Author: Karakhanian Suren

AFTERWORD TO U.S. CONGRESS’ MOVE TO ADOPT RESOLUTION ON SO-CALLED ‘ARMENIAN GENOCIDE’
H. Hamidov

Today
63742.html
March 11 2010
Azerbaijan

On March 4, the U.S. Congress House of Representatives Foreign Affairs
Committee held a vote on the "Armenian Genocide" resolution, adopting
the legislation 23 votes to 22.

Some hotheads in Armenia have already hastened to christen this
decision as the victory of the century, but official Armenia, contrary
to expectations, is more restrained, which is quite understandable.

To begin with, the committee’s decision does not mean a Congress
decision. Today, one can assume with great probability that Congress
will certainly reject the committee’s decision for definite reasons.

Possibly, the White House, Ankara and Yerevan are aware of this.

The reasons are simple, but substantial at the same time. The
government and the Congress are primarily composed of people with
sound reason who are also patriots of their country and act in line
with the interests of their country. So, today Turkey is not just an
important player in the Middle East, it is also a regional leader.

Furthermore, Turkey’s economic and military potential can no way
be compared with that of Armenia. Large American corporations have
invested in multibillion-dollar projects in Turkey. Nothing like this
is not even in sight in Armenia. Militarily, Turkey is not only a
member of NATO, as the United States, but also is second for level
and size of its arms in Europe after Germany.

The United States needs such an important friend in such an important
region. This country is extremely important especially given latest
events in global politics.

Will in this case the United States ruin relations with Turkey for
the sake of the so-called "genocide"? The answer is obvious. Never.

Adoption of a resolution by the Congress committee has equally
explicable reasons. It is appropriate to recall that the current U.S.

President promised the Armenian Diaspora to recognize the so-called
"Armenian genocide" during the election campaign.

Image and name requires to keep one’s promise. So, after the
committee’s decision it would be easier to explain Armenian voters
that he allegedly did everything he could and the Congress will deal
with it further.

U.S. Congressmen use support of the Armenian lobby during elections.

So, they are obliged to keep their election pledges to their voters
from the Armenian diaspora. But despite this, the adoption of the
"resolution" is the utmost they could do.

Thus, it can be argued that this is nothing more than a game by the
White House and it is quite possible that Turkey is aware of it in
advance. It is appropriate to recall a telephone conversation between
Barack Obama and Abdullah Gul prior to the committee meeting.

Naturally, not to deviate from the pre-agreed scenario, Turkey displays
dissatisfaction publicly, for example, by recalling its ambassador.

Here is another interesting fact. As paradoxical it may sound. Armenia
is the only one who suffers much from the committee’s decision. First,
wise men of the neighboring country understand that they were simply
"divorced". It seems United States have done what they have long
wanted. But what is next? All of what we said above.

Moreover, whatever the present situation in Turkey is, whatever Gul
has agreed with Obama, such a coincidence is always a disappointment
for Turkey. Of course, Ankara is annoyed, and Yerevan feels it even
through the closed border. They understand that technically this is
a stunning opportunity for the Turkish parliament not to ratify the
protocols and not to open border. Today, one can state with full
confidence that this is what will happen.

How hard Armenia warned of non-ratification, it needs the border
opening like a gulp of fresh air. But all hopes were dashed. They also
realize that they are left completely alone, surrounded by countries
with which Armenia has a difficult relationship due to Yerevan’s
destructive policies. In this situation Armenia is looks like a lean
young teenager, shaking of a fear before the strong senior mates.

These explain Armenia’s limited reaction to the committee’s decision,
which actually played a dirty trick on the Sargsyan government.

SERGEY LAVROV MET WITH ARMENIAN MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

RIA OREANDA
March 10 2010
Russia

Moscow. OREANDA-NEWS . March 10, 2010. Minister of Foreign Affairs
of the Russian Federation Sergey Lavrov met the Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the Republic of Armenia, Edward Nalbandian, in Moscow on
March 8.

During the conversation, held in a businesslike and constructive
atmosphere, a number of topical issues in Russian-Armenian partner
relations were discussed, along with international and regional
problems. The parties devoted special attention to the theme of
continuing the process of the Nagorno Karabakh settlement.

ARMENIA WILL RATIFY PROTOCOLS AFTER TURKEY: NATIONAL ASSEMBLY CHAIR

Tert.am
16:51 ~U 11.03.10

Armenia’s parliament will go about ratifying the Armenian-Turkish
Protocols during that time when they have been ratified by Turkey’s
Grand National Assembly, said RA National Assembly Chair Hovik
Abrahamyan during NATO Parliamentary Assembly Rose-Roth Seminar,
which kicked off in Yerevan today.

The parliamentary speaker added that the normalization of
Armenian-Turkey relations will support the broadening of regional
cooperation.

EX-FOREIGN MINISTER OF ARMENIA: IF TURKEY CANNOT FOLLOW THROUGH WITH ARMENIAN, THE DOMESTIC SITUATION IN TURKEY AS WELL AS TENSION IN THE CAUCASUS WILL WORSEN

ArmInfo
2010-03-10 12:17:00

ArmInfo. Will Turkey’s current turmoil between Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan and the country’s powerful army complicate and delay
the country’s boldest initiatives in years – the moves to address
decades-old tensions with both Armenians and Kurds? Ex-foreign minister
of Armenia Vartan Oskanyan asked this question in his article at
Project Syndicate web-site.

Restructuring the role of Turkey’s army is vital, but if Turkey cannot
follow through with the Armenian and Kurdish openings, the country’s
own domestic situation, its relations with the two peoples, as well
as tensions in the Caucasus, will undoubtedly worsen. Of the several
flashpoints in the region, including that between Georgia and Russia
over South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the tension between Armenians and
Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh is among the most challenging.

The Armenian-Azerbaijani struggle is more precarious. It is no longer
a two-way tug-of-war between two small post-Soviet republics, but part
of an Armenia-Turkey-Azerbaijan triangle. This triangle is the direct
consequence of the process of normalization between Armenia and Turkey,
which began when both countries’ presidents met at a football game.

That process now hinges on protocols for establishing diplomatic
relations that have been signed by both governments but unratified
by either parliament. Completing the process depends directly and
indirectly on how Armenians and Azerbaijan work to resolve the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

This snarled three-way dispute, if not carefully untangled, holds
many dangers. Turkey, which for nearly two decades has proclaimed
its support for Azerbaijan, publicly conditioned rapprochement with
Armenia on Armenian concessions to Azerbaijan.

Turkey, a NATO member, is thus a party to this conflict now, and any
military flare-up between Armenians and Azerbaijanis might draw it
in – possibly triggering Russia’s involvement, either through its
bilateral commitments to Armenia, or through the Collective Security
Treaty Organization, of which Armenia and Russia are members.

Given energy-security concerns, any Azerbaijani conflict would also
seriously affect Europe. Iran, too would be affected, since it is a
frontline state with interests in the region.

Armenians and Azerbaijanis have not clashed militarily for more than
a decade and a half. But this is only because there has been the
perception of a military balance and a hope that ongoing negotiations
would succeed.

Today, both factors have changed. The perception of military parity
has altered. With Azerbaijan having spent extravagantly on armaments
in recent years it may now have convinced itself that it now holds
the upper hand. At the same time, there is less hope in negotiations,
which appear to be stalled, largely because they have been linked to
the Armenia-Turkey process, which also seems to be in limbo.

GORAN LENMARKER: IT’S HIGH TIME TO FIND A SOLUTION TO THE KARABAKH CONFLICT

armradio.am
09.03.2010 15:13

"I regard the present situation concerning Nagorno Karabakh conflict as
the stage to pass a decision," OSCE Parliamentary Assembly’s special
representative for Nagorno Karabakh and Georgia Goran Lennmarker told
APA’s Georgia bureau.

Goran Lennmarker said he would pay visits to Yerevan and Baku after
finishing meetings in Georgia.

"We will hold very important meetings, we’ll meet with presidents of
the two countries. I think it is high time to find the solution to the
Karabakh conflict. I think the activity of the Minsk Group means that
there is a basis to find the solution to the problem. But the most
important is to find the solution that will satisfy both presidents,"
he said.

Goran Lennmarker also said that progress was observed in the solution
to Nagorno Karabakh problem.

"Meetings continue on the level of foreign ministers and presidents
basing on the proposals of OSCE Minsk Group. I would regard the
present situation as the time to pass a decision. Taking into account
the present opportunities, the presidents should try to reach an
agreement on the solution to the problem," he said.

PEOPLE & PLACES: THE ARGENTINEAN MUSICIAN
By Tamar Kevonian

es-the-argentinean-musician/
Mar 8th, 2010

There’s a deceptive lightheartedness to Levon that masks his serious
side. Of his three closest friends, he is the one that speaks the
least Armenian and generally does not participate in the discussions
taking place regarding life, community, and identity swirling around
the table at lighting speed; preferring to focus his attention on
his dinner. This, coupled with the fact that he makes goofy faces
in every photo ever taken of him, one would think that Levon was a
happy-go-lucky guy who didn’t take anything seriously.

In fact, all of the exterior mannerisms hide a much deeper and more
serious side to Levon, one which does not readily show itself. But
while sitting at a riverside cafe in the warm South American summer
sun while sipping a soda, this carefully hidden part of him slowly
seeps out.

Levon has a love for music that was inspired by the Ramones, a genre
defining punk band from the 1970’s and 1980’s, and he embodies their
spirit of freedom and defiance. Although he starting out playing
guitar, at the age of eleven he and his best friend, Juan, decided
to form a band and he became the drummer. "It was not about the
instrument. It was about the music. I wanted to be like the Ramones.

We are called Polka."

In 2003 he decided to see the world. He traveled to Europe and the
United States and came to the realization that he didn’t want to live
in Argentina anymore. "If I were in L.A., I’d have more chances to live
with the music. Here, I don’t know if I want to live for the music. But
there you know you can do it," he says, echoing the sentiment that
has brought many before him to the entertainment capital. "It’s not
about the money," he insists. "It’s nice to listen to your own music
on the radio."

He thinks Los Angeles is incredible but it becomes clear that he
is looking at it from the perspective of music. "The bands are very
professional. They have good instruments. They work. Here, it has to
be a hobby. And if you are lucky, maybe, it’s your job."

With such a long standing love of music, it’s not surprising that
Levon dreams of coming to Los Angeles, the place where many of rock and
rolls’ legends were born. But besides the music, he genuinely expresses
a love for the city that is rarely found in its own residents.

"What do you like about it?" I ask.

"Everything. Maybe I knew the people there. That was important." In
fact he already has a wide network of friends in L.A. where he has
visited several time. His knowledge of Glendale and its landmarks are
detailed, better than the native Glendale-tsi. But he claims it’s not
because of the Armenians that he likes the city. "I don’t care about
that," he says and pauses to reflect. "It’s very quiet." Compared to
hustle of busy Buenos Aires, Los Angeles, with its sprawling suburban
communities can seem like an oasis to the uninitiated.

"What do you like about Glendale?"

"Glendale Galleria. Americana," he says listing the well known sights
which he describes as "very nice." But is it enough to prompt a
young man to move to a new a new hemisphere leaving behind family
and friends?

"Did you meet a girl in Glendale?"

"No," he quickly responds. He would prefer to meet a girl in Buenos
Aires. "If I have to speak English all day, I will die," he says
dramatically in perfect English but is reluctant to continue this
line of dialogue.

Buenos Aires has a very large Armenian community, estimated to be
close to 100,000 people. Like all established communities, only a
fraction of that number remains active while the rest disperse and
eventually assimilate in the general population. Levon attended the
local Armenian school and his family is considered one of the active
ones in the community. When asked to compare the Armenians in his
community and the one in his dream city, Levon becomes hesitant
to discuss his impressions. "It’s a very long chat and you get
philosophical. It reminds me of being in Armenia. Everybody had to
be an Armenian. If the Genocide did not happen, we would all be there.

Strange that you go there and meet people, and you are like brothers.

I don’t like to take advantage of being Armenian." Meaning he doesn’t
expect everyone to associate with him simply because he is Armenian;
an approach he finds in every community. "Maybe you are not a good
guy. I prefer good guys who are Armenian."

He seems to have found that right combination in Juan, his best
friend. "We’ve known each other since we are three years old." It’s
a unique friendship were instead of growing apart as they matured,
they have become even closer developing similar interests in music,
travel, girls, love of community, and much more.

Although Levon believes that all Armenian communities are similar
because we all share the same background, he does think that such
a large community like the one in Los Angeles, brings about its own
set of problems such crime and a growing Armenian population in jails
and prisons. "We are a very small Armenian community here. We know
everybody. The bigger the community, the bigger the problems will be."

The most vexing problem Levon thinks his local community faces is its
fractiousness. "For example, if someone is Dashnak, they only go to
Dashnak events. That happens everywhere in the world. But it’s stupid.

I hate it. It’s stupid to mix politics with feelings. Being an
Armenian, it’s a feeling. You have to feel it. Armenians have to
be united and they are separated by what they think. You have to
be united." He doesn’t believe the goal of his people should be the
Genocide but rather to introduce it to everybody in the world that is
not Armenian. "It’s a good culture. I am proud of being an Armenian. I
want everybody to know it. Why Jewish people have to be known and not
Armenians? Why English people have to be known and not Armenians? When
I was a kid, they said Armenian culture is incredible. If you believe
that, then spread it."

Now the discussion has veered dangerously close to being too serious
and when asked if he can imagine what a perfect Armenian community
would be like in Buenos Aires he replies that he doesn’t know.

"Because it’s not the problem of Armenians, it’s the problem of the
human race. It’s very theoretical."

"And no more serious talking!" he proclaims with a laugh and reaches
for the tall, glass of ice cold soda slowly melting in front of him.

ARMENIAN GENOCIDE RESOLUTION: PRESIDENT OBAMA AND THE PRICE OF MORAL COURAGE

Christian Science Monitor
n/2010/0308/Armenian-Genocide-Resolution-President -Obama-and-the-price-of-moral-courage
March 8 2010

The Armenian Genocide Resolution passed by a House committee last
week merely asks Obama to tell the truth. Given Turkey’s strategic
importance, that will be hard to do.

A resolution approved by the House Foreign Affairs Committee last week,
in recognizing the Armenian Genocide, asks the Obama administration to
endorse history at the risk of insulting a needed ally. The passing
of House Resolution 252 introduces a new dynamic into the State
Department’s hopes for "normalization" of relations between Armenia
and Turkey.

The Armenian Genocide is marked as beginning April 24, 1915. On
the 94th anniversary last year, President Obama decried the "great
atrocities" – but defied his own campaign promise by following the
precedent of other modern presidents and stopping short of using the
word "genocide."

HR 252 calls on the president to use the annual April 24 message "to
accurately characterize the systematic and deliberate annihilation
of 1.5 million Armenians as genocide and to recall the proud history
of United States intervention in opposition to the Armenian Genocide."

The fallout over the nonbinding resolution – Turkey withdrew its US
ambassador, and its prime minister called the resolution "a comedy" –
makes it most unlikely that it will either pass the full Congress or
nudge President Obama to call a historical fact by its proper name
next month. Indeed, the Obama administration urged the committee
not to pass the measure. The letdown will further erode the trust of
Armenians to whom he has become davatchan – a traitor.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has vowed to stop the resolution
where it stands. Mrs. Clinton was the chief diplomat behind a
three-country effort shared by Russia and Switzerland last October that
resulted in Turkey and Armenia agreeing to try to agree, and follow
a set of "protocols" intended to work out their deep differences.

The protocols meant to be a roadmap have led nowhere, as neither
country has ratified them. Armenia has even gone so far as to amend its
legislation on international treaties, allowing for "the suspension
or termination of agreements signed by Armenia before their entry
into force." Creating a pre-emptive exit strategy from cooperation
hardly portends kumbayah in the Caucasus.

Turkey (which closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in support of
Muslim cousin Azerbaijan in its war over the historically Armenian
enclave of Nagorno Karabakh) was the first to drag down the process,
by insisting that rapprochement cannot carry on unless Armenia returns
land it reclaimed from Azerbaijan. Turkey’s insistence on projecting
Karabakh into the discussion brings to question whether protocol
negotiators were literally on the same page.

The drafted, debated, signed-and-sent-to-parliaments document makes no
reference to the Karabakh issue. Armenians saw Turkey’s introduction
of this controversy into the protocol talks (after they were signed)
as unacceptable. Washington diplomats – mindful of the delicate and
protracted negotiations over Karabakh – encouraged Turkey to seek
harmony with Armenia "without preconditions" – or in this case,
"postconditions."

Nonetheless, members of Congress debating HR252 last Thursday and
indeed Clinton herself in subsequent statements, seemed either
uninformed or dismissive of the reality that "normalization" has
reverted to the unfortunate normal state of acrid dislike between
Armenia and Turkey.

Clinton’s claim that endorsing the resolution would damage the
protocol process plays perfectly into Turkey’s position as the
aggrieved nation. Neither she nor the Turks concede that the attempt
at reconciliation has been a blunder that not only hasn’t worked, but
has torn scabs off wounds that irritate the Turkey-Armenia healing
process. What was meant to be a document uniting nations has left
the republics divided. And while open borders were intended, closed
minds have prevailed.

The process has also split Armenia’s vast diaspora and has been a
source of division domestically – in a cantankerous country that needs
no encouragement to divide its diminished self. A large segment of the
Armenian diaspora rejected the protocols from the start. (Significantd
diaspora institutions endorsed the document, but their support was
muted compared to contrary outcry.)

Opponents contested a clause that calls for a "historical commission"
to explore what happened from 1915 to 1923 in the Ottoman Empire. They
reasoned that such a commission would cast doubt on (as candidate
Obama called it) the "overwhelming body of historical evidence" and
in doing so would betray lost souls to whom nearly every Armenian
can trace a link.

The diaspora is unhappy. The natives are uncertain. Turkey
is stonewalling. Azerbaijan is threatening war. Is this the
"normalization" the State Department envisioned?

The Obama administration won’t call genocide by its ugly but
scientifically-deserved name because Ankara effectively said to
Washington in March what it said to Yerevan last October: "Share
our blindness to history so that we all might squint our way to a
brighter future."

By passing this resolution, a congressional committee has hurt Turkey’s
feelings, and the resulting pout could harm American interests. Moral
courage carries a higher price than the US can afford.

This resolution – like similar ones before it – will be stopped from
going any further. Convenience will trump conscience because Turkey’s
importance to US strategic interests is too great. Armenia, landlocked,
crippled by Post-Soviet-Syndrome and a soaring national debt, offers
nothing – except a share in the just side of moral judgment. All
it takes is a word that, again, won’t be spoken by the world’s most
influential voice.

American journalist John Hughes is founder and Editor in Chief of
ArmeniaNow internet daily in Yerevan, Armenia.

Le Matin, Suisse
6 Mars 2010

Aznavour reçoit une Victoire d’honneur sur la scène du Zénith

Le chanteur français Charles Aznavour, ambassadeur d’Arménie en
Suisse, a reçu une Victoire d’honneur pour l’ensemble de sa carrière
au Zénith de Paris. Cette récompense a été remise en ouverture de la
25e édition des Victoires de la musique.
ats – le 06 mars 2010, 22h20

Le chanteur français Charles Aznavour, ambassadeur d’Arménie en
Suisse, a reçu une Victoire d’honneur pour l’ensemble de sa carrière
au Zénith de Paris. Cette récompense a été remise en ouverture de la
25e édition des Victoires de la musique.

"Vous connaissez mon principe ? (Les trophées), je les accepte tous
parce que j’ai attendu très longtemps pour en avoir un", a lancé le
chanteur, président d’honneur de cette 25e édition.

Charles Aznavour, qui arpente toujours les scènes du monde à 85 ans, a
publié cet automne "Charles Aznavour and The Clayton Hamilton Jazz
Orchestra", un album dans lequel il revisite ses classiques avec des
arrangements jazzy. Ce géant d’1,65 m incarne aujourd’hui la chanson
française, y compris à l’étranger.

Pourtant, avant d’arriver en haut de l’affiche, il a dû lutter pour
imposer son physique et sa voix atypique, qui lui avaient valu à ses
débuts les sobriquets peu flatteurs d’"Aznovoice" (jeu de mots
signifiant "Il n’a pas de voix") ou "l’enroué vers l’or".

Né à Paris dans une famille arménienne, mais résidant à Genève depuis
trente ans, il a été nommé en mai dernier ambassadeur d’Arménie en
Suisse et représentant de ce même pays auprès du siège européen de
l’ONU.

s/aznavour-recoit-victoire-honneur-scene-zenith

KHOJALY: The chronicle of unseen forgery and falsification

ibov.html
Ayaz Mutalibov’s interview

The first president of Azerbaijan recently gave an extremely
interesting interview to one of the Russian TV channels in which it is
narrated that the first president of Azerbaijan, who proclaimed the
independence of the country, at present is living in the outskirts of
Moscow in a state apartment, without a passport and livelihood.

An ordinary refugee with triumphal past and rather obscure future.
This is how the Azerbaijani treat their leaders when the power passes
to other hands.

According to the reportage: `The ruling class of the Alievs did
everything so that the citizens should consider Heydar Aliev to be the
founder of their country and should forget that they had ever had a
first president. It is already 15 years that Ayaz Mutalibov has been
wanted by the police in his country. Heydar Aliev accused him of
plotting coup d’etat. Mutalibov denies the accusation but does not
return to his homeland no to be taken to prison. He is considered as
an enemy in his motherland and Ayaz Mutalibov is not admitted even by
the Azerbaijani community in Moscow’.

`He ran to Moscow two months after his resignation and two days after
the feeble attempt to return to the President’s palace. When the armed
supporters of the opposition went out to the streets to demand the
president’s resignation, Mutalibov went to the Russian military
airport and, leaving his family in Baku, escaped from the country. Now
he avoids speaking about this fact, but it is certain that Mutalibov
preferred to save himself and only after several days his friends
took his family in cars first to Daghestan and then to Moscow. He has
been an exile since then: a guest to Russia, an enemy to Azerbaijan,
an enemy to Armenia’.

`The whole negative after the Khojaly tragedy was focused on me. I had
to take the whole responsibility upon myself though I was not guilty
of anything’, – claimed Ayaz Mutalibov in the interview. Let us remind
you that on the 2nd of April in 1992, in `Nezavisimaya gazeta’ Ayaz
Mutalibov gave an interview to an independent Czech journalist, Dana
Mazalova, who afterwards became persecuted in her own country. The
cause of all these trials was the excessive frankness of the first
president which cost him his impeachment. During the interview it
became quite clear that the Azerbaijani version of the Khojaly events
is none other than a well-planned provocation of the Azerbaijani.

The clan of the Alievs did not forgive Mutalibov for such frankness.

>From the interview of the former president of Azerbaijan Ayaz
Mutalibov to the Czech journalist Dana Mazalova, `Njvaya Gazeta’,
2.04.92

Question:What is your opinion about the KHOJALY events after which you
resigned? Dead bodies of the Khojaly inhabitants were found not far
from Aghdam. Someone first shot at legs so that people could not go
farther. Then he added the axe, on the 29th of February my colleagues
took photos of all this. Then during new sequences these very corpses
were scalped. A very strange game…

Answer: As the Khojali inhabitants, who narrowly escaped, say, it was
all organized in order to have ground for my resignation. Some forces
functioned for the effort to discredit the president. I don’t think
that Armenians, who always have a distinct and competent attitude
towards such situations, could have let the Azerbaijani get the
documents unmasking them in fascist actions. It could be supposed
that somebody is interested to show these sequences afterwards, at the
BC session and to focus everything on my person.

If I claim the Azerbaijani opposition to be guilty in it, they might
say that I am telling lies about them. However, the general background
of arguments is, that a corridor by which the people could leave, was,
nevertheless, left by Armenians. Why then would they begin to shoot?
Especially in the territory nearby Aghdam, where by that time there
had been enough forces to help the people. Or, just come to an
agreement that the civil population will leave. Such practice has
always been usual.

I have always been told that people in Khojaly hold themselves up and
it is necessary to support them with armaments, people and food. I
gave a commission to use helicopters for this purpose. However, the
pilots refused to fly there as they do not have special devices to
avoid stingers. Nearly a week passed. An Aghdam alignment was sttked
nearby to watch the developments there. As soon as the military forces
encircled Khojaly, it was necessary to evacuate the population.
Earlier such a commission was given by me concerning Shushi: to leave
men there and to take women and children off. These are also laws of
the war: you must save their lives. My behavior was unbiased and
fefinite: I gave such commissions but I have no idea why they were not
fulfilled. By the way, I spoke to Lazarian, the head of Military
Forces in Nagorno-Karabakh, several times: `You laid several people on
the ground. Give us an opportunity to take their bodies off here’. But
he replied that there must be no bodies, that our people are with them
and that they are fed there, though they are short of provisions, and
they are ready to exchange them with their hostages.

Question: When were you informed about those lost lives?

Answer: The next day after I was informed that there are just a few
killed people in Khojaly. The information came from the minister of
Home Affairs.

Question: Who was responsible for that information?

Answer: The minister himself. By that time a press-centre had been
established in the Ministry of Defense. After the story about the
helicopters we had an agreement that nobody would spread doubtful
information.

Question: Do you consider the Prime Minister Hasan Hasanov responsible, too?

Answer: The head of the government, of course, is responsible for
everything, though he refuses to have anything to do with such
questions. Well, the government is government.

Wall Street Journal
March 5 2010

White House Puts Brakes on Armenia Vote

Resolution to Brand 1915 Killings ‘Genocide’ Is Less Likely to Reach
Full Vote, as U.S. Appears to Try to Soothe Turkey

By JOHN D. MCKINNON in Washington and MARC CHAMPION in Istanbul

The White House attempted to rein in a legislative effort to condemn
the 1915 killings of Armenians, an apparent salve to Turkey that
threatens to compromise one of President Barack Obama’s campaign
promises.

Administration officials said Friday they have reached an
"understanding" with congressional leaders on the fate of a resolution
condemning the mass killing of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire as
genocide, suggesting prospects for full House approval of the measure
are dimming.

On Thursday, the resolution passed the House Foreign Affairs Committee
by a narrow 23-22 vote. That cheered Armenians world-wide who have
long lobbied for U.S. recognition, and threatened to chill U.S.
relations with Turkey, a key North Atlantic Treaty Organization ally.

Turks protest Friday outside the U.S. Embassy in Ankara, a day after a
House committee passed up a resolution on 1915 Armenian killings.

Asked what steps the administration would take to block a floor vote
on the resolution, State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley told
reporters Friday: "I think that the leadership of the Congress
understands our position and they¦have taken this into account as they
evaluate¦if any actions will be taken."

Spokesmen for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi didn’t respond to requests
for comment.

Most Western historians say the mass deportations and executions of as
many as 1.5 million Armenians in central and Eastern Anatolia were an
act of genocide. Turkey denies the crumbling Ottoman regime had any
such intent, citing the chaos and civil strife of World War I.

Recent administrations have lobbied against such resolutions. The
Obama administration remained publicly silent on the vote until
administration officials, including Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, began speaking out against congressional action earlier this
week. Mrs. Clinton said during a visit to Costa Rica on Thursday that
"we do not believe that the full Congress will or should act upon that
resolution."

Influential Armenian-American leaders say they plan to lobby for a
full House vote. They also criticized Mr. Obama for undermining a
campaign promise to recognize the killings as genocide. "I don’t know
how the president could have sent a more negative message to
Armenian-American voters," said Aram Hamparian, executive director of
the Armenian National Committee of America.

The administration says the genocide question should be addressed
between Turkey and Armenia, its neighbor.

The Aerospace Industries Association issued a statement Friday urging
the full House not to act on the resolution. The association fears the
controversy could dampen an expected $11 billion in defense and
aerospace sales to Turkey this year.

Turkish officials took comfort in the closeness of the committee vote,
saying it suggests Congress wouldn’t risk a full House vote.
Armenian-Americans have won several previous votes but never a full
Congressional approval. The Bush administration blocked a 2007 floor
vote in the House.

Still, there was no hiding the concern the vote caused in Ankara.
Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu, speaking at a news conference, said
he would consult with President Abdullah Gül and opposition parties to
formulate a common policy on what was "a matter of national honor for
us," the state news agency reported.

Mr. Davutoglu called for the U.S. not to let the genocide issue move
to the floor of the House for a vote. He also said he expected Mr.
Obama not to inflame tensions on April 24, the date of an annual
presidential statement on the tragedies, by describing the killings as
genocide.

Turkey is NATO’s sole Muslim member and operates the alliance’s
second-largest military. It hosts U.S. airbases on the border with
Iraq, heads the international force in the Afghan capital Kabul and
has taken a prominent unofficial role as mediator between Iran and the
U.S. in their dispute over Iran’s nuclear fuel program.

Turkey is currently on the United Nations Security Council, where it
would have a vote on any effort to impose new economic sanctions on
Iran.

"We expect our contributions not to be sacrificed by some local
political games in the United States," Mr. Davutoglu said.

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