Artsakh reports over 180 Azerbaijani ceasefire violations over past week

Panorama, Armenia
Jan 19 2019

The Azerbaijani armed forces violated the ceasefire along the Artsakh-Azerbaijan Line of Contact over 180 times in the past week. In the period from January 13-19, the adversary fired around 1,300 shots towards the Armenian defense positions from firearms of different calibres, the Artsakh Defense Ministry told Panorama.am.

The Defense Army’s frontline troops fully control the situation and continue implementing their combat guard, the statement added. 

Sports: Armenian gymnasts are training in Yerevan for upcoming tournaments

MediaMax, Armenia
Jan 16 2019
Armenian gymnasts are training in Yerevan for upcoming tournaments
Armenian gymnasts will compete in several tournaments before heading to the European championship.

Secretary General of the Armenian Gymnastics Federation Garnik Saroyan told Mediamax Sport that the athletes are currently training in Yerevan.

 “The Armenian Championship, due to be held in March, will reveal who goes to the World Cup in Doha on March 20-23,” said Saroyan.

 He noted that afterwards the national team will hold a training camp in Tbilisi to prepare for the European championship.

 The championship is to kick off on April 10 in Szczecin, Poland.

Azerbaijani press: Ambassador: Iran ready to make every effort for settlement of Karabakh conflict (Exclusive) (PHOTO)

11 January 2019 13:46 (UTC+04:00)

Baku, Azerbaijan, Jan.11

By Leman Zeynalova, Elnur Baghishov – Trend:

Iran is ready to make every effort for the settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and ensure security and stability in the region, Iranian Ambassador to Azerbaijan Javad Jahangirzadeh told Trend.

“Iran has always openly said that any conflict harms the countries in the region. Iran has experienced an eight-year war and is aware of its consequences. Conflicts and wars cause moral harm to people,” said the envoy.

Jahangirzadeh pointed out that during the trilateral meeting with foreign ministers of Azerbaijan and Turkey in Istanbul, Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif openly expressed Iran’s position on this issue and the country is not going to abandon this stance.

The Istanbul Declaration was signed in October 2018 following the sixth trilateral meeting of Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov, Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu.

The ministers stressed their commitment to principles of international law, in particular, respect of and support for sovereignty, territorial integrity, inviolability of internationally recognized borders, peaceful settlement of all disputes, as well as non-interference in internal affairs.

The ministers reiterated in this regard the importance of the earliest resolution of Armenia-Azerbaijan Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the basis of the above-mentioned principles.

The conflict between the two South Caucasus countries began in 1988 when Armenia made territorial claims against Azerbaijan. As a result of the ensuing war, in 1992 Armenian armed forces occupied 20 percent of Azerbaijan, including the Nagorno-Karabakh region and seven surrounding districts.

The 1994 ceasefire agreement was followed by peace negotiations. Armenia has not yet implemented four UN Security Council resolutions on withdrawal of its armed forces from the Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding districts.

Military Police officers to carry out patrol service in airports

Military Police officers to carry out patrol service in airports

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12:59, 9 January, 2019

YEREVAN, JANUARY 9, ARMENPRESS. Military Police officers of Armenia will carry out a 24-hour patrol service in Zvartnots and Gyumri airports within the frames of the mandatory military conscription in order to welcome the conscripts from abroad and provide legal clarifications on the recruitment if necessary, the defense ministry told Armenpress.

The Military Police officers will also follow the maintenance of rules of wearing military uniforms by servicemen in the territory of the airports.

Edited and translated by Aneta Harutyunyan




Best of The Interpreter 2018: Forgotten corners of the world

 The Lowy Institute
Jan 1 2019        
View over the Hindu Kush, Afghan Wakhan Corridor (Photo: mstravels/Flickr)

As the world keeps shrinking, finding out about places you’ve never heard of is something of a thrill. Some of the most interesting Interpreter pieces of this year focused on the unique and unusual corners of the map.

One such corner is the Wakhan Corridor – a sliver of land that connects Afghanistan to China’s Xinjiang province, bordered by Tajikistan to the north and Pakistan to the south. The Corridor came to our attention thanks to rumours of Chinese troops being stationed across the border in Afghan territory. Suzanne Levi-Sanchez:

Throughout the period of the Great Game (and before) China also fought for territory in the Wakhan Corridor, and recently won back a small stretch of land in the far northeastern corner of Tajikistan that had been under dispute since the mid-1800s (between Tsarist Russia and China). This section, rumoured to be rich in mineral wealth, was ceded to the Chinese by the Tajik government in 2011 as payment for debts the Tajik government owed to China for construction of several roads and bridges. The Tajiks living in the villages in these areas were forced to relocate to even more austere locations, lacking in water or arable land for farming or livestock.

Another is Nagorno-Karabakh, a disputed territory geographically located within Azerbaijan but governed by ethnic Armenians. Luke Dawes wrote about how Armenian-Azeri disagreements could upset Russia and Turkey’s cooperation in Syria:

As the Syrian civil war is winding down, both Russia and Turkey are responding pragmatically to changes on the ground. Islamic State has been eradicated from much of the country, and the Syrian Government has retaken control of key cities from rebel groups. Turkey has sought – and received – Russian approval for airstrikes against the YPG in northern Syria, and the two countries met with Iran in April to cooperate on a post-war plan for stability. This cooperation, however, could well be threatened by their opposing positions in the Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict: Russia and Turkey have previously traded stern words over Nagorno-Karabakh.

Central Asia rarely makes headlines in Western newspapers. But Kazakhstan, the ninth largest country in the world by area, is playing a leading role in regional diplomacy, worrying Russia. Stephen Blank:

Kazakhstan hosted a summit of all the Central Asian states in March 2018, where President Nursultan Nazarbayev argued that Central Asia could solve its problems without outside ‘mentors’. Observers saw this meeting as the assertion of sovereignty by Central Asian states, indicating a new readiness to act on their own in ‘big politics’. Inevitably, this generated Russian concerns. Central Asian states are still subject to their geography, so they will all need to respect Russian and Chinese interests. Nevertheless, Kazakhstan and the other Central Asian states are showing signs they will step out of their giant neighbours’ shadows.

The Himalaya region runs along (mostly disputed) borders between China, India, Nepal, and Bhutan. It is home to a mosaic of ethnic groups, the world’s third-largest ice-deposits, and simmering geopolitical tension. Alexander Davis, Ruth Gamble, Gerald Roche, and Lauren Gawne:

This normalised state of border scuffles escalated last year in the Doklam standoff when China tried to wrest a piece of high-ground on the China-Bhutan border from Indian troops. Both Bhutan and Nepal have been placed in difficult positions by India-China tensions. China’s Belt and Road development plans in Nepal and Pakistan have exacerbated regional tensions. This friction has led to both the militarisation and competitive development of the region. Hundreds of thousands of troops are stationed across the mountains and all Himalayan states are engaged in competitive, un-checked development projects aimed at least in part at solidifying territorial control.

The Andaman Islands featured in headlines when a US missionary was killed by members of an isolated tribe on one of the islands. Aarti Betigeri wrote about the Indian government’s desire to expand its military presence on some of the islands and open up others to tourism.

The Andaman and Nicobar Islands are a group of 572 islands, roughly equidistant from both Kolkata and Chennai, about 1,200 kilometres each way to the mainland. Just 37 islands are permanently inhabited, by a mix of indigenous tribes and Indians who moved there after the Second World War. The Nicobar islands have always remained off-limits to outsiders, while only a handful of the Andamans have been open to tourists.  One of the islands’ recognised tribal groups is the Jarawas, sometimes described as the ‘last descendants of the first modern humans’, still living a largely hunter-gatherer lifestyle.

What about the forgotten corners of the Pacific? Bruce Hill asked provocative questions about the political and economic independence of small island nations such as Niue, Tokelau, and Palau.

The harsh reality is that while many Pacific nations are doing fine as independent entities, others face daunting challenges that raise real questions about their status. For a start, the smaller states are very vulnerable to natural disasters. One massive cyclone, tsunami or earthquake hitting countries the size of Niue, Tokelau or Palau could conceivably destroy their economies. An even more serious challenge is population shift from island mini-states to the metropolitan countries in or bordering the region, such as Australia, New Zealand, and the United States.

Finally, Morris Jones wrote on the strategic aspect of the ultimate forgotten corner: the moon. 

Decades after the Moon became covered in American flags and footprints, the nearest world in space is becoming strategic again. Recently, China launched a satellite to orbit the L2 Earth-Moon Lagrange point. This is an imaginary point in space hovering over the far side of the Moon (not the ‘dark’ side, despite the references in sloppy journalism elsewhere and Pink Floyd).

Book Review: Mr Five Per Cent: The Many Lives of Calouste Gulbenkian, the World’s Richest Man

The Times, UK
December 29, 2018 Saturday 12:01 AM GMT

Review: Mr Five Per Cent: The Many Lives of Calouste Gulbenkian, the World’s Richest Man 

The oil tycoon’s ruthless pursuit of wealth is a lesson in the pathology of greed, says Gerard DeGroot


by Gerard DeGroot

Sometime in the summer of 1918 Calouste Gulbenkian was writing to his son, Nubar, from the Ritz in Paris. The Germans were shelling the city from 75 miles away. Boom! Gulbenkian told his son about a new oilfield in Borneo. Boom! Momentarily distracted when the room shook, he resumed his letter. “One shouldn’t allow oneself to be put off by those barbarians and idiots,” he wrote. Boom!

That moment at the Ritz perfectly encapsulates Gulbenkian. Nothing distracted him from making money. He was, writes Jonathan Conlin, an “inscrutable force of nature”, loyal only to himself. Although he had a British passport, he was, in truth, a citizen of nowhere.

Financial reasons alone caused him to be in France during the First World War. The French, he realised, needed petrol. In 1914 their army had 316 petrol-driven vehicles. Four years later they had nearly 98,000. Thirsty engines caused an acute oil shortage. Gulbenkian sought “to profit from the current situation” and, at the same time, ingratiate himself with the French. From that same suite at the Ritz he also, it seems, provided financial advice to the Turks, France’s enemy. That was Gulbenkian.

When he died in 1955 Gulbenkian was the richest man in the world, worth about £5 billion in today’s money. His was not, however, a rags-to-riches story. The Gulbenkians, a wealthy Armenian family living in Istanbul, were traders. Calouste, born in 1869, was groomed to take over the family firm, but he had grander ambitions. A few years after his father’s death in 1894, he cut his ties with his younger brothers. They went bankrupt as he grew steadily richer.

Gulbenkian’s timing was impeccable. In 1897 he made a fortune financing London-based mining syndicates. He dealt briefly with the notorious fraudsters Horatio Bottomley and Whitaker Wright, cutting his ties with them just before the market collapsed and the police arrived. As cars began to appear on European streets, he entered the oil business. His strength, writes Conlin, lay in his “skill at negotiation and his nose for promising deals”. He turned his lack of loyalty – to person or country – into an asset. “[His] talent for evading attribution to this or that side would underpin much of his . . . success as a deal-maker.”

Gulbenkian wasn’t interested in oil, other than in what it could bring. He saw an oilfield only once, at age 19. Despite having business interests in Venezuela, Mexico, the United States and the Far East, he never visited those places, nor did he travel to Iraq, Saudi Arabia or any of the Gulf States, from whose oil production he drew 5 per cent. That dividend came from brokering an agreement in 1928 between the big oil companies to co-operate under the umbrella of his Turkish Petroleum Company to exploit Middle Eastern reserves without wasteful competition. Oil experts at first thought the 5 per cent was simply a broker’s commission, but he had cleverly negotiated a permanent share. As one business associate remarked, his calm, dignified method of dealing meant that “he could slip a camel through the eye of a needle”.

All that wealth made Gulbenkian a celebrity, although a frustratingly mysterious one. “I should like to know what he really thinks,” wrote a society columnist, “whether he has a home; whether he plays golf or has any other interest outside money-making.” Gulbenkian provided few clues; he dressed modestly to disguise his wealth. He didn’t play golf. He owned palatial homes in Paris and London, but didn’t live in them, preferring luxury hotel suites. He was, writes Conlin, a “back room fixer of no fixed abode”.

His only interest outside money-making was his art collection. He bought widely – Italian Renaissance, Old Masters, impressionists – but not always wisely. When the Soviet authorities tried to raise revenue by selling off paintings from the Hermitage in Leningrad in the 1920s, one museum official noticed how Gulbenkian seemed possessed by his need to buy. “[He’s] the greatest obsessive of them all . . . he kept telling me, ‘For God’s sake, sell me a painting.’ He wanted to buy all our junk.” When he was reunited with his collection after hiding it away during the Second World War, he didn’t recognise some of his pieces and assumed his minions had sold off the good stuff.

Paintings took on human qualities; he fell in and out of love. One painting “flirted”, they mated, then “divorced”. His wife, Nevarte, should perhaps have been jealous, but she had her own interests, deriving much more real enjoyment from wealth than he ever did. Their paths hardly crossed. As to her husband’s frequent infidelities, she was fatalistic. “This is the way things are . . . we love each other sincerely and if we each close our eyes to the other’s faults then . . . we will be very happy.” She was probably right; he had no interest in the beautiful women he bedded. His physician had advised that frequent sex with young women was a rejuvenating tonic, so he obediently followed doctor’s orders.

Mr Five Per Cent

is a remarkable book, if only because Gulbenkian is not an easy subject. His single-mindedness – in the pursuit of art treasures, sex or money – renders him rather dull. Yet Conlin somehow constructs an engaging tale about this one-dimensional man. Every page is packed with figures, but there are also delightful details that provide welcome contrast to all those labyrinthine deals. An uncharacteristically foolhardy transaction with the Russians, for instance, left Gulbenkian with two tons of caviar and no buyers. He gave the stuff away. Gulbenkian fascinates not because he’s particularly interesting in and of himself, but rather because of the shady deals, broken friendships and family turmoil that littered his life.

Gulbenkian, writes Conlin, became “so fixated on protecting his fortune . . . that he seemed uninterested in the purposes for which it was being preserved”. That’s another way of saying that he worshipped money for itself rather than for what it could do. Other than that brief moment of reflection, Conlin refrains from criticism. Yet this book still provides an important moral lesson about the pathology of greed. We tend to revere those, such as Gulbenkian, who amass huge fortunes. In the process, we overlook their abundant flaws and their lack of ordinary humanity. If Gulbenkian’s obsessiveness had been directed towards something other than simply amassing wealth, we might judge him mentally ill.

Gulbenkian’s memorial service in 1955 was sparsely attended. At his company headquarters, there was no moment of silence, no condolences extended, no tears shed. That’s not surprising. Since he cared about no one, in the end few cared about him.

Mr Five Per Cent: The Many Lives of Calouste Gulbenkian, the World’s Richest Man Mr Five Per Cent: The Many Lives of Calouste Gulbenkian, the World’s Richest Man

by Jonathan Conlin, Profile, 402pp; £25

Armenia sees almost 9 percent growth in foreign tourist visits in 9 months

ARKA, Armenia
Dec 26 2018

YEREVAN, December 26, /ARKA/. The number of foreign tourists visiting Armenia in the first  9 months of 2018 grew by  8.8% when compared to the same time span of  2017 amounting to 1,275,209 people, the head of the Tourism Committee Hripsime Grigoryan told reporters on Wednesday.

She said  the main stream of tourists came from Russia (525,423 people),  Georgia (233,125 people), Iran (132,829 people), also USA (46,138 people) and Ukraine (24 308 people). The number of tourists visiting Armenia from India has grown by 31%, from China  by 7% and from Kazakhstan by 83%.

“The main task of the Tourism Committee in 2018 has been to present the changes stemming from the velvet revolution , which have strengthened the country’s image of a stable and safe destination for tourism,” Grigoryan said.

She also said that 1.5 million people visited the Smithsonian Folklife Festival in Washington, USA earlier this summer that focused on Armenia and several American tour operators included Armenia in their tour packages.

She also reported that tourism in Armenia is getting “younger,” meaning that more young people seeking  extreme, sports and festival tourism are visiting the country. –0–

Armenia acting PM: We had record low level of murders in 2018

News.am, Armenia
Dec 26 2018
Armenia acting PM: We had record low level of murders in 2018 Armenia acting PM: We had record low level of murders in 2018

14:36, 26.12.2018
                  

We have had a record low level of murders in 2018, ever since 1990; this is an important indicator, Armenia’s Acting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan wrote in a Facebook post.

“It is also important to record that all those who will attempt to resolve any economic, political, personal, group matter by way of violence or weapons will be met with a deserving counterblow and most severe accountability,” Pashinyan added.

Turkish Press: Istanbul court orders release of two suspects in murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Dec 21 2018
DAILY SABAH WITH AA
ISTANBUL
               

An Istanbul court has ordered the release of two suspects in the 2007 murder of Hrant Dink, a prominent Armenian-Turkish journalist.

Istanbul’s 14th Criminal Court decided Friday to release former Brigadier Hamza Celepoğlu and former Sergeant Yavuz Karakaya.

Other suspects in the case, including Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) leader Fetullah Gülen, former FETÖ-linked prosecutor Zekeriya Öz, some journalists, gendarmerie forces and former security officers are still on trial. Six of the suspects are in jail while 14 of them are fugitives.

They are all charged with voluntary manslaughter and attempting to disrupt constitutional order.

Dink, editor-in-chief of Armenian-Turkish newspaper Agos, was killed outside his office on Jan. 19, 2007.

In 2011, Ogün Samast was sentenced to 23 years in prison for the killing. Samast, who was 17 years old in early 2007, claimed he killed Dink for “insulting Turkishness.”

Last year, the FETÖ — which plotted the defeated coup attempt of July 15, 2016 — was officially tied to the case.

A 120-page indictment said soldiers and police involved in the Dink murder later played an active role in the coup attempt.

The next hearings are set to start on March 12 next year.