakh.

Footnotes
_____________________________ ___
1. Download the ARF Bureau economic report HERE.

2. Karine, Torosyan and Richard Beilock (2007). `A Phased Strategy for
Opening Armenia’s Western Border.’ Armenian Journal of Public Policy,
Special Issue.

3. During December 2009, The Civilitas Foundation in Armenia conducted
a poll through its web site and 88% of the respondent `think that
domestic reforms will have a better influence on the economy’ than the
lifting of the blockade. See the poll results.

4. Read a very good article by Serouj Aprahamian and Allen Yekikian,
`In Who’s Interests? The Political Economy of Armenia-Turkish
Relations,’ Asbarez, December 28, 2009. This is an excellent
investigative reporting and analysis of the economic interests of the
ruling class in Armenia.

ISTANBUL: Energy, Armenia protocols to top PM’s Russia talks

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Jan 7 2010

Energy, Armenia protocols to top PM’s Russia talks

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoÄ?an and up to eight Cabinet ministers
will visit Russia on Jan. 12-13 for talks expected to focus on greater
Russian involvement in an oil pipeline linking Turkey’s southern and
northern coasts and the process of rapprochement between Turkey and
Russia’s regional ally Armenia.

The talks are expected to be in the format of a joint cabinet meeting,
not unlike similar meetings held in earlier visits by ErdoÄ?an to Syria
and Iraq. In past remarks, ErdoÄ?an said his government wants to
establish a mechanism with Russia similar to the high-level strategic
councils created between Turkey and Syria and Turkey and Iraq last
year. An agreement to initiate a similar mechanism with Russia was
signed when Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin visited Ankara in
August. ErdoÄ?an’s visit to Moscow will be the first step in this
direction. Later, another meeting of the two countries’ cabinets is
planned to take place in Turkey.

According to the unofficial program, Foreign Minister Ahmet DavutoÄ?lu,
Energy Minister Taner Yıldız, Public Works Minister Mustafa Demir,
Environment Minister Veysel EroÄ?lu, Agriculture Minister Mehdi Eker,
Foreign Trade Minister Zafer Ã?aÄ?layan and State Minister Faruk Ã?elik
will accompany ErdoÄ?an for talks focusing on regional problems, energy
projects, joint investment opportunities and international issues.

One of the most important issues on the agenda of the meeting is the
future of the planned Samsun-Ceyhan oil pipeline. Turkish and Russian
officials are expected to announce an agreement during the visit
allowing Russian oil pipeline operator Transneft and Russian oil
company Rosneft to have a share in the $2.5 billion pipeline, which
will run between Samsun on Turkey’s Black Sea coast and the
Mediterranean port of Ceyhan.

Italy, Russia and Turkey signed an agreement to build the
Samsun-Ceyhan oil pipeline in October in Milan. Italy’s Eni and
Turkey’s Ã?alık Holding, which each own 50 percent, also signed a
memorandum of understanding with Transneft and Rosneft on the
participation of the Russian companies in Milan. Transneft later said
that Russian interests may get an up-to-50-percent share in the
Samsun-Ceyhan oil pipeline if the country can supply more crude.
Rosneft has already guaranteed oil supplies for the 550-kilometer
pipeline with a daily capacity of 1.5 million barrels.

Russia and Turkey have also neared completion of the preliminary work
for the Blue Stream 2 natural gas pipeline. During the visit, the two
countries will discuss the possibility of forming a joint work group
between Israel, Russia and Turkey for Blue Stream 2, which is planned
to supply natural gas to Cyprus, Israel and other countries in the
Middle East.

Final hump ahead of Armenia meeting
Peace in the Caucasus will be one of the top issues on the agenda of
the Moscow visit. The joint cabinet meeting will also discuss forming
a Caucasus Cooperation and Stability Platform, a joint mechanism to
solve regional problems earlier proposed by Turkey. A process of
rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia may also speed up following
Turkish-Russian talks.

Turkey and Armenia signed two protocols on normalizing their relations
in October. The protocols are now awaiting approval in each country’s
parliament, and sources told Today’s Zaman that the parliaments may
debate the documents in March. ErdoÄ?an said earlier that Turkey
expected to see progress in efforts to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh
dispute between Armenia and Turkey’s ethnic and regional ally
Azerbaijan so that Ankara could move forward in the process of
rapprochement with Armenia. In Moscow, ErdoÄ?an is expected to urge
Russia to step up pressure on Armenia for a resolution to
Nagorno-Karabakh.

Putin and ErdoÄ?an are also expected to discuss Iran’s nuclear program.
This meeting is also anticipated to put an end to crises that
sometimes erupt between the two countries over fresh fruit and
vegetable exports from Turkey. Another issue that is likely to show up
will be Turkey’s estimated $20 billion nuclear plant tender, for which
Russia is a contender.

07 January 2010, Thursday
ERCAN YAVUZ ANKARA

ANKARA: Ambassador Tan: The Right Choice For Washington

Turkish Press
Jan 3 2010

Ambassador Tan: The Right Choice For Washington

Published: 1/3/2010
BY ALI H. ASLAN

TODAY’S ZAMAN – The government has not let things linger too long
since the resignation of Nabi Sensoy as the Turkish ambassador to
Washington and has quickly found a person to replace him. Currently
serving as the deputy undersecretary of foreign affairs, Ambassador
Namik Tan will become the next Turkish ambassador to the US.
Ambassador Tan was among the most suitable candidates for this
critical assignment. First of all, he knows the setting and players on
the US diplomatic scene well as he was previously assigned to
Washington twice, and he also has experience in Turkish foreign policy
departments that are closely related to the US. He will be able to
make a quick start without needing much preparation or preliminary
training. He has also left behind good memories in Washington from his
previous tours here. Indeed, the news of his appointment has created
excitement in circles that closely monitor Turkey, in particular the
Jewish lobby. His close relations with the Jewish lobby in Washington
served as a good reference for his appointment as ambassador to Tel
Aviv in 2006. I am sure that these ties have been specifically taken
into consideration in deciding on his appointment to Washington.
Despite Ankara’s attempts to create new channels of communication with
groups such the black or Hispanic lobbies, the Jewish lobby is still
the major power to positively or negatively influence Turkish-US
relations. Given the fact that this lobby has been uneasy about the
Turkish government’s policies on Iran and Israel and has also lent
support to the recently increasing campaign against the ruling Justice
and Development Party (AK Party), it is rather appropriate to appoint
a person who has their respect to Washington.

Whoever Ankara sends to Washington would be welcomed by the US
administration because respect for an envoy is not due to his or her
personal qualities, but because of the country he or she represents.
Likewise, the Turkish government quickly approved US Ambassador to
Turkey James Jeffrey. There is no reason why the Obama administration
would not show the same courtesy to Ambassador Tan. Social
communication skills play a major role in modern diplomacy. Being a
dynamic and resolute diplomat, Tan, I believe, will not remain bound
to his office, but will go out and expand his social network in
Washington. His wife, Fügen, too, will take various initiatives.
Americans are a practical and pragmatic people. One of the qualities
they seek most in ambassadors appointed to Washington is their ability
to access their own capitals. Of course, every ambassador is
officially tied to his or her home country and carries a certain
weight there. Still, envoys who have personal ties with top government
officials are preferred. Tan worked closely with former Foreign
Minister Abdullah Gül, who is now the Turkish president. He has also
gained the trust of Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu. He is capable of
conveying his opinions to those in high positions via direct phone
calls and by convincing them to take a certain course of action. US
officials attach special importance to ambassadors with high access.

This was one of the biggest handicaps of Ambassador Nabi Sensoy,
although he was a high-quality and experienced ambassador. For
instance, he would have difficulty getting appointments with Assistant
Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Phillip Gordon.
Gordon would not feel the need to seek Sensoy’s mediation because he
could directly phone Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoglu thanks to his
personal friendship with him. In fact, these breaches of diplomatic
traditions implied that US officials thought that Sensoy did not have
much access to higher government officials in Ankara. I assume and
hope that his American counterparts will treat Tan differently. For
Turkish ambassadors appointed to Washington, relations not only with
Americans, but also with the diverse Turkish community in the US are
important. The Turkish Embassy in Washington has a great
responsibility to eliminate hostilities that may arise among different
factions within the Turkish community and channel their competition
into positive energy and power. In my humble opinion, the essential
principle in this respect is to encourage all factions who work for
the benefit of Turkey and Turkish-US relations and to maintain an
equal distance from, while embracing and showing respect toward them.
During the last 12 years of my work in the US capital, I cannot say
that every ambassador has managed to do so. In particular, there were
Turkish ambassadors who would opt to remain aloof to religious or
conservative circles whose influence is growing in the US in parallel
with a similar increase in their homeland. Some of them would not
visit the successful institutions established by these groups or who
would even backbite and secretly undermine their projects.

Working as the first counselor and spokesperson of the Turkish Embassy
in Washington, Tan was able to establish close relations with the
representatives of diverse media organizations and gain their respect.
He was the ‘Namik Abi’ (Big Brother Namik) of diplomatic
correspondents during his term as the spokesperson of the Turkish
Foreign Ministry in Ankara. I believe that his humble, all-embracing
attitude will continue during his term as ambassador in Washington.
This is the very quality that has ensured his rise to the most
prestigious diplomatic positions at the young age of 53. Tan was also
among the most likely candidates for another critical position being
established in Ankara, and by preferring to appoint him to Washington,
the Turkish government has shown the importance it attaches to
Turkish-US relations. I am particularly glad to see that the Erdogan
administration has refrained from making a political appointment to
Washington and has chosen to make use of the existing resources within
the foreign policy bureaucracy. Otherwise, the functioning of the
bureaucracy would be unnecessarily strained, with every action of the
ambassador in Washington serving as fuel for partisan debates.

A number of able colleagues await Tan’s arrival in Washington. I am
sure that they will undertake projects to boost Turkey’s image in the
US, as well as Turkish Embassy’s prestige in Ankara. I would like to
express my best wishes of good luck to our freshly appointed
ambassador to Washington — aka our Namýk Abi — who will take office
in 2010, a year that may strain Turkish-US relations, particularly
with respect to the Iranian and Armenian issues.

Armed & Hence Dangerous: Azerbaijan & Armenia do not have superiorit

WPS Agency, Russia
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
December 30, 2009 Wednesday

ARMED AND HENCE DANGEROUS;
Azerbaijan and Armenia do not have superiority over each other

by Anatoly Khramchikhin
Source: Nezavismaya Gazeta, December 28, 2009, p. 10
[Translated from Russian]

MILITARY REVANCHE IN NAGORNO-KARABAKH: CHANCES OF AZERBAIJAN LOOK
ILLUSORY NOW; Neither Azerbaijan nor Armenia has decisive military
superiority. That is why a possible future war for Nagorno-Karabakh
will be fruitless and will not change the status quo.

After breakup of the USSR Armenia, Azerbaijan and self-proclaimed
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic received mostly their "own" parts of the
former Soviet army that were on their territories.

After breakup of the USSR Azerbaijan received 436 tanks, 558 fighting
infantry vehicles, 389 armored personnel carriers, 388 artillery
systems, 63 airplanes and eight helicopters. At the beginning of 1993,
Armenia had only 77 tanks, 150 fighting infantry vehicles, 38 armored
personnel carriers, 160 artillery systems, three airplanes and 13
helicopters. Along with this, the armed forces of Nagorno-Karabakh
became a "gray zone." Nagorno-Karabakh received some part (although a
small one) of armament of the Soviet army (the former 366th mechanized
infantry regiment) and some part of unregistered armament handed over
to it by Armenia.

Despite that the strength of the armed forces of Nagorno-Karabakh was
not known for sure, there were no doubts that by the beginning of the
Nagorno-Karabakh war Azerbaijan had a very significant superiority
over the armed forces of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Moreover so, a
part of the armed forces of Armenia was used for guarding of the
border with Turkey that fully supported Baku and only presence of
Russian forces on the territory of Armenia prevented direct
interference of Turkey into the conflict.

Despite the superiority, Azerbaijan was seriously defeated in that war.

Armenia recognized loss of 52 tanks T-72, 54 fighting infantry
vehicles, 40 armored personnel carriers, six guns and mortars.
Naturally, losses of Nagorno-Karabakh were not known. Azerbaijan lost
186 tanks (160 T-72 and 26 T-55), 111 fighting infantry vehicles,
eight armored personnel carriers, seven self-propelled artillery
systems 47 guns and mortars, five multiple rocket launcher systems,
14-16 airplanes and five or six helicopters. It also wrote off the
following damaged hardware: 43 tanks (including 18 T-72), 83 fighting
infantry vehicles, 31 armored personnel carriers, one self-propelled
artillery system, 42 guns and mortars and eight multiple rocket
launcher systems.

Along with this, Azerbaijan took 23 T-72s, 14 fighting infantry
vehicles, 14 armored personnel carriers, one self-propelled artillery
system, eight guns and mortars from Armenia. Along with this, a
significant part of the armament lost by Azerbaijan was taken either
in good repair or with insignificant damages by the Armenian forces
and was included into the armed forces of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic.

Naturally, after the end of the war both countries were actively
arming themselves. Russia was the most important source of military
hardware for Armenia and something was bought in Eastern Europe.
Armenia also became the only buyer of Chinese multiple rocket launcher
system WM-80 (four units) copied by China from Smerch so far.

Due to the oil revenues Azerbaijan has military budget 300% bigger
than that of Armenia. Ukraine became the main armament supplier for
Baku. Azerbaijan declares that it has 381 tanks, 181 armored vehicles,
404 artillery systems, 75 combat airplanes and 15 strike helicopters.

With regard to Armenia, judging by the data that it provides in
accordance with the conventional forces in Europe treaty, its armed
forces remain stable for many years. As of January 1, Yerevan declared
that it had 110 tanks, 140 armored vehicles, 239 artillery systems, 16
airplanes and eight helicopters.

With regard to the armed forces of Nagorno-Karabakh, according to the
Azerbaijani data they have 316 tanks, 324 armored vehicles and 322
artillery systems. These data were obtained by arithmetic calculations
of where the Soviet armament went in the early 1990s. Along with this,
losses during the war are not taken into account (they are simply not
known) as well as the trophies (they are not known too).

Along with this, amazing stability of the Armenian armed forces shows
that at least a part of the armament acquired by Armenia is
transferred to the armed forces of Nagorno-Karabakh.

By now, Azerbaijan achieved almost 300% superiority over Armenia in
tanks and almost 400% superiority in combat airplanes. Along with
this, the armed forces of Nagorno-Karabakh are not taken into account.
There are grounds to suspect that the ground forces of
Nagorno-Karabakh are at least not less than the Armenian ones. This
means that even if Azerbaijan has ground superiority it is very
insignificant. Along with this, geography plays on the side of
Armenians. Hence, the Azerbaijani potential is absolutely insufficient
for successful offensive.

Only in the air Azerbaijan has an indisputable superiority. Armenia
has one MiG-25 and Azerbaijan has 32 MiG-25s. Along with this, their
usefulness is not much bigger than that of one Armenian airplane. The
reason is that MiG-25 is a very specific airplane. In the Soviet Air
Defense Forces it was intended for combating of American strategic
bombers and reconnaissance airplanes and not for maneuverable air
combat. It is simply unsuitable for fulfillment of tactical tasks.

Along with this, attack airplanes Su-25 fight perfectly well on the
battlefield and each party has 15 such airplanes. For attacking of
ground targets Azerbaijan has five frontline bombers Su-24 and five
old but good attack airplanes Su-17. For maneuverable air combat
Azerbaijan has five ancient MiG-21s that are quite suitable for this
theater and 13 quite new MiG-29s. Correspondingly, the air force of
Azerbaijan will neutralize the Armenian Su-25 having no fighter
support easily (one MiG-25 cannot fulfill this task for sure),
enabling Azerbaijan bombers and attack airplanes to work on the
battlefield unopposed.

In any case, the power of Azerbaijani air force is not as big as to
change the course of the war on the ground (it is also possible to
suspect that the level of pilot skills is not the best in the world).
Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh also have ground air defense that may be
very efficient in the mountains.

That is why it is possible to say with assurance that chances of
Azerbaijan for military revanche look very illusory now.

Gagik Khachatryan: Corruption Impossible To Root Out

GAGIK KHACHATRYAN: CORRUPTION IMPOSSIBLE TO ROOT OUT

news.am
Dec 29 2009
Armenia

I do not rule out shadow turnover in different economic sectors, which
are difficult to calculate, as no documents are available," Gagik
Khachatryan, Head of the RA State Revenues Committee told reporters.

He said that despite the crisis and decline in economic activity profit
tax revenues have been 3bn more this year than last year. This means
that the real profits have so far been concealed. As self-criticism,
he said that the Committee has corruption risks, which will never be
put an end to. "The point is how effective is our corruption control,"
he said. According to Khachatryan, businessmen cause many more problems
than the Committee staff. Good heavens! But we keep saying: oligarchs
and monopolists!

Khachatryan said that 400 officers have left the Committee this
year for the following reasons: disagreement with new rules, failed
examinations and paltry wages. Just note! None of them left for any
other reason though Committee staffers’ official wages are meager as
compared with wages in the private sector.

Today, December 29, 24 of the Committee staffers received diplomas
and were commended.

Manas Boujikian Completes $400000 Pledge

TendersInfo.com
December 26, 2009 Saturday

Manas Boujikian Completes $400000 Pledge

Manas Boujikian, a long-time community leader who, for decades, helped
sustain the growth of Armenian advocacy, has completed funding his
$400,000 pledge, ahead of schedule, to the ANCA Endowment Fund,
marking yet another philanthropic milestone in his life-long
commitment to ensuring that collective voice and common aspirations of
Armenian Americans are heard and respected in the nation s capital.

Manas Boujikian stands as a model Armenian American, one who has, with
his leadership, his energy, and the financial resources earned through
a lifetime of hard work, given selflessly to the Armenian Cause, said
ANCA Endowment President Ken Hachikian. With broad vision and great
foresight, as both a leading architect and a humble foot-soldier of
our sacred Hai Tahd movement, Manas has been of vital, often decisive,
importance to our common cause at every pivotal movement for the past
two generations. We are deeply grateful to our community and nation
for producing such a proud and devoted son.
In the days leading up to the ANCA Endowment Funds 2009 Telethon, Mr.
Boujikian wrote an article, published in the Asbarez Daily Newspaper
and the Armenian Weekly, explaining the reasons for his generosity,
namely that: The ANCA Endowment Fund represents the single best
investment we can make in ensuring a bright future for the Armenian
nation.
Ltd.