Armenia delegation to PACE issues declaration on 30th anniversary of Armenian pogroms in Baku

News.am, Armenia
Feb 1 2020

17:15, 01.02.2020
                  

Armenia’s delegation to PACE has issued a declaration on 30th anniversary of large-scale pogroms of the Armenian population in Baku, the capital city of Azerbaijan. The declaration runs as follows:

“We, the undersigned, declare the following:

On 13-19 January 1990, hundreds of thousands of Armenians living in Baku, Azerbaijani SSR, faced a large scale series of pogroms, the manifestations of Azerbaijani policy of systematic attacks against the ethnic Armenian population. Hundreds of Armenians were murdered, mutilated, persecuted, displaced. Under the threat of extermination, around 250 000 Armenians were forced to flee Azerbaijan.

The Baku massacres became the culmination of the State policy of racism and xenophobia against Armenians (armenophobia). Contrary to the facts recorded by the international community, human rights organisations and the European Parliament (Resolutions of 1988, 1990, 1991), the Azerbaijani authorities deny those crimes and evade responsibility. 30 years after those outrages, there is no respect and compassion for the victims of Armenian massacres in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijanis who tried to speak about the pogroms are officially considered betrayers.

Regarding this, we:

– commemorate the memory of the Baku pogroms victims;

– condemn any manifestation of racism and xenophobia;

– reaffirm that crimes against humanity have no statute of limitations and emphasise that condemnation of past crimes is the most important guarantee for preventing new ones;

– deplore that the organisers and perpetrators of the pogroms have not yet been brought to justice.

A number of PACE MPs from different countries and different political groups also joined (signed) the written declaration.”

Film about Armenian violinist Ara Malikian named best documentary at Goya Awards

Public Radio of Armenia
Jan 26 2020

Turkish-Armenian journalist Dink’s office reopens as memorial 13 years after his murder

AHVAL News
Jan 19 2020
Turkish-Armenian journalist Dink’s office reopens as memorial 13 years after his murder

Thirteen years since his assassination on the steps of an Istanbul-based newspaper he once ran, Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink’s office has at long last been reopened to the public as a memorial, the Hurriyet Daily News reports.

Founder and editor of the Turkish-Armenian weekly Agos, Dink was gunned down in broad daylight in front of his Istanbul office in 2007 on Jan. 19.

The final result of Dink’s murder case has long been awaited, with his family and friends continuing on the quest for justice. A total of 76 suspects are on trial as part of the case.

Every year on Jan. 19, thousands gather in front of the building, where Dink was killed to commemorate the slain journalist.

Due to the “symbolic significance of the site and its place in the collective memory,” the Hrant Dink Foundation — founded after his assassination — turned the building into the 23.5 Hrant Dink Site of Memory, named after an article penned by Dink in Agos on April 23, 1996.

Agos continues to circulate in Turkey in both languages, albeit from a different location where it moved in 2015.

“We gave this name [to the site] inspired by Hrant’s article, in which he talked about April 23 and 24 and said: ‘I wish we could combine these two days and promise a future encouraging hope at the end of these two days’,” Sibel Asna, a board member at Hrant Dink Foundation, said.

“April 23 is a holiday for sovereignty and April 24 is a tragedy for us all,” Asna said, adding: “The site was opened between these two days, and is called 23.5, which promises hope and kindness.”

Hrant Dink was repeatedly prosecuted for “denigrating Turkish-ness” over articles he wrote about Armenian identity and mass deportations of Armenians in 1915.

A plaque that reads: “Hrant Dink was murdered here, January 19, 2007, at 15:05” was embedded in the sidewalk in front of the building where Dink was killed, serving as a stark reminder for visitors and passers-by alike in Istanbul’s teeming Sisli district.

*This article was originally published in the Public Radio of Armenia Website.

Azerbaijan violates ceasefire regime 80 times in a week

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YEREVAN, JANUARY 18, ARMENPRESS.  The Azerbaijani troops violated the ceasefire regime nearly 80 times on Artsakh-Azerbaijan contact line in the period of January 12-18, during which over 650 bullets were fired in the direction of Armenian border guards from different caliber weapons.

As ARMENPRESS was informed from the press service of the Defense Ministry of Artsakh, the front line units of the Defense Army refrained from retaliation and keep control of the situation.

Edited and translated by Tigran Sirekanyan

Asbarez: Bio-Musical on the Life of Aznavour to Debut in Los Angeles

Maurice Soudjian

HOLLYWOOD—His music became legendary. His journey to worldwide acclaim the touch points of the so-called American Dream. The son of Armenian Genocide survivors, with no formal education or musical training, Charles Aznavour went on to become one of the most popular singers in the world. His remarkable life, pitted with ups and downs, along with his most memorable songs will be on stage in Los Angeles this Fall.

On the heels of its compelling cabaret-style debut at The Hotel Café, “Charles: A Bio-Musical on the Life & Songs of Charles Aznavour” will perform on the main stage of the El Portal Theatre in the heart of the NoHo Arts District on Saturday, November 9. The theater is located at 5269 Lankershim Blvd, North Hollywood, CA 91601.

Written by Taleen Babayan, “Charles” traces key points in the musician’s life, charting the personal and professional struggles the singer faced on his climb to becoming an iconic award-winning entertainer throughout the course of his eight decade career in his beloved France and across the globe.

From his humble beginnings, to his perseverance as a working musician in occupied France during World War II, to overcoming crippling criticism, to his creative spark with Edith Piaf, the 90-minute show serves as an homage to his legacy as an integral member of France’s Golden Age of Music, while capturing the charismatic and shining spirit he embodied as a singer, lyricist, actor, diplomat and humanitarian. Based on Aznavour’s two autobiographies and a number of primary and secondary sources, his unconventional life emerges on stage in a unique narrative punctuated by live musical performances, which was praised by audience members at The Hotel Café debut on October 12.

From left to right: Ara Babayan, Sonia Babayan, Taleen Babayan, Bernard C. Bayer, Cecile Keshishian and Hermineh Babayan

“The bio-musical play on the life of Charles Aznavour is a deeply felt, heartwarming and inspirational experience,” said attendee Veronica Zorigian. “Taleen Babayan directs this play with grace and deep emotional capacity.”

Produced by Boundaryless Productions under the direction of Taleen Babayan and musical supervision of Harout Soghomonian, “Charles” features Maurice Soudjian and Bernard C. Bayer, who both portray Charles Aznavour, alongside Mariette Soudjian, who makes a guest appearance as Edith Piaf.

“Playing the role of Piaf has been one of the most enriching experiences I’ve had as an actress,” said Soudjian. “Singing her iconic chansons and ballads gives depth to the performance.” Soudjian will also sing two numbers by Aznavour in English, “Take Me Away” (Emmenez-Moi) and “She,” in reference to the multiple languages he recorded in to “modernize and make Aznavour even more relevant to the younger generation.”

The breadth of the bio-musical surpasses all generations and cultural backgrounds, similar to Aznavour’s intention of expanding the scope of his artistry – pushing boundaries and continents.

Mariette Soudjian and Mariette Tachdjian

“The moment the music starts your heart becomes enwrapped in a beautiful and touching embrace of a pure masterful artist,” said audience members Gray Morell and Shane Rasmussen. “The performances by the talented and passionate cast are truly remarkable and this is a perfect tribute to a music legend.”

The story is also personal for the cast, allowing them to connect to the subject matter on a visceral level. Raised on the music of Charles Aznavour and other contemporary French singers, Austrian-born pianist and actor Bernard C. Bayer reflected on fond memories he shared with his father as they listened to Aznavour’s music together.

“I was excited at the prospect of embodying him and exploring his life, artistry and music in a more in-depth way,” said Bayer. “From the stage of The Hotel Café I could feel the love of Aznavour radiating toward me from the audience.”

Drawing on his real-life experience of seeing a captivating Aznavour perform live at the Greek Theatre, Bayer sought to “honor his legacy, no matter how daunting.”

From left to right: Mariette Soudjian, Harout Soghomonian, Blake Shields Abramovitz, Bernard C. Bayer, Maurice Soudjian and Teri Wyble

“Being a part of this project is for me a deeply personal experience,” said Bayer. “It doesn’t just fulfill a lifelong desire to portray Charles Aznavour, but it also connects me to some of my most cherished memories with my family, memories to which he provided the soundtrack.”

Digging deep into the time period and nuances of Aznavour’s life, many unknown details are revealed, from his family life to his artistic influences to his insights on the French Chansons.

“It was a really innovative concept to introduce the side of Aznavour that most of us didn’t know about,” said Hannah Pollock. “Meticulously researched, this show portrays the beloved singer in different phases of his life and creative spirit through his most popular songs and music.”

Tying in the music of a “bygone era” to the present-day, Babayan’s aim is to stage a story filled with vivid imagery about a man who tackled the world head-on to make his voice heard, in more ways than one.

Bernard C. Bayer

“Aznavour felt a calling from deep within and he was brave enough to pursue it despite the odds stacked against him,” said Babayan. “In doing so he made this world a little more cultured, a little more bold and a little more inspiring.”

For tickets please visit the website, visit the box office or call 818.508.4200. You may view the trailer here.

A1+: President Sarkissian attends reception organized on the occasion of enthronement of Japan’s Emperor (video)

President of Armenia Armen Sarkissian and spouse Nouneh Sarkissian participated in a reception organized on the occasion of the enthronement of new Emperor Naruhito of Japan in Tokyo.

The reception was attended by royal families, heads of state and government, high-ranking officials.The Armenian President congratulated the Emperor on enthronement. President Sarkissian had brief talks with a number of officials, heads of state on the sidelines of the event.


Turkey: First, the Armenians; today, the Kurds

Concord Monitor
Oct 20 2019
By ROBERT AZZI
For the Monitor
Published: 10/20/2019 6:00:10 AM

Barely more than a 100 years ago, Turkey executed what is considered by historians the first major genocide of the 20th century: the murder of hundreds of thousands of Armenians – perhaps as many as 1,500,000 – and the driving of hundreds of thousands of other Armenians into the desert, where many perished either at the hands of Turkish zealots or by starvation in the desert.

This week, as winter approaches, hundreds of thousands of Syrian and Turkish Kurds have already been driven from their homes by Turkey, with the approval of the president of the United States, Donald J. Trump, into some of the very same deserts that became the grave sites of so many Armenians barely a century ago.

“I am afraid, my friends, that the ugly chapters of genocides and the deep-rooted history of persecution in the Middle East will last longer if we ignore the facts,” activist Widad Akreyi has written. “If we keep silent, we will probably witness another genocide at a future date, and the price we may pay for neglecting our duty to act may prove to be too high.”

That future date is upon us.

Today, in spite of agreement on a negotiated “pause” – falsely described as a “cease-fire” by Trump and Vice President Mike Pence and contradicted by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – attacks from Turkish and Turkish-backed militias on Syrian Kurds, American allies whom Trump has abandoned, continue.

A negotiated “pause,” which was implemented without consultation or approval from the Kurds.

It appears that Russian forces have occupied positions previously held by American forces, that Kurds are so desperate that they seeking protection from Syrian President Bashar Hafez al-Assad, he who is responsible for the killing of more than 500,000 Syrians in an eight-year-long civil war, and that Iranian aid to the Syrian regime continues unabated.

Reports continue to appear that American forces, shamed and humiliated by their commander in chief’s servile capitulation to Erdogan, had to blow up their own ammunition depots and vital assets as they rapidly withdrew in the face of the Turkish advance against America’s staunchest allies in the Middle East – the Kurds.

Trump, through negotiations led by Pence and Secretary of Sate Mike Pompeo, not only agreed to let Turkey ethnically cleanse all Kurds from their own lands in Syria – Kurds who lost over 11,000 fighters as they fought alongside Americans in our battle against ISIS – but also agreed not to sanction them for doing so.

“What we have done to the Kurds will stand as a bloodstain in the annals of American history,” Sen. Mitt Romney charged.

“This is a big win for Iran and Assad,” Sen. Lindsey Graham said. “A big win for ISIS.”

A bigger win for Vladimir Putin – a green light for despots everywhere.

It didn’t have to come to this.

Servile in his capitulation to dictators, monarchs and autocrats, from Helsinki to Singapore, Riyadh to Ankara, Trump has routinely ignored the oppressed and dispossessed while embracing their oppressors.

Since Jan. 20, 2017, as I write, Donald Trump – for 1,001 days and nights – has attacked, lied, deceived, blasphemed and abused the Constitution of the United States.

Unlike Scheherazade in her One Thousand and One Nights, Trump has not “a thousand books of histories relating to antique races and departed rulers … (not) … perused the works of the poets and knew them by heart … (not) studied philosophy and the sciences, arts and accomplishments …(and not) pleasant and polite, wise and witty, well read and well bred.” (Richard Burton translation)

Since Jan. 20, 2017, the Republican Party – together with its conservative, libertarian and evangelical cohorts – has collaborated with a ruler who knows no books, no history – a ruler not pleasant and polite, wise and witty, well read and well bred.

They have collaborated and empowered an anti-democratic, ignorant, racist, narcissistic, kleptocrat to shred the shared vision of our Founding Fathers in great part to fulfill their own greed and delusions while ignoring the apparent fact that Trump lacked the character, temperament, experience and vision to lead this country.

Thus, while I am appreciative of their support of the Kurds I am not moved by the too-little, too-late sentiments of sycophants like Graham, Romney, Mitch McConnell and others decrying Trump’s support of Erdogan.

For 1,001 days, those sycophants enabled Trump and his ignorance, and the Kurds are paying the price for their greed, avarice and fear.

Successive Turkish governments, including that of Erdogan, have refused to acknowledge or take responsibility for the genocide and crimes against humanity they perpetrated against the Armenian people a century ago.

Today, as we witness the unfolding of genocide and ethnic cleansing in those very same lands, it comes as no surprise to me that Donald Trump, Turkey’s enabler, shows no awareness, no regrets, no remorse, over the forces of evil he has unleashed.

In 2015, when the lifeless body of 3-year-old Alan Kurdi – a Syrian Kurdish boy who, with his father, was trying to escape al-Assad’s butchery – washed up on the shores of the Mediterranean the world reacted, rightly, in revulsion.

In 2019, when President Trump called his capitulation to President Erdogan (whom he will soon welcome in the White House) a “Great Day for Civilization,” I reacted with revulsion.

Such a “civilization” is not anything I want to be part of.

(Robert Azzi, a photographer and writer who lives in Exeter, can be reached at [email protected]. His columns are archived at .)

Assets Declaration System in Armenia discussed during a workshop in Yerevan

Council of Europe
Oct 18 2019
Assets Declaration System in Armenia discussed during a workshop in Yerevan

Yerevan, Armenia

  •                                            

© Council of Europe

A workshop on Assets Declaration System in Armenia took place on in Yerevan. The event was organised within the framework of the PGG II Project on “Strengthening institutional capacities to fight and prevent corruption in Armenia. The objective of the workshop was to present the findings and recommendations from the analysis of the Armenia’s assets declarations legal framework and discuss the possible solutions for further strengthening the assets declarations system with the relevant national authorities and the civil society organisations.

Opening speeches were made by CoE head of the office Natalya Voutova and Deputy Minister of Justice, Srbuhi Galyan.

The workshop was attended by the representatives of Ministry of Justice, Commission on Ethics of High-Ranking Officials of Armenia, National Assembly of Armenia, Prime Minister’s Office, Civil Service Bureau, State Revenue Committee, Civil society organisations, CoE office in Yerevan.

The recommendations provided by CoE expert touched the important topics as

  • Persons obliged to declare
  • Items to be declared
  • Beneficial ownership
  • Verification of declarations

The participants expressed their approaches and discussed the topics considering the context of Armenia․ After the discussion the finalized paper with recommendations of CoE international expert will be submitted to the Ministry of Justice.

Venice Commission: ratification of Istanbul Convention by Armenia would greatly benefit victims of domestic violence

ARKA, Armenia
Oct 15 2019

YEREVAN, October 15, / ARKA/  In response to a request by Armenian Justice Minister Rustam Badasyan to have the  opinion of the Venice Commissionon the constitutional implications of the ratification of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) for Armenia, which raised hot debates in the country,  the Venice Commission said  Armenia signed the Istanbul Convention on 18 January 2018 and the process of ratification is pending.

The Venice Commission reiterated  that the ratification of a treaty is a sovereign act of the State, which means that the State is entirely free in its choice of whether or not to ratify a treaty and, as a result, be bound by its obligations.

It also said that the assessment of the compatibility of a treaty, i.e. the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence –the Istanbul Convention, with the Constitution is, according to the Constitution of Armenia, the task of the Constitutional Court of Armenia, upon request by the Government of Armenia, before the treaty is ratified.

It said hence the views expressed by the Venice Commission may serve this Court in its task by providing an external legal analysis of the Istanbul Convention. It may also contribute to public debate on the ratification of this Convention.

It said with respect to the allegation that the Istanbul Convention is not needed there are three assertions to take into consideration.

The first assertion is of a factual nature. As domestic violence is a widespread and extensive phenomenon in Europe and affects all member States of the Council of Europe, including Armenia, ratifying this Convention would greatly benefit victims of such phenomena.

According to it, the second assertion relates to the alleged lack of new elements introduced by the Istanbul Convention, with the object being already adequately addressed in other international legal instruments. There are various human rights instruments, both at the universal and regional level, which have been ratified by Armenia and which deal with some of the issues covered by the Istanbul Convention. However, the Istanbul Convention builds on these instruments and is focused specifically on violence against women and domestic violence, which are not explicitly addressed by the older instruments, by introducing new provisions and adopting a comprehensive approach to the phenomenon, and provides a specific monitoring mechanism. The Istanbul Convention therefore presents a specific added value as compared to the previously ratified international treaties in this area.

The third assertion is that the Istanbul Convention is not needed because there already is a satisfactory national (legislative) framework in Armenia to combat all forms of violence against women. While it is up to each individual State to assess –in the light notably of factual data –what are the best means to tackle the phenomena covered by the Istanbul Convention at the national level, the presence of a sound internal infrastructure to safeguard human rights does not detract from the desirability and value of external scrutiny. Both are complementary, not contradictory elements.

With respect to the allegation that the Istanbul Convention contains certain terms and concepts that clash with the terms and concepts enshrined in the national constitution of the country under consideration.  This assertion primarily concerns the terms of gender, gender identity, family, marriage and sexual orientation.

Gender:

The Constitution of Armenia does not refer to gender, but guarantees the equality of men and women (Article 30) and provides for “the promotion of factual equality between women and men”(Article 86(4)) as one of the objectives of State policy. The elimination of violence against women, including gender-based violence, and the promotion of measures aimed at achieving this, including measures seeking to change harmful gender stereotypes, is fully in line with this constitutional regulation.

Gender identity:

The Istanbul Convention does not require States Parties to take any measures to recognize these various categories of persons or to grant them any special legal status, but simply confirms that gender identity ranks among the prohibited grounds of discrimination. This regulation seems to be fully compatible with Article 28 (general equality before the law) and Article 29 (prohibition of discrimination) of the Constitution of Armenia.

Family:

The Istanbul Convention, however, does not contain any definition of the family nor of partner nor same-sex relationships, nor does it promote any particular form of such relationships. The Istanbul Convention therefore does not collide with national constitutions’ definition of the family.

Marriage:

The Istanbul Convention only mentions marriage in the context of forced marriage (Article 37) and therefore does not contradict national constitutions that define marriage as a union between a woman and a man –which is the case of Armenia.

Sexual orientation:

This term refers to individuals, who are members of a sexual minority, such as lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transsexuals (LGBT) as well as individuals who consider themselves to be heterosexual. The Istanbul Convention only refers to sexual orientation in the non-discrimination clause (Article 4(3)). It does not oppose the existence under domestic law in some States to legal entitlement or claim to this category –this does not per se mean that the Convention imposes a positive obligation on States, which do not acknowledge the existence of that legal entitlement, to actively introduce such a notion in their own domestic legal order.

With respect to the allegation that the Istanbul Convention would result in legislative changes that would contravene the national constitution of the country under consideration 108. The main changes foreseen in this context relate to same-sex marriage, education and reporting by professionals.

Same-sex marriage:

The Istanbul Convention does not refer to homosexuals at all nor does it refer to marriage, except in connection with forced marriage (Article 37). Therefore there is no obligation for States Parties to the Istanbul Convention to legalize same-sex marriage. Hence, there is no contradiction with the Constitution of Armenia.

Education:

The Istanbul Convention does not interfere with the right of parents to educate their children according to their own preferences. This matter, in fact, remains outside the scope of the Istanbul Convention, which merely encourages States to include teaching materials on issues mentioned in the provision in school curricula.

In this respect, the Istanbul Convention gives States Parties a large discretion in deciding how (to what extent and in which manner) they will educate their population about the matters covered by the Istanbul Convention. Therefore, there seems to be no contradiction between Article 14 of the Istanbul Convention and the Constitution of Armenia.

Reporting by professionals:

The Istanbul Convention does not get rid of professional confidentiality, but urges States Parties to facilitate certain professionals, primarily in the health sector, to report suspected cases of serious acts of violence against women or domestic violence, without running the risk of being sanctioned for breaching confidentiality. The Istanbul Convention leaves States Parties the discretion to decide which measures to take and under which “appropriate conditions ”to make reporting by professionals possible and does not foresee mandatory reporting. The Istanbul Convention therefore does not require States Parties to legislate in a manner that might be seen as incompatible with the constitutional provisions on confidentiality of communication.

With respect to the allegation that the Istanbul Convention introduces a body with excessive competences. The Istanbul Convention establishes a new international body, the Group of experts on action against violence against women and domestic violence (GREVIO) to monitor the state of implementation.

GREVIO does not have any unusual competences for an international body and its competences are rather limited. It does not, for instance, have the right to receive inter-state or individual petition, i tmay not issue binding conclusions and the recommendations based on its reports are to be issued by the Committee of the Parties, not by GREVIO itself. There is thus no de facto, let alone de jure, surrender of national sovereignty to an external body involved in the ratification of the Istanbul Convention

With respect to the allegation that the Istanbul Convention introduces new commitments in the field of asylum law. With respect to asylum law, the ratification of the Istanbul Convention does not imply that all gender-based violence is automatically considered as “serious harm” or that adopting a gender-sensitive approach means that all women will automatically be entitled to refugee status. It merely acknowledges that women may face certain types of persecution that specifically affect them.

The introduction of a gender-sensitive understanding of violence against migrant and asylum-seeking women and girls seems to be in line with the Constitution of Armenia –creating two sub-categories of particularly vulnerable people to gender-based and domestic violence, needing protection from the State, which is inspired by the protection of basic human rights, notably the right to life, the right to health and the right to human dignity and complies with Article 30 and Article 86(4) of the Constitution of Armenia.

In conclusion, while it belongs to the Constitutional Court of Armenia to rule on the compatibility of the Istanbul Convention with the Constitution of Armenia, the Venice Commission is of the view that there are no provisions in that Convention that could be said to “contradict” the Constitution of Armenia. On the contrary, the main obligation of the Istanbul Convention, namely to prevent and combat any form of violence against women and domestic violence, already follows from the Constitution and from other human rights treaties to which Armenia is a state party. -0-


The revolution falters over Amulsar gold

International Politics and Society
Oct 11 2019
 
 
The revolution falters over Amulsar gold
The contentious issue of gold mining in Armenia presents the Pashinyan government with a difficult dilemma
 
By Alla Manvelyan | 11.10.2019
  
 
Along with a group of activists, residents from the Armenian spa town of Jermuk and the surrounding villages have been blockading the roads to the Amulsar gold mine for some months now. The roadblock is preventing the mining company Lydian Armenia from conducting operations – it was issued a license to exploit the mine by the Serzh Sargsyan government that fell in the 2018 revolution.
 
The protesters believe that exploiting the mine will result in an environmental disaster, including pollution of the region’s largest source of freshwater, the Lake Sevan. Lydian, on the other hand, claims that gold extraction does not present a threat to the environment. To try and resolve the conflict the new government allocated USD 400,000 for an additional independent risk assessment. However, the findings have failed to influence the positions of either side in the standoff.
 
Armenian Prime Minister Nikolai Pashinyan announced that the government currently has no legal basis to prevent the company from using the mine. He provided assurances that, should any threat to the environment come to light, Lydian would be forced to address it. But activists are not convinced by these arguments. They claim that the government is afraid of being put under pressure by foreign investors and they also suspect that Pashinyan’s entourage are hiding some of facts revealed by expert assessments.
 
Along with assurances from the mining company that construction works would not begin before spring 2020, recent calls from the government to clear the roadblock en route to Amulsar triggered another protest action and march in Yerevan (according to information from the ‘Armenian Ecological Front’, around 1,000 people were involved in the protest on 12 September). Further protest actions took place on 20 September, which has been declared Environmental Mobilisation Day. These included a boycott of lessons by pupils at the local school in Jermuk and a public meeting and march in the Armenian capital where protestors protested on bikes and motorcycles. This time around 700 citizens took to the streets in defence of Amulsar.
 
Who are the real environmentalists?
 
The Amulsar conflict revealed divisions in the parliamentary majority that had formed around Pashinyan’s party. Recently, Edgar Arakelyan, an MP from the parliamentary group ‘My Step’, tendered his resignation, citing the issues surrounding the mine as the reason for his decision. Vice-Speaker of the National Assembly Lena Nazaryan, who entered politics from the environmental movement, has also publicly expressed her opposition to the gold mining project, as have other Armenian politicians.
 
In several statements Nikol Pashinyan has pointed out that the ongoing situation is being exploited by those referred to as ‘revanchists’. These are supporters of former presidents Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan, who, along with their family members, have been involved to varying degrees in high-profile criminal cases since the revolution. Television channels and other mass media, which are controlled by representatives of the previous government and which, in the past, were not exactly known for their sensitivity to environmental issues, are now actively highlighting the Amulsar crisis. Moreover, during the protests, various nationalist groupings who had lost their administrative resources after 2018 also attempted to make themselves appear more progressive by adopting the cause.
 
To reduce the tension it would help to ensure total transparency of dialogue with society.
 
Remarkably, several public meetings and demonstrations were held in Yerevan at the end of August under the slogan ‘For Amulsar!’ but without the participation of the Armenian Ecological Front — a longstanding and consistent lobbyist for the closure of all mines in Armenia. Suddenly, representatives of the nationalist party ‘Dashnaktsutyun’, which had been part of the government awarding the license to mine Amulsar in the first place, were calling themselves ‘environmentalists’. Even MPs from the second largest parliamentary group ‘Prosperous Armenia’, formed by the influential oligarch Gagik Tsarukyan, suddenly donned their environmentalist hats. Tsarukyan and his party were also always members of the coalition with the governing parties before the revolution and held different government posts.
 
So far, opponents of the mining operations have insisted on the need for a political decision as proof that the revolution is not over. Supporters of the mine, on the other hand, have focused on the country’s weak economy, the attractiveness of the mines to investors, the unresolved Karabakh conflict, the arms race and, consequently, the inevitability of having to choose between an environmentally friendly economy and one which brings in revenues despite the fact that the majority of the country’s borders are closed.
 
The difficult path to consensus
 
Bearing in mind the way in which protests were dealt with by past governments and the unilateral decisions the previous leaders made with regards to the mining industry in general, the attempts being made by the current government to seek a consensus would appear sincere. It goes without saying, however, that the decisions of even the most legitimate leadership will not always fully meet everyone’s expectations. Disagreements and conflict are unavoidable.
 
To reduce the tension it would help to ensure total transparency of dialogue with society. This process should enable the ordinary citizen, with no real understanding of the intricacies of the environment and economics, to access information about the consequences of abandoning the programme. On the one hand, closing the mine will bring job losses and discontent with the social situation will not be addressed by civic initiatives but by the government. On the other hand, unemployment could still become an issue even if the new mine is opened — one of the consequences of gold mining, according to the environmental campaigners, is that the region would become less attractive for tourists.
 
That said, we must also be mindful of the possibility of falsification and manipulation by the media, which, even after the revolution, still largely caters to the interests of the oligarchs and groups linked to Armenia’s former leadership. In order to avoid both speculation and well-founded fears about the revival of revanchist forces, we must continue to discuss and refer to reliable environmental assessments. And, if necessary, new assessments must be conducted, irrespective of the cost.
 
Only time will tell how this situation will unfold. Right now, it is difficult to believe that a few dozen school students, a couple of hundred local residents, a few thousand protesting environmentalists and human rights activists, as well as individual political actors could be powerful enough to place pressure on a government elected by hundreds of thousands of citizens. A decisive factor here is the willingness of these people to take to the streets once again in support of Pashinyan, someone who is, after all, still a popular Prime Minster.