Sydney: A force for harmon: Lunch with Stepan Kerkyasharian

Sydney Morning Herald (Australia)
May 11, 2013 Saturday

A force for harmony

LUNCH WITH STEPAN KERKYASHARIAN

by Rick Feneley

As he steps down from his official role, the ‘hero of
multiculturalism’ reflects on the remarkable family story that shaped
his outlook, writes Rick Feneley.

Our window table is a lovely perch with a view over the canopy of Hyde
Park’s figs. As the autumn sunlight streams in to the Hellenic Club,
it catches the sheen of a tear on Stepan Kerkyasharian’s cheek. The
son of survivors of the Armenian genocide, Kerkyasharian has made a
long career in Australia of building racial harmony. He is an
optimist. But he also has some terrible stories about the worst of
human nature.

He is telling the hardest of them now. It concerns the death of his
grandmother. It is his father’s account of watching her die.
“My father, Manuel, was nine years old,” Kerkyasharian says. It was
1916. Manuel and his parents were on a long, forced march out of what
today is Turkey. They and hordes of fellow Armenians were rounded up
and deported. Along the way they witnessed murder, rape, atrocities.

“My grandmother couldn’t go on. She asked her husband to carry her to
the river. My grandfather refused. A neighbour carried her on his back
and my father accompanied them. His mother knelt and prayed, and then
she jumped in the river.” Years later, Manuel would say: “I looked and
the waters carried her away.”

Kerkyasharian’s choice of the Hellenic Club, on the fifth floor in
Elizabeth Street, seems the perfect vantage point from which to survey
his remarkable life and career. He notes the Anzac memorial in the
park across the road. He was raised by his poor refugee parents in
Cyprus, where his classmates were Greek, Turkish, Maronite, Armenian
and English. Kerkyasharian and our waiter exchange pleasantries in
Greek, one of his four languages, as he orders the beef casserole,
mosharaki stifado, and requests water rather than wine. I take his
recommendation of baked lamb.

Approaching 70 – and after almost 25 years at the helm of NSW’s
Community Relations Commission and its predecessor, the Ethnic Affairs
Commission – Kerkyasharian reveals he will not seek to renew his
contract after September. He has outlasted six premiers, from Nick
Greiner to Kristina Keneally, and has worked happily with both sides
of politics, including with seventh premier Barry O’Farrell, who
describes him as a “hero of multiculturalism”.

Kerkyasharian has played shuttle diplomat between the politicians and
Sydney’s immigrant communities. He has helped extinguish spotfires of
racial tension that at times seemed they would engulf us: following
the assassination of Cabramatta MP John Newman; the first Gulf War;
the September 11 attacks; riots at Whitlam Park and Arncliffe mosque;
the Lakemba police station shooting; the Cronulla riots.

“I’ve had my share of death threats,” he says. “On one occasion I had
people sitting outside my house with balaclavas. Once I was followed
over the Harbour Bridge. Mostly I think it’s people letting off
steam.”

Kerkyasharian prefers to measure his commission’s success by the long
absences of headlines. Foreign diplomats visit it regularly, he says,
because they recognise its vital part in the success of Australian
multiculturalism, which is the envy of the world. To understand his
part in that success, we need to go back to the Cyprus of British
colonial rule. Here, young Stepan sewed hemlines to help his
dressmaker mother, Zarouhi. He packed shelves in a shop to pay for his
fees at the English School.
“There were three aisles in our classes,” he recalls. “The Greek kids
sat on one side, the Turks on the other, and the Armenians, Maronites,
and English sat together in the middle. It was quite clear
segregation, a mini-apartheid. Not a single teacher ever said I want
to mix these children together.”

Some of those Greek and Turkish classmates, he has been told since,
became paramilitaries and then leaders on either side of a bloody
conflict. “Our school was firebombed a couple of times,” he says.

The Kerkyasharian home in Nicosia was only 30 metres from the
barbed-wire division between the Greek and Turkish communities.

At 17, in 1960, he bought a plane ticket and, with £10 to his name,
moved to London. It was the year Cyprus gained independence. Under the
new constitution, opportunities for Greeks and Turks were entrenched.
The chances of an Armenian getting a good public service job were
“zilch”.

Stepan studied electronics. He became a manager at a nightclub. He
worked in production engineering for navigation systems. In London, he
also met Brenda, an Armenian girl raised in India. But Stepan had
plans to move again.

Back in his school days, a student had brought in a brochure from
Trans World Airlines. Its cover picture, of a turtle on a white-sand
beach, had entranced Stepan. That was where he wanted to live, so he
told Brenda: “I’m going to Australia. I’m going to become successful
and rich, and I’ll send for you.” She replied: “No, if you don’t take
me now, I won’t ever come.” With her parents’ blessing, they married.
Stepan was 23, Brenda just 18. It was 1967 and they boarded a boat for
Australia. His parents would follow the next year.

Kerkyasharian would never find that beach with the turtle but, in
Sydney, he joined the Medical Instruments Company and worked on early
designs for electrocardiograms and blood-pressure monitors. He was
also making connections with Armenians, who delegated him in 1968 to
answer a call to Canberra. Two immigration officials informed
Kerkyasharian that his people would no longer need to assimilate.
Rather, they could integrate, meaning they could hang on to their
culture. “Assimilation had been an appeasement – it was spin. Of
course, it failed. Australians soon said, ‘They still look funny. They
still talk funny.”‘

In the early 1970s, the Whitlam government was to launch a universal
healthcare system but realised it could not reach hundreds of
thousands of people who spoke no English. It used emergency powers to
create radio stations 2EA and 3EA – for ethnic Australia.

“But at this stage, it had nothing to do with multiculturalism,”
Kerkyasharian says. “No news was allowed, only music and incessant
announcements about Medibank and how good it was for you. It was only
meant to last a few months but, once they started it, politically it
became impossible to shut them down.”

SBS Radio at first broadcast in eight languages, then in another 11,
and then in another 26, including Armenian. For three years, from
1976, Kerkyasharian was the volunteer host of a weekly show. He later
became Sydney station manager, then SBS’s head of radio.

The biggest challenge, he says, was news and bias. Standards could be
appalling. Foreign governments pushing propaganda would provide
volunteer announcers with free packaged programs. “There was one
broadcaster who’d arrive, go to the boot of his car, bring in the
tapes and just let them run. Some of it was offensive; some would
create inter-communal conflict.”

By 1988, he and Brenda had three children. But that year, in a case of
medical malpractice, Brenda died after a hysterectomy. She was only
39. In the same year, Kerkyasharian became chairman of the Ethnic
Affairs Commission.

A Sun-Herald reporter asked him then if he had thought of changing his
name, apparently to make it easier for people to pronounce. “I said I
already had changed it. She asked, ‘What was it before?’ I said it
used to be Smith.”

A sense of humour would serve him well in his new role. So would a
sense of purpose. That purpose was to engage with communities, to
learn their concerns and to act on them. Following the 1994
assassination of Newman, there was widespread anxiety about Asian
gangs. Months later, with the support of new premier Bob Carr, “I went
there with my staff. Four of us walked the streets of Cabramatta …
we saw people lining up to buy drugs in front of home units. We saw
people lying on the street, out of their brains, drugged out.”

He recommended a City Watch program, employed a liaison officer to
knock on doors, and ran a forum where tables of 10 residents sat with
a police officer and an interpreter. “We heard their concerns and went
through the list, one by one. The broken street light was fixed. The
dirty creek was cleaned up. Police would investigate the brothel next
door.”

It became a model for connecting with communities. It was the model
for dealing with Indian students when they became the victims of
violence. “Racism is not something you can let simmer,” Kerkyasharian
says. “It doesn’t simmer. It explodes.”

On this measure, he says, NSW can be proud as the pioneer of the
Community Relations Commission model. It was in the early and
mid-2000s – after September 11, Tampa, the Cronulla riots – that he
was less impressed with the response from federal politicians, on both
sides of the fence. “We got to the point where political leaders were
making statements in support of multiculturalism, then looking over
their shoulder in case someone heard them say it.”

He saw it as a reversion to worst instincts. “Whether we like it or
not, racism … is part of human nature. It is the mark of a
civilisation to rise above that. And that requires constant political
leadership.”

It is a point that brings him back to Manuel, his father. In the early
1980s, at his son’s urging, Manuel taped his account of the genocide –
about eight hours of recordings – on the condition that Stepan not
listen to it until after his death. Manuel died in Sydney in 1996, at
91. Since then, his account has become a book, selling six print runs
in Turkey.

“That has been possible because my father told this story with no
hatred or bitterness. He simply recorded what happened … He always
said, ‘I should have died when I was nine. This life is a gift from
God.”‘

Soon after his mother’s suicide, Manuel’s father also died on the
road. Left alone and naked – because children had stolen his clothes –
Manuel was approached by some Turkish women. One wanted to kill him
but another, “took the swaddle off [her] baby and wrapped it around me
like a skirt”. She took him to her home, washed and dressed him.

“To me,” says Kerkyasharian, “that is very instructive. A lot of these
enmities, the violence and hatred, are simply generated by the
leadership. It is not the people.”

Manuel spent the next nine years hopping from village to village,
working here, sheltered there, until he found a people smuggler.
Ultimately he landed in Cyprus, reunited at last with one of his four
sisters.

Fifteen years ago, Kerkyasharian found “great happiness” when he
married Hilda, also of Armenian roots. Three years ago, they visited
Armenia for the first time. “Now it is time for me to take it a bit
easier, to do some community work.”

And perhaps go searching for that elusive beach with the turtle.

http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/a-force-for-harmony-20130510-2jdbg.html

Documentary Filmmaker Robert Davidian To Screen "Armenian Activists

DOCUMENTARY FILMMAKER ROBERT DAVIDIAN TO SCREEN “ARMENIAN ACTIVISTS NOW-BIRTH OF A MOVEMENT”

By admin Updated: May 7, 2013

GLENDALE, – on Thursday, May 23, 2013, at 7pm the Glendale Library,
Arts & Culture, has invited the documentary filmmaker Robert Davidian
to screen his documentary film “Armenian Activists Now – Birth of a
Movement”. The 41 minute film is in English, with Armenian subtitles.

The Glendale Central Library Auditorium is located at 222 East Harvard
Street in Glendale. Admission is free; seating is limited. Library
visitors receive 3 hours FREE parking across the street at The Market
Place parking structure with validation at the Loan Desk. The program
is sponsored by the Library, Arts & Culture Department.

Davidian completed the production of “Armenian Activists Now –
Birth of a Movement” in 2012. The documentary film shows the birth
of activism in Armenia as told by the activists themselves. It aims
to inspire change in Armenia. Davidian’s documentary focuses on hope
and change. A change that is based on social and political justice,
rule of law and participation by all.

http://massispost.com/archives/8548

Charles Aznavour " La Liberation De Chouchi A Ouvert La Voie Ï¿½ Des

CHARLES AZNAVOUR ” LA LIBERATION DE CHOUCHI A OUVERT LA VOIE À DES FUTURES VICTOIRES DU PEUPLE ARMENIEN ”

Le 8 mai a Genève, le chanteur Charles Aznavour, Ambassadeur d’Armenie
en Suisse et de nombreux invites ont participe au Centre armenien a
la rencontre dediee au 21e anniversaire de la liberation de Chouchi
(Haut Karabagh). Dans son discours d’ouverture de la rencontre,
Charles Aznavour a affirme l’importance de la liberation de Chouchi
dans la victoire du peuple armenien du Haut Karabagh, une victoire qui
en appela d’autres. Hovhannès Guevorguian, le Representant permanent
de la Republique du Haut Karabagh en France a de son côte insiste
sur l’importance historique de la liberation de Chouchi pour l’Artsakh.

Selon Hovhannès Guevorguian, cette victoire cristallisa l’unite
de la nation armenienne d’Armenie, de l’Artsakh (Haut Karabagh)
et de la diaspora. H. Guevorguian presenta egalement la situation
actuelle et le developpement de la Republique du Haut Karabagh. Une
projection completa ces propos. Enfin, le père Haïrig Hovhannissian
de l’eglise armenienne Sourp Hagop (Saint Jacques) de Genève, saluant
les invites pour la Journee de la Victoire a appele a la paix pour
le peuple armenien de l’Artsakh afin de renforcer et developper
la Republique du Haut Karabagh libere du joug azeri. Une reception
completa la rencontre.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 12 mai 2013, Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=89608

What Will Result From Upcoming "Favorable" Years

What Will Result From Upcoming “Favorable” Years

Serzh Sargsyan stated during the meeting of government that the
electoral period is over, and since 2008 this is the most favorable
period for effective performance. He considered the electoral period
successful but expected very specific results from the government.

The electoral period was successful for the government because an
absolute victory was achieved at all the levels. During this period
Serzh Sargsyan was able to neutralize the political field and make it
comply with the rules of his game with one configuration or another.
At the Special Investigative Service Sargsyan conveyed to the public
administration system that everyone must be his stooge.

The first term of Serzh Sargsyan’s administration did not achieve any
result in terms of public life and solution of actual problems. The
logic of the first term was the reshuffle, while the global crisis and
the heritage of the previous government was offered as a
justification.

Leaving the composition of the government the same, Serzh Sargsyan
showed that either he does not control the situation or he is likely
to continue along the same path. The second is more probable because
the only new statement of the new government was about rise of
pensions and salaries. They may boost pensions and salaries because
the new tax package enables scribing additional revenues off the SMEs.
No new concept and economic policy was declared, which means that the
policy of the previous term will continue. This policy was not aimed
at ensuring a favorable business climate, competitive market and equal
opportunities in Armenia, reduction of tax avoidance, reforms in the
faulty economic system. The oligopolies exist and have become
stronger, monopolies have emerged in `intellectual’ branches of the
economy. Mines, banks and imports remain priorities with their former
nature and structure.

There is one more circumstance which testifies that the `new’
government will continue in accordance with the previous term. Even
though Serzh Sargsyan announces about the most favorable period,
2017-2018 is the next period of national elections, and Serzh Sargsyan
will have to think about transfer of power. The activities of the
government will be aimed at this.

Perhaps the only positive output of Serzh Sargsyan’s first term is the
neutralization of the political field and political forces, especially
the opposition. The Armenian political class is a buffer for the
criminal oligarchic groups. On the one hand, it performed the role of
a political sign, on the other hand, the role of neutralizing the
rights of the society.

Now that this buffer has been removed, the society is ridding of
illusions created by the opposition, the alternative, the government
that someone will come and resolve its problems. There are two vivid
examples. The first is in one of the regions of Ararat where the
village people destroyed the orchard of the head of the village who
had falsified the election. The second is the small village of Martz
in Lori region which fights heroically against the construction of the
water power plant.

This is the way when the society deliberated from illusions and
falsehood takes its destiny in its hands. Unfortunately, it is a
little late but better late than never. When the country lacks a
government in the direct sense of the word, when the political class
is a group of criminals and traders, there are two ways, emigrate or
resist. Unfortunately, the first dominates and is encouraged by the
government and the opposition but the second is infectious.

The government has felt the real danger, and in the upcoming
`favorable years’ the society will witness the next RPA-PAP clownery
with an ANC-ARF garnish. However, the society has gained a good
quality over these years. It mocks `serious’ politicians.

Haik Aramyan
16:54 10/05/2013
Story from Lragir.am News:

http://www.lragir.am/index.php/eng/0/comments/view/29847

"Massacre" of trees in front of Taron Margaryan’s house

“Massacre” of trees in front of Taron Margaryan’s house (photos)

2013-05-11 13:03:03

The civil initiative “We – the owners of this city,” issued a
statement, which says about the “massacre” of trees right in front of
the house of the Mayor of Yerevan Taron Margaryan.

http://lurer.com/?p=99545&l=en

Vahagn Hayrapetyan and Daniel Kramer to perform joint concert

Vahagn Hayrapetyan and Daniel Kramer to perform joint concert

14:54, 11 May, 2013

YEREVAN, MAY 11, ARMENPRESS: The pianist and the founder of Katuner
ethnic jazz band Vahagn Hayrapetyan and the famous Russian jazzman
Daniel Kramer will give a joint concert in Yerevan at the Aram
Khachaturyan Concert Hall on May 12. As Armenpress was reported by the
organizer of the concert TM Production, on May 12 the presentation of
the joint CD of the musicians will take place at the Club.

After the concert at the Aram Khachaturyan Concert Hall, on the same
day at 22:00 a concert evening will be held at Mezzo Classic House
Club as well.

The founder of Katuner, Vahagn Hayrapetyan, is one of the most famous
and popular jazz musicians performing on today’s Armenian stage. For a
long time, he has been delivering his brand of close harmony by
performing in a swing and pop style and also by playing in a trio he
created.

Currently Daniel Kramer is an art-director of many Russian jazz
festivals. Kramer is the establisher of existing for a long time
unique touring subscription “Jazz Music at Academic Halls” enjoying
great success in many cities of Russia. Daniel Kramer is also engaged
in organization and holding of professional jazz contests in Russia.
In 1994 Daniel Kramer for the first time in the history of Moscow
State Conservatory opened a class of jazz improvisation. Collections
of jazz pieces and adaptations of Kramer’s music themes published by
various publishers became very popular in Russia.

Freedom fighters demand reviewing their pensions and social guarante

Freedom fighters demand reviewing their pensions and social guarantees
(photos, video)

13:04 – 11.05.13

A freedom fighter Volodya Avetisyan has been striking today in the
Liberty Square demanding from the government to radically review
social guarantees and pensions of the freedom fighters.

Not even managing to open his posters, policemen approached him and
took invited to the police station.

Tert.am correspondent reached the site where other two freedom
fighters came to support him. Harutyun Partamyan said though he is not
Volodya’s friend but came to assist him. `If the government fails to
pay attention to the issues of freedom fighters the Liberty Square
will be full of them,’ he said.

Partamyan is working as a guard and lives in a garage in Yerevan. He
served in 5th brigade headed by Manvel Grigoryan.
The former freedom fighter said he was in line to get apartment but
when his turn came they refused to give him for not having
registration in Yerevan and not being Armenia’s citizen.

In a statement released yesterday a group of freedom fighters were
claiming that the government does everything to pay small pensions to
them.

Later Volodya Avetisyan returned, saying that he went to the police
station to `report’ to Yerevan police chief Ashot Karapetyan. The
latter did not try to persuade him to stop the strike. Avetisyan said
he will stop it at Tuesday night.

He stressed that the government should focus on the issues of freedom
fighters as they cannot keep family with 50,000-60,000 AMD.

http://www.tert.am/en/news/2013/05/11/azatamartik/

Former Connecticut Secretary of the State Julia Tashjian dies at 74

Former Connecticut Secretary of the State Julia Tashjian dies at 74

May 11, 2013 – 11:26 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Former Connecticut Secretary of the State Julia
Tashjian, who died suddenly on Thursday, May 9, of a heart attack, is
being mourned by those who knew her both personally and in her role as
a public official, Journal Inquirer reports.

Tashjian, a Democrat, was 74 years old.

`Julia will be missed by all who knew her,’ Gov. Dannel Malloy said in
a statement. `I will remember Julia for her years of public service,
cheerful demeanor, and pride in her Armenian American heritage.’

Lavrov says Russian airbase in Belarus no threat to Europe

Lavrov says Russian airbase in Belarus no threat to Europe

May 11, 2013 – 13:07 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Friday,
May 10, that possible establishment of a Russian airbase in Belarus
should not be seen as a response to U.S. missile defense plans in
Europe, according to RIA Novosti.

`I see no reasons to worry about this issue,’ Lavrov said at a press
conference with German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle and his
Polish counterpart Radoslaw Sikorski in Warsaw.

The foreign minister said Russia and Belarus are a `unified military
space,’ adding: `No matter if there are Belarusian or Russian planes
there, nothing will change… We are protecting our border [the border
of the Union State of Russia and Belarus].’

Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu said last month Russia plans to
base fighter jets at a military airbase in Belarus, with a first wing
due to arrive there later this year. `We hope that an Air Force
regiment will be here by 2015 to protect our borders,’ he said.

Belarus borders NATO nations Poland, Latvia and Lithuania. NATO
nations now fly combat air patrols from the Baltic states close to
Russian airspace, an issue that has previously been viewed with
concern in Moscow.

Half a Word About Tigran Sargsyan Doesn’t Mean That Sukiasyan Will B

`Half a Word About Tigran Sargsyan Doesn’t Mean That Sukiasyan Will Be
`Persecuted’ Now’

May 10 2013

Vardan Harutyunyan, the manager of the Rights and Freedom Center, on
internal political problems.

* Compared to the powerful popular tide of protests against the government
in 2008, the Armenian opposition is in quite a poor condition, `idling
away’ a whole electoral period. The opposition was hardly represented in
the parliament, the main opposition forces didn’t participate in the
presidential election, they made elevated political statements about
`taking the Bastille’ during the whole mayoral election campaign, as a
result, we have what we have. The political forces have `washed their
hands’ with their post-election statements. What is the reason for the
opposition camp’s failure; is the government more cynical or perhaps the
oppositionists are less honest with the people?

* The oppositionists are not dishonest. Both in our country and everywhere
else, the opposition takes on a task of criticizing the government for its
shortcomings. What should the Armenian opposition do that they don’t? This
government buys votes, fires people for their political orientation,
deprives them of businesses, persecutes and imprisons. I don’t think it is
fair to compare the government with the opposition. The opposition won the
2008 presidential election. And it is easy to stand by the winner. People,
even government officials, MPs would come to the square. Let us remember
February 26 when even the people gathered for Serzh Sargsyan’s rally came
and joined the opposition. The popular movement was powerful. The
government was not ready to hand over power then, as well as now. And Levon
Ter-Petrossian was and still is against solving issues with force. Long
before the election, in the period of nominating candidates and during the
election campaign, it was already clear that the government was not going
to take into account the election results. And the government started to
use brute force against the opposition that ruled out using force and
intended to act only in accordance with the law, using at first the
taxation office and the police, then the internal troops and the army.
Unprecedented persecutions began, supporters of the opposition candidate
were put into prison, were compelled to hide, leave the country. Well, in
the period of these repressions when the opposition was not the `winner’
any longer, naturally, people left the square and the opposition’s office
and the oppositionists. This is both natural and logical. It is so always
and everywhere. It never is otherwise. As a result, the oppositionists
weaken and split. Ours were not able and wouldn’t have been able to avoid
these logical developments either. If one cannot solve issues in the short
pre-election period, one should be ready for a long, hard, and exhausting
struggle when the disappointed leave, former supporters curse, and the
supporters defect to the opposite camp. When they blame you for all the
misfortunes. In this case, achieving big success, winning victories every
day becomes difficult or impossible. One is also compelled not to
participate in elections when one weighs the gains and the losses from
participation. As for the Yerevan City Council election, there is not much
to say. In this game called `elections,’ politics lost to money. We can
assert that the disgraceful phenomenon of buying votes has finally been
rooted in our country. From now on, it will be this way, and all those who
are preparing for the upcoming elections should take this into account.

* Analyzing the political events that had taken place and were taking
place, Sasun Mikayelyan, an active participant in the popular movement,
said yesterday: `Levon Ter-Petrossian left the powerful army in the square;
he has just started to gather people for three-month maneuvers. And this is
the result.’ Does he mean the newly-established party? What role can the
new party that has less influence than the Armenian National Congress (ANC)
Coalition play, in your opinion? * In response to your first question, I
have already stated that if movements cannot achieve success within a very
short period of time, within a few hours or several days, they are
compelled to prepare for a long and hard struggle, the future of which is
often not visible to many people. While talking about the Armenian National
Congress Coalition, one should always remember what ordeals it has gone
through since March 1, 2008. The repressions and persecutions that this
coalition went through are hard to endure. They endured. The people become
excited as quickly as they become disappointed. And this disappointment
brings about many minor and major, solvable and insolvable everyday
problems. The fall of the movement starts. This is normal. And the one who
prepares for a long struggle and realizes the above-mentioned regularity
should create such a system that can endure a long struggle. A party is
such a system. I am not partisan by nature and will not be. However, in the
current situation, I think Ter-Petrossian has found the way of
consolidating his supporters and putting up a long struggle. Time will tell
what results it will yield. The movement that was in the form of the ANC, a
coalition of different parties, had been good, had played an important
part, had played a big part in the country’s political life, but such
rumblings had already started inside it that it couldn’t last for long.
Either it had played its part already or those who wanted to ruin it had
achieved success. It was high time that they made new decisions. In the
end, instead of criticizing the newly-established political force, one had
better wish it good luck.

* By the way, another active participant in the popular movement, Khachatur
Sukiasyan, said in an interview given to Radio Liberty yesterday that
Tigran Sargsyan was a reformist. Do you agree? * It is hard to call Tigran
Sargsyan `reformist,’ but it is an opinion, and the man expressed his
opinion. That part of the conversation has continuation. In response to a
question why Tigran Sargsyan didn’t reform then, Khachatur Sukiasyan said
that he thought the political system was to blame for that, not he. This is
a more important idea than calling Tigran Sargsyan `reformist.’ Even if T.
Sargsyan was a reformist, he wouldn’t be able to reform anything, since the
political system of the country wouldn’t allow him to do that. And if a
real reformist was appointed to that office instead of Tigran Sargsyan, he,
coming across the political system mentioned by Khachatur Sukiasyan, would
have to either change and become Tigran Sargsyan or resign. Sukiasyan was
the first businessman who, disregarding real dangers and threats, made his
choice and stood by the movement that was targeted by the government. I
don’t think that he didn’t realize the gravity of the situation. I am sure
that he made a considered and thought-out decision. As opposed to many
businessmen, considering his public speeches, he has his own conception of
the country’s development and economic system, which he clearly expresses
without taking into account whether the government will like it or not. I
haven’t heard him regret or change the choice he made at the time, for all
the persecutions against him, his family members, and their businesses. And
half a word or half an idea about Tigran Sargsyan doesn’t mean that
Sukiasyan should be `persecuted’ in the popular movement.

* A new Cabinet was formed with partial changes among the ministers of the
economic cluster. The ruling Republican Party of Armenia (RPA)
representatives talk about radical changes every day, which we will feel at
first hand. Can the old and new Cabinet make radical changes, using its
whole resource? * Every Cabinet can make radical changes, if it takes on
that task with due seriousness. We come across the above-mentioned system
again? What task does the president assign to the Prime Minister? If he
continues to demand that the Prime Minister ensure that his relatives,
businessmen who `bring votes’ for him during elections, specimens who
organized and participated in the events of March 1, the criminals that
`work’ for him are above the law, are out of the taxation and customs
systems’ sight, if he creates such an atmosphere that even his friends will
offshore their financial means, given the risk of losing them, if the
country’s economy continues to be divided into friends and enemies, if the
country’s political life remains in the same condition with justice
submitted to the president’s will, a poor condition of human rights, and
an
inflated and callous bureaucratic system, there can be no change.

Interviewed NELLY GRIGORYAN Aravot Daily

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