Verelq: The “Terrorism of the Century” hypothesis is collapsing

The evaluation of the independent experts of the UN, which cast doubt on the legal basis of the charges of terrorism brought against Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan and the members of the “Holy Struggle”, is a serious blow to the official version promoted by the government for a year.


Experts have expressed concern that the case may indicate abuse of anti-terror legislation and restriction of fundamental rights. They also drew attention to the fact that the investigation selectively released the tapes of the wiretapped conversations, while preventing the defense from releasing the parts it believed had exculpatory significance. This circumstance raises serious questions not only about the impartiality of the preliminary investigation, but also about the fairness of the entire trial.


It is not difficult to remember what kind of propaganda campaign the government organized just a year ago, presenting this case as the discovery of the “terror of the century”. At the beginning of the government session, Nikol Pashinyan publicly thanked the law enforcement agencies, and the “Civil Agreement” faction issued a condemning statement on behalf of the National Assembly regarding the “terrorist group”, even though the court had not yet started the investigation of the case. In fact, the political authority had already published its “sentence”.


Today, however, not only the validity of the accusation, but also the impartiality of the government and law enforcement agencies are questioned at the international expert level. In the context of the UN assessments, there is clearly a concern that the criminal prosecution could have been motivated by political motives and used to put pressure on the opposition.


It is symbolic that today another controversial decision was recorded in the same case. Judge Farkhoyan refused to change the house arrest imposed on NA MP Artur Sargsyan, ignoring the 2021 legal position of the Constitutional Court, according to which the status of a deputy implies his immediate release, if the National Assembly did not give the appropriate consent for the restriction of immunity.


However, the conclusion of the UN experts on this case has a much deeper significance. It reveals a systemic problem. if international experts question the factual and legal basis of one of the most noisy criminal cases of the government, then sooner or later the same questions will arise regarding other cases with political implications. There are reasons to believe that the cases initiated against many political figures who are in prison today will also not withstand the legal and international professional examination over time.


In authoritarian systems, justice stops serving the law and starts serving the government. Under these conditions, accusations are often made not on the basis of indisputable evidence, but on the basis of political expediency, and the courts and law enforcement agencies are turned into instruments serving the will of the government.


As a rule, time is the strongest examiner. The cases constructed by political order may serve the interests of the government for some time, but in the end, their factual and legal bankruptcy is revealed. This assessment by UN experts is another important evidence of that process.


Political scientist Suren Surenyants




Two Armenian military institutions become associate network partners of the Eu

Armenia14:16, 22 July 2026
Read the article in: فارسی, Armenian, Russian:

The Vazgen Sargsyan Military Academy and the National Defence Research University of Armenia’s Ministry of Defence have become Associate Network Partners of the European Security and Defence College (ESDC), Armenian Defence Minister Suren Papikyan said in a Facebook post.

“Since July 20, the Vazgen Sargsyan Military Academy and the National Defence Research University of the Ministry of Defence have joined the European Security and Defence College family as Associate Network Partners,” Papikyan wrote.

The Armenian Ministry of Defence also issued a statement on the matter.

“Based on the recommendation of the Executive Academic Board of the European Security and Defence College on June 11, the College’s Steering Committee unanimously approved the candidacies of the Vazgen Sargsyan Military Academy and the National Defence Research University on July 3, granting them the status of Associate Network Partners. The matter was subsequently submitted to the European Union member states for approval under the silence procedure.

Earlier, on June 10-11, a delegation led by Major General Artur Yeroyan, Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Armenia, participated in a meeting of the Executive Academic Board of the European Security and Defence College at the European Commission headquarters in Brussels, during which the proposal to grant Associate Network Partner status to the National Defence Research University and the Vazgen Sargsyan Military Academy was discussed,” the statement said.

Read the article in: فارسی, Armenian, Russian:

Published by Armenpress, original at 

Armenian wrestlers to compete at Baku youth championship

OC Media
July 22 2026

Armenian wrestlers will compete in the U17 World Championship in Baku, marking the first time Armenian athletes have participated in events in Azerbaijan since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. The move comes as the two countries have taken unprecedented steps towards finalising a peace treaty to end decades of conflict.

According to the Armenian Wrestling Federation, almost 20 athletes will take part in the event, set to run from 27 July to 2 August.

Sarkhan Musayev, a spokesperson of the Azerbaijani Wrestling Federation, told OC Media that the Armenian national team reserved its earlier decision not to participate in the championship at the last minute.

‘Initially, the Armenian team was not planning to participate — this was widely reported in the Armenian press as well — but they changed their minds, and we will ensure their complete safety’, Musayev stated. There was no explanation provided for why the Armenian team originally opted not to participate, or why the decision was reversed.

In 2023, during the World Shooting Championships, the Armenia team registered to participate in the competition held in Baku, but later canceled, citing security concerns.

Previously, Armenian athletes competed in the Senior World Championships in Baku in 2007 and in events during the 2015 European Games.

Referring to those tournaments, Musayev said, ‘We did not encounter any problems in that regard such as security or any other incident’.

Over the decades of conflict, people with Armenian surnames — or even those that sound Armenian — can be denied entry into Azerbaijan, a practice that Baku has denied it enforces.

In 2014, Turkish athlete Zafer Noyan was denied entry to Azerbaijan, reportedly because his surname sounded Armenian.

The US State Department’s travel advisory for Armenia still reads, ‘law enforcement officials have at times detained individuals from Armenia or with Armenian surnames for questioning or denied them entry into the country’.

Nonetheless, Musayev assured OC Media there would be no issues at the border.

‘As for the Armenian athletes, all necessary measures are being taken to ensure there are no complications regarding their entry into or exit from the country’, Musayev said, adding that ‘all state agencies and security services have been informed about this world championship; they are acting in unison and providing us with support on this matter’.

The Armenian athletes will be accommodated in the Baku Athletes’ Village, designated for participants in competitions held in Azerbaijan.

Addressing the possibility of incidents between athletes, Musayev emphasised that the federation regularly holds discussions with Azerbaijani wrestlers on this subject:

‘We require our local athletes — both generally and immediately before competitions — to refrain from aggressive behaviour toward any opponent, whether Armenian, from another country, or of a different nationality, and to avoid accompanying victory celebrations with political statements’.

Musayev also reported that Russian athletes of Armenian descent would be participating in the competition.

However, US wrestler Galust Torosian, who is also of Armenian descent, declined to participate in the U17 World Championship in Baku, citing safety concerns.

About 15 thousand tons of fish are under threat: Armenian fish farmers demand

ARKA, Armenia
July 21, 2026
21.07.2026, 12:55

Armenian fish farmers held a protest rally outside the government building in Yerevan on Tuesday, declaring problems with the sale (export) of about 15 thousand tons of live fish.
YEREVAN, July 21. /ARKA/. Armenian fish farmers held a protest rally outside the government building in Yerevan on Tuesday, declaring problems with the sale (export) of about 15 thousand tons of live fish.

They are demanding a meeting with the Deputy Prime Minister to present their demands and receive comprehensive answers to determine further actions.

They stated that they did not want to meet again with representatives of the Ministry of Economy, since a meeting with Minister Gevorg Papoyan had already taken place, but the issues raised were not resolved within a month.

“At the meeting with the Deputy Prime Minister, we expect to discuss government support programs. The government has already implemented two programs, which, in our assessment, are unrealistic and will not lead to a positive result for the industry,” said the protesters.

Among the unresolved issues, they named the approval of regulations related to the export of fish to the European Union, as well as the provision of subsidies for exports.

According to protesters, the European market remains inaccessible to Armenian fish farmers.

“It is currently unrealistic to sell the volumes of products available to business entities, in particular about 15 thousand tons of live fish, as well as products stored in refrigerators and returned en route to Russia,” said the participants of the action.

According to them, the export of fish products to Russia has been closed since May 15. Fish farmers noted that they support entering the European market, but maintaining live fish requires constant costs.

The protesters also said that Armenian Minister of Economy Gevorg Papoyan promised to implement a program related to the cost of maintaining fish, but the corresponding project has not yet been presented.

About fish farming support programs

It was previously reported that the volume of government-subsidized supplies of fish products to the European Union will amount to 140 tons per year. The support amount is provided at 820 drams per kilogram of trout and 1350 drams per kilogram of sterlet.

On July 16, the Armenian government approved the procedure for registering companies in the EU trade control and expert support system, terminating registration, as well as issuing veterinary and sanitary certificates for the export of fish and fishery products from Armenia to EU countries.

Armenian Minister of Economy Gevorg Papoyan stated that the country has received official permission from the European Commission to export frozen and processed fish produced in Armenia, as well as other fish products. According to him, five Armenian companies have expressed interest in supplies to the EU market and are awaiting completion of the necessary procedures.

Over 80% of exports of fish and fishery products from Armenia have been sent to Russia for more than 20 years. Since mid-May, supplies of Armenian fish products to the Russian Federation have been suspended.

About assistance to exporters

Against the backdrop of restrictions, the Armenian government has expanded support for exporters in alternative markets, providing for compensation of part of transport costs and customs duties for deliveries to the EU, UK and Canada.

On July 2, the government extended the state export support program until July 2026, including fish, fresh and dried fruits and vegetables, as well as selected food and beverages in the list of subsidized products.

#ECONOMY

Review | Apricot Stone: Armenian shorts at the 2026 Golden Apricot Internation

OC Media
July 18, 2026

These 10 Armenian shorts delve into the tensions within Armenian society, from generational divides to unprocessed trauma and an obsession with death.

Still from the short film ‘Lola’.

The Golden Apricot International Film Festival’s short film competition Apricot Stone brings together 10 short Armenian films of any genre from five to 45 minutes. This year, the focus was on the ‘unease of the interior’, or as the festival’s daily magazine put it, on probing the ‘fraught tensions within Armenia’s own mental borders. The films all focus on emotions and trauma, often through characters struggling to handle their grief after losing a loved one, whether through old age, an accident, or war.

All are impressive works from some of Armenia’s most talented up-and-coming directors. Read on to see OC Media’s thoughts on this edition of Apricot Stone, and which films are not to miss.

Together Alone (2025)

Still from film.

★★★★☆

This 11-minute documentary by Arthur Sahakyan focuses on Shura, an elderly man residing in an ageing home whose wife Ofelya has recently passed.

The film opens with Ofelya’s wake — it then moves through time in a non-linear pattern, contrasting the couple’s joint existence with what remains for Shura now, his only company memories and a cat. This creative blending of footage is unusual for a documentary, giving the work a more narrative feel.

Aided by the film’s warm tones and introspective mood — there is little dialogue other than a humorous bathroom request; a priest’s prayers; and TV noise — Together Alone makes for an emotional experience, despite the short run-time.

Lola (2025)

Still from film.

★★★★☆

Russian–Armenian Tamara Ayrapetyan’s debut film focuses on a young, Armenian dancer (Inga Khachatryan) who is haunted by the English-language pop song that was playing when her sister died in a car crash. Fittingly, the song’s main lyrics are ‘get it out’, which, as her grief becomes too powerful to suppress, she does through the power of dance, turning her judged performance into an abstract piece of art through which she can finally engage with her emotions.

While the film is largely predictable due to its rather clichéd foundation, Ayrapetyan’s creative use of collage — through paper-cut outs, drawings, and 3-dimensional red string — breathes new life into the topic, making for a visually stunning 12-minute feature. Overall, it is an impressive debut, and it will be interesting to watch what Ayrapetyan will choose to focus on next, and whether she will continue to connect with her Armenian heritage.

Herostrat (2026)

Still from film.

3.5/5★

Arthur Nazaretian’s fourth short film follows Hamlet (Vahe Vayan), an office worker grappling with the death of his partner. Inspired by the themes of existentialist French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre, Nazaretian follows as Hamlet begins to experience deep rage at losing his partner, his resentment towards everything else remaining the same boiling up inside of him until finally bursting out in a series of destructive acts.

It is rather fitting that the main character be named Hamlet, though perhaps a little too on the nose, as he begins to spiral into insanity, prodded by the haunting whispers of his deceased lover. This exploration of madness and unprocessed trauma is aided by the film’s saturation in blue-green tones, increasing the feature’s eeriness, as Hamlet’s emotions and actions are both understandable yet a step too far.

It’s an interesting work, but one that sometimes struggles to fill its 20-minute run-time, focusing too much attention on abstract scenes that do little to push the story forward.

Paid Mourners (2026)

Still from film.

★★★★★

The stand-out feature of the 2026 Apricot Stone selection is clearly this 35-minute short by Ovsanna Gevorgyan.

The film follows 16-year-old Margo (Armine Avetisyan), a rising TikTok star and K-pop lover who struggles to understand her elderly grandmother Bavo (Tigranuhi Ter-Martirosyan) and her work as a professional mourner. When Bavo decides she only has a few more days to live, she embarks on a frenzied task to educate Margo and prepare her to take over the family tradition. There is just one major issue — Margo has never been able to cry without hiccuping loudly, something likely to cause concern at the funerals and wakes where she would perform.

Gevorgyan does excellent work balancing the film’s humour with its deeper messages of how to experience grief in a modern society where everything is curated and can be swiped past. There is a clear generational divide between Bavo and Margo, with the latter failing to understand, at least at the beginning of the film, her grandmother’s words on how one must accept death as fact to truly live. Margo is tempted by other life paths as well, as a young man attempts to court her, convinced that the path to success lies in becoming a couple and opening up a TikTok shop.

The film also excellently portrays the ongoing gender dynamics at play in both the _expression_ of grief — where for men it is a weakness and women a domain of power — and in the everyday lives of the village women. In one scene, as the pair wander through a graveyard, Bavo tells Margo about how she mourned each person, while also telling her a bit about their lives. For a woman who spent her whole marriage being brutally beaten by her husband, Bavo gathered all of the professional mourners in the region, all of them women, to remember the woman — and perhaps warn her husband that all of these women knew what he did and would support each other.

Gevorgyan is now working on her feature debut film, which, if this short is anything to go by, will be well worth watching upon release.

Relic (2026)

Still from film.

★★★★☆

Sona Khachatryan’s first short fiction film follows Minas (Alex Melkonyan), a blind boy who struggles living in a household in which his father despises him. The boy’s only source of comfort is his loving grandmother — to Minas, she represents warmth, the reds and oranges of the sunset she describes to him, while his father is the coldness of ice.

One day, his father forces Minas to join him on a hunt, telling him to grab the rabbit he has shot. When Minas finds the rabbit, however, it appears perfectly whole, no injuries in sight — it is the first sign that Minas might have magical abilities to heal. Everything comes with a cost however, and soon after, the grandmother dies, with Minas being sent to live with the local priest.

Throughout the 23-minute film, Khachatryan explores how people with disabilities are treated in rural Armenia. The villagers look at Minas with fear and distaste, wondering why he wasn’t sent away to the orphanage, something his father clearly desired. Their narcissism is further cemented when, after the priest dies, the villagers immediately rush to the church to argue over how it should be repurposed for their own personal gain. Amidst these arguments, Minas wanders away, returning to the nature he so loves.

Relic is a beautifully atmospheric film, imbibed with folklore and wonder. It is no wonder Khachatryan will be included in the 2027 Next Step Studio programme by the Cannes Film Festival’s Critics’ Week.

A Quiet Blue (2026)

Still from film.

3.5/5★

This black-and-white short by Ovsanna Shekoyan follows 19-year-old Albert (Arnold Ghazaryan), a veteran of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War who is haunted by his lingering PTSD.

The film opens at a doctor’s office, as Albert recounts his recent experiences — his fear at leaving the house without friends, his attempts to follow through with the mandated VR therapy. There are no details about what he actually went through, the focus is instead only on the ongoing effects of trauma.

The focus then switches to an afternoon out with his friends as they hunt down a drug cache in an abandoned sanatorium. It is implied that a police crackdown on drugs is ongoing, perhaps as a result of increased trade stemming from unprocessed trauma from the conflict. A sense of foreboding follows the characters, with warnings to be cautious by one friend summarily dismissed by another, laying down the seeds of what is to come.

The film embraces the abstract, focusing on memory rather than cohesive story-telling. It is an atmospheric film, yet it never quite conveys to the audience the true depth of what Albert is experiencing, the lack of an emotional bond between the audience and the character weakening the film’s impact.

Kafka (2026)

Still from film.

★★★★☆

This surreal fiction debut by Vahan Khachatryan follows a young man named Grigor Grigoryan (Aren Voskanyan) who wakes up one day believing himself transformed into the 20th-century Czech writer Franz Kafka. It is a play, of course, on Kafka’s own novella The Metamorphosis in which a character named Gregor wakes up to find himself inexplicably transformed into a huge insect.

In Khachatryan’s version, however, Grigoryan simply wakes up feeling profound sorrow, frailty, and an emptiness in life — classic markers of depression. Has he really woken up as Kafka, or is he just attempting to understand these darker emotions for the first time?

The 16-minute film follows Grigoryan as he traverses Yerevan, attempting to talk to various people about what has happened to him, with each giving him their own solutions. His father suggests getting married or drinking; his feasting friend tells him to just eat something; a basketball player believes sports is the only answer; and so on. Eventually, Grigoryan ends up back where he started, his bedroom at home, this time, however, making his own decisions, embarking on a strange, frenzied dance through which it appears his emotions are released, presumably for the better.

For Those (2026)

Still from film.

★★★★☆

This French–Belgian–Armenian co-production by Emile Parseghian, his debut film, explores diaspora relations through a grieving family.

The film follows the French–Armenian Levon, or Léon (Louis Memmi), returning to Armenia for the first time in years to attend the burial of his cousin Hrant, who died six months earlier on the front-lines of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. No longer able to speak Armenian, Léon struggles to connect with his relatives, especially his younger cousin (Artyom Avetisyan), who has his own methods of coping with his brother’s death and begins to view Léon as a tourist, unable to understand Armenia’s reality.

It is an emotional film, showing how distance can harm even the closest of bonds, as differing experiences create different understandings and opinions of the world and our places within it. Parseghian also masterfully captures the pain of Armenia’s youth, who have seen their older male relatives off to war, many to not return, and their own fears and desires that have emerged as a result.

Dialogues Solitaires (2026)

Still from film.

4.5/5★

Beirut-born Serouj Hovsepian’s latest short, a French–Armenian co-production, explores missed connections and the meaning of love during one Parisian night.

The film centres around Aren (Vincent Pasdermadjian), a young man in love with his flatmate Van (Bleu Binet), who himself appears to be in love with a woman named Léa. Unable to confess his true feelings, Aren leaves the flat for a local queer bar, where he comes across an old flame, Théo (Victorien Bonnet). The two, after some awkward first moments, eventually settle into a conversation, Aren finally opening up about the love he feels towards Van and Théo explaining what really happened two years ago, and his own stronger feelings for Aren.

Though a simple premise, the emotional depth of conversation between the two men makes for captivating viewing. Their experiences are familiar and relatable to all, yet are told in a way that opens up the viewer to think about their own past loves in new ways.

The Eternal Red (2025)

Still from film.

3.5/5★

Though only 11 minutes, this short Armenian–German co-production by Naira Sargsyan manages to pack a wealth of story in — perhaps, at times, too much.

The film opens as a one-armed man (Armen Kerobyan) steps into a photo exhibition titled ‘War: The Eternal Red’. As visitors blithely comment on the various images, making banal statements about what they see or planning where to go clubbing next, the man stands apart, accompanied only by a scarred man (Sargis Manukyan). Both transfixed on a photo showing a prisoner exchange, the setting making it clear that both men are present in the photo, from opposing sides. Yet here, in this gallery, they are the only two who understand what war is, drawing them together.

It is an interesting premise, yet one that is weakened by trying to over-emphasise the lack of understanding from the modern youth towards these surviving soldiers. At one point, anti-plastic protesters enter the exhibition, throwing red paint all over the photos and asking the veterans why they aren’t speaking up. The scene is over-the-top, draining the fraught emotions that were building up between the two men. Torn between these different foci, the film does not quite live up to what it could have been.

All films were screened in Yerevan on 17 July 2026 as part of the 23rd Golden Apricot International Film Festival.


Armenia’s strategic pivot from Russia to the West

GIS Reports
July 16 2026

Armenia’s warming relations with Europe, Turkiye and Azerbaijan are both a product and a driver of fading Russian influence in the South Caucasus.

n a nutshell

  • The EPC Summit showcased political transformations in the South Caucasus
  • Armenia has lost faith in Russia and is turning firmly toward Europe
  • Relations with historical foes Turkiye and Azerbaijan are also warming
  • For comprehensive insights, tune into our AI-powered podcast here

Geopolitics in the South Caucasus has long been rooted in a tension between two centers of gravity. One is represented by the North-South Transport Corridor that links Russia with Iran, and the other by the emerging east-west corridor, also known as the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route or simply the Middle Corridor, that links China with Europe. The relative importance of each corridor for the South Caucasus is fundamentally shifting, to the detriment of Russia. Although Moscow retains clout in Georgia, across the remainder of the region its influence is waning fast. By far the best illustration may be found in Armenia.

EPC highlights Armenia’s westward pivot

Long considered one of Russia’s closest allies, Armenia is part of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, has participated in Russian military drills and hosts the largest Russian military base outside the Russian Federation. However, its loyalty to the Kremlin is being supplanted by its strong desire to join Europe. Armenia drove home this message in early May when it hosted the 8th Summit of the European Political Community (EPC) in its capital, Yerevan.

In and of itself, the EPC is not overly important. Founded in 2022 in response to the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine, its mission has been to maintain a united European front against Russia and Belarus. When it met for its first summit in Prague, in October 2022, the heads of 44 European countries participated, together with the presidents of the European Commission and of the European Council. On May 4 of this year the summit gathered the leaders of 47 European countries (with the addition of microstates San Marino, Andorra and Monaco). Both times, the gathering excluded Russia and Belarus.

The decision to meet in Yerevan offered a powerful reflection of how geopolitical realities are being transformed. Up until a few years ago, Georgia was the primary focus for European and American policy making in the South Caucasus. Slated for membership of the European Union, it was a leading member of the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative. Following the rigged parliamentary election in October 2024, and the subsequent increasingly authoritarian stance of the Georgian Dream government, its standing has deteriorated substantially. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan has been considered highly problematic in terms of human rights abuses. As such, it was logical that Armenia would be chosen to take Georgia’s place.

This said, the decision to meet in Yerevan was not by default but rather due to a fundamental transformation of Armenian relations with its immediate neighbors and with Europe. The key feature was the resolution of the long war between Armenia and Azerbaijan for control over Nagorno-Karabakh, a mainly Armenian-inhabited enclave within Azerbaijan. The endgame played out in 2023, when Azerbaijani forces routed the Armenian defenders, causing a mass exodus of Armenian civilians. Importantly, the Russian peacekeepers that had been deployed to keep the two sides separated opted to stand aside and watch.

Feeling it had been betrayed by its Russian guarantor, the Armenian government opted to accept the humiliating defeat and engage in peace negotiations with Azerbaijan. When those negotiations resulted in a peace agreement, the road was clear for the country to chart a new course away from Russia. In addition to undertaking legislative preparations for membership in the EU, it has taken steps to soften its relations with both Azerbaijan and Turkiye. The latter is especially important. If relations between Ankara and Yerevan can be normalized, and the border can be opened, Armenia will no longer be dependent on Iran for a lifeline.

Facts & figures

Timeline: The Nagorno-Karabakh wars

1988-1994: First Nagorno-Karabakh war
As the Soviet Union collapsed, ethnic Armenians in the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave – legally part of Soviet Azerbaijan but majority Armenian – declared independence. A brutal war followed, ending with Armenia in control of the enclave. Russia brokered the 1994 Bishkek ceasefire, leaving Azerbaijan furious and Turkiye’s border with Armenia shut in solidarity with Baku.

1994-2016: Frozen conflict
The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Minsk Group, co-chaired by Russia, France and the U.S., spent decades mediating without resolution. Azerbaijan used its oil wealth to rearm, and Turkiye deepened military ties with Baku. Armenia leaned on Russia for security guarantees through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).

2020: Second Nagorno-Karabakh war (44 days)
Azerbaijan launched a full offensive in September 2020, deploying Turkish Bayraktar drones and recapturing most of Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding territories in just six weeks. Russia brokered a humiliating ceasefire for Armenia in November. Crucially, the CSTO provided no military support, exposing the hollowness of Yerevan’s security relationship with Moscow and triggering deep Armenian public anger.

2023: Azerbaijan retakes all of Nagorno-Karabakh
In a 24-hour offensive in September, Azerbaijan seized full control of Nagorno-Karabakh. Over 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled to Armenia within days in one of the fastest episodes of mass displacement in recent history, as Russia stood by.

2023-present: Armenia loses faith in Russia
The loss of Nagorno-Karabakh broke the logic that had kept Armenia inside Russia’s orbit. Yerevan suspended CSTO participation, opened EU visa liberalization talks, hosted joint U.S. military drills, and ratified the Rome Statute – a pointed move given the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant for President Putin.

Armenia joins Europe in support for Ukraine

When the EPC convened in Yerevan, it was the first time that it met in Armenia. To Russian President Vladimir Putin it must have been deeply disturbing to have to watch the meeting being co-chaired by the prime minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, and the president of the European Council, Antonio Costa. Even worse for Russia was that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy was invited to give an opening speech.

Read more on the South Caucasus:

  • Russia’s waning influence in the South Caucasus
  • Georgia – a strategic outlier in Russia’s regional retreat
  • U.S. eyes greater influence in the South Caucasus

In another first, a non-European country was invited to the event. Speaking as a guest, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney used the occasion to reiterate his emphasis on the need for middle powers to stand up in defense of the rules-based international order. In a stab at United States President Donald Trump, he projected a new vision: “It is my strong personal view that the international order will be rebuilt, but it will be rebuilt out of Europe.” Presenting Canada as the “most European of non-European countries,” he said he would work to deepen relations with Europe on matters like the war against Ukraine. In his speech, President Zelenskiy also noted that the Yerevan summit symbolized the shared values of Canada and the European Community.

For Ukraine, the meeting was important in providing an opportunity for President Zelenskiy to have a personal meeting with Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico. Following the electoral defeat of the government of Viktor Orban, the dawn of new Hungarian foreign policy and more cooperative relations between Kyiv and Budapest, hopes are that relations between Ukraine and Slovakia – which have been strained particularly over the Druzhba oil pipeline – will also improve. Thanking Prime Minister Pashinyan for giving him this opportunity, President Zelenskiy expressed confidence that reciprocal visits to Kyiv and Bratislava will pave the way to better relations.

Armenia’s warming relations with historical foes

Aside from the summit’s role in providing a platform for such important geopolitical transformations, it also showed that Armenia is reaping the rewards of a policy of confidence building in relations with Turkiye. During the summit, Prime Minister Pashinyan had a meeting with Turkish Vice President Cevdet Yilmaz – whose presence represented the first high-level Turkish visit to Armenia since that of President Abdullah Gul in 2008 – in which they agreed to restore the medieval Ani Bridge. The bridge spans the Arpacay River, which currently marks the Armenian-Turkish border, and during the 13th and 14th centuries it suffered multiple waves of invasions and earthquakes, leaving it destroyed. The decision to rebuild is a signal that the border between the two countries, which has been closed since 1993, may be reopened.

The Ani Bridge in Arpacay Canyon, at the border of Turkiye and Armenia. In a highly symbolic move, the two countries have agreed to rebuild the bridge. © Getty Images

The main gain for Turkiye in upgrading its relations to Armenia lies in access to the Zangezur Corridor, a 42-kilometer stretch of land in southern Armenia that borders Iran and separates Azerbaijan proper from its Nakhichevan exclave. While the war over Nagorno-Karabakh was still raging, the corridor was closed and Turkiye was forced to conduct trade with countries in Central Asia via Iran. As part of the peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan it will now be reopened. Although the route will be subject to Armenian law, and the land will remain sovereign Armenian territory, good relations between Ankara, Baku and Yerevan will help it develop into an important transport artery.

Facts & figures

The Zangezur Corridor

The opening of the Zangezur Corridor also benefits Azerbaijan, boosting not only its already thriving relations with Europe but also its relations with Ukraine, as a non-Russian source of energy. Baku has recently begun supplying natural gas to Ukraine, Austria and Germany, and soon to the Czech Republic as well.

As the main loser from these developments, Russian reactions to the meeting in Yerevan were overwhelmingly negative. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov claimed that the meeting had offered a platform for “anti-Russian statements” that were “inconsistent with the spirit of relations” between Armenia and Russia. President Zelenskiy having been allowed to make derogatory remarks about the then upcoming Russian Victory Day celebration on Red Square, without comment from the host, was met with sheer outrage, causing the Armenian ambassador to Moscow to be summoned for an explanation.

Thinly veiled threats were also issued about rapprochement with Europe. The Russian Foreign Ministry expressed a hope that the Armenian leadership would not forget that dealing with Brussels comes at a price: “The experience of other countries shows that such overtures to the West rarely end well for the states involved.” Upping the ante even further, President Putin suggested that a referendum should be held on Armenia’s plans to join the EU, warning about the stakes at hand: “We all see what’s happening with Ukraine now. But where did it all start? With Ukraine’s attempt to join the EU.”

Scenarios

Most likely: Armenia cements its Western orientation

The most likely outcome is that Armenia not only cements its relations to Azerbaijan and Turkiye but also becomes the prime focus for European efforts to build influence in the South Caucasus. Armenians confirmed they are ready to work more closely with the EU in early June, when they reelected the government of Prime Minister Pashinyan.

This represents a decisive shift in political orientation and in connectivity, favoring the Middle Corridor across Central Asia to Europe while downgrading the International North-South Transport Corridor between Russia and Iran, a move that will constrain Russian shipping across the Caspian Sea.

Hurdles do remain. Armenia has a legacy of dependence on trade within the Eurasian Economic Union and on energy deliveries from Russia and Iran. Both dependencies may be phased out, but it will be complicated and it will take time. Pro-Russian groups in opposition will be sure to exploit such complications.

The Russian military presence is even more daunting. Although Russian border guards and peacekeepers have been withdrawn, the base at Gyumri is still active, holding 3,000 to 4,000 Russian troops, together with MiG-29 fighter jets and S-300 air defense systems. Having been renewed in 2010, the bilateral agreement on this base is set to last until at least 2044. The Armenian government has no intention of demanding that it be closed, but will insist on Armenian legal superiority. Although it is possible that such challenges cause Armenia to veer off course and return to Russia’s embrace, the odds are strongly in favor of it remaining on course toward Europe.

Less likely: The U.S. capitalizes on the TRIPP corridor

A less likely scenario is that the U.S. capitalizes on its claims to have ended the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. What is mainly at stake here is a projection of the opening of the Zangezur Corridor as an American project, labelled as the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). The peace agreement that was signed at the White House on August 8, 2025, did include exclusive rights for the U.S. to develop the corridor for 99 years. Yet, it is questionable how much weight this stipulation holds, given that the project is entirely under Armenia’s legal jurisdiction.

Although the peace summit in Washington was labeled by American sources as “historic,” and as the fruit of American diplomacy, crediting President Trump for the long labors of the three main parties involved – Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkiye – is a bit of a stretch. Furthermore, the U.S. campaign against Iran has undermined its clout in the South Caucasus.

Least likely: Russia claws back regional influence

The least likely scenario is that Russia manages to claw back its prior position as regional hegemon. Factors that make this feasible include the presence of strong pro-Russian opposition groups in Armenia, the Kremlin’s continued control over the Georgian government and an increasing level of support for Iran across the South Caucasus.

In addition to cooperation on drones and other weapons, Moscow has thrown Tehran a lifeline by offering to route Iranian oil exports via the Caspian Sea into the Russian pipeline network. Although this does provide an added headache for the U.S., it is not likely to have much regional impact. The emerging alliance between Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkiye is now too strong for Russia to infiltrate in a major way.

“The power of family:” young woman in Yerevan donates stem cells to help save

Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry

1146 North Central Avenue, #533, Glendale, CA 91202

 

Contact person: Dr. Frieda Jordan

Phone: (323) 663-3609

Email: [email protected]

“The power of family:”

young woman in Yerevan donates stem cells 

to help save her mother’s life

 

The harvesting of the donated stem cells 

is the 45th such procedure performed by ABMDR

 

 

Los Angeles, July 14 2026 — On July 13, 2026, a young Yerevan resident donated bone marrow stem cells for an urgent transplant that might help her mother survive a life-threatening blood-related illness. 

 

The harvesting of the donated stem cells is the 45th such procedure to be performed by the Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry (ABMDR). The harvesting took place at ABMDR’s Stem Cell Harvesting Center, in the Armenian capital. 

 

Immediately after being identified by ABMDR as a matched donor for her mother, the young woman was admitted to the registry’s headquarters for the harvesting. The painless, non-invasive procedure was performed by Dr. Andranik Mshetsyan, the Stem Cell Harvesting Center’s resident physician. 

 

“Our young donor’s gift of stem cells is significant not only in medical terms, but also as a wonderful manifestation of love and dedication among family members,” said ABMDR Executive Director Dr. Sevak Avagyan.

 

Present during the procedure were, in addition to Dr. Avagyan, ABMDR Medical Director Dr. Mihran Nazaretyan and other lab personnel. Also present were ABMDR Board of Advisors member Taleen Khatchadourian and her daughter, Jacqueline Khatchadourian, of Los Angeles. Jacqueline had just completed a two-week internship at the ABMDR Lab.

 

Shortly after the harvesting procedure, the donated stem cells were flown to Germany, personally delivered by a specially-licensed international courier. It was in Germany that the donor’s mother was to undergo a potentially life-saving transplant.

 

 As stated by ABMDR President Dr. Frieda Jordan, “Every transplant is a challenge, involving the work of many specialists. But once the process is set in motion, everyone involved focuses on a single goal, which is to get the donated stem cells to the patient as quickly as possible for helping them survive a potentially fatal illness.” 

 

Anyone in good health between the ages of 18 and 50 can register with ABMDR as a potential bone marrow stem cell donor, for a chance to save someone’s life. Given the unique genetic makeup of ethnic Armenians, ABMDR needs to maintain a robust global registry of Armenian donors. 

 

About the Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry: Established in 1999, ABMDR, a nonprofit organization, helps Armenians and non-Armenians worldwide survive life-threatening blood-related illnesses by recruiting and matching donors to those requiring bone marrow stem cell transplants. To date, the registry has recruited over 33,500 donors in 32 countries across four continents, identified over 9,000 patients, and facilitated 45 bone marrow transplants. For more information, call (323) 663-3609 or visit abmdr.am.

Armenia issues stamp marking the 150th birth anniversary of Hrachia Acharian

Armenia12:48, 13 July 2026
Read the article in: ArmenianРусскийTürkçe:

Armenia has issued a commemorative postage stamp dedicated to the 150th birth anniversary of Hrachia Acharian as part of the “Prominent Armenians” series.

The stamp, issued on July 13, 2026, has a face value of 320 drams and features renowned Armenian linguist, lexicographer, Honored Scientist of the Armenian SSR, and Academician of the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR Hrachia Acharian (1876–1953) against the background of his manuscripts.

The stamp also bears the inscriptions “150th Anniversary” and “Hrachia Acharian” in both Armenian and English.

The UNESCO logo appears on the stamp, as the 150th anniversary of Hrachia Acharian’s birth has been included in UNESCO’s 2026-2027 Calendar of Anniversaries of Eminent Personalities and Important Events.

Technical details

Issue date: July 13, 2026

Designer: David Dovlatyan

Printer: bpost Philately & Stamps Printing (Belgium)

Stamp size: 30 × 40 mm

Stamps per sheet: 10 Print run: 10,000

Read the article in: ArmenianРусскийTürkçe:

Published by Armenpress, original at 

You do not have the vote to cripple Armenia with the Azerbaijani model and will

Yesterday’s statements of Aliyev’s lawyer once again prove that this lawyer, who is the joint Prime Minister of Armenia, does not find his place and does not know what to do, how to do it, to follow the heart of Azerbaijan. He says, in fact, this map is not to their liking either, let me see how I can mutilate it, change it in his favor, whatever else I can do.


In the way of that advocacy, the most primitive and absurd “mutites” are invented: if we don’t give this, they won’t give that. What land did you receive from Azerbaijan in return for what you gave, and in return you received a thousand-fold increased appetite for it?


Aliyev’s lawyer persistently silences the topic that the political leadership of Azerbaijan has stated in direct text that “occupying Armenia is their new national goal.” He does not see that the state media services of Azerbaijan hardly use the word “Armenia” when they talk about Armenia, they invented the new name they gave, having aggressive ambitions, and they use it.


And the irony and absurdity is that Aliyev’s coined term, the map placed under it, is larger in scale than the map of Armenia constantly changing by the “Demolish the State” party.
Open, read with lawyers the 80 articles of the State News Agency of Azerbaijan for the month of June, including the statements of the officials. Although, no, don’t read it, after that, maybe you will start advocating more actively in favor of the opponent, because, as I see it, Azerbaijani sayings are the most important in your brain, you are guided by them.


Nevertheless, close the account of your endless, countless promises to Aliyev at the expense of my country, my state, my national dignity. You were not given that vote neither in 2018, nor in 2021, nor even more so in 2026, when you were forced to falsify elections to retain power. You do not have the vote to cripple Armenia with the Azerbaijani model and will.


Azerbaijanologist Tatev Hayrapetyan




Aregnaz Manukyan was denied the opportunity to even see his own child

Yesterday, we were in the courtyard of the court with Anna Grigoryan and Christine Vardanyan, inside the court, in a closed session, the issue of the restraining order against our former deputy colleague, Aregnaz Manukyan, was being examined. Agnesa Khamoyan, deputy of the National Assembly “Armenia” faction, wrote about this on her Facebook page.


In particular, he noted: “The session lasted quite short, 1.5 hours. And although it was obvious that Aregnaz was going to be detained, deep down we cherished a woman’s hope that the fact that the woman had a minor child could prevent the judge from taking Aregnaz into custody. But no, the arrest decision was already on the judge’s shelf, the investigator’s petition was completely satisfied.


And this is despite the fact that Aregnaz’s apartment was searched weeks ago, he knew months ago from various sources that a case would be opened, and during all that time he did not hide from the investigation, he did not even try.


This proves once again that the decision to use the most severe preventive measure, detention, is a political order and never the implementation of justice.


But even this was not the biggest absurdity. the manifestation of petty revenge and vindictiveness is that the judge deprived the female opposition politician of the opportunity to even see her own child. Aregnaz meetings are completely closed.


This is Nikol Pashinyan’s message to all female opposition figures: I will hit your weakest point, your children. Nothing can be more terrible for a woman than not seeing her child. But I am sure that Aregnaz will go through this test, will pass with honor, as Lidia, Lilit, Tatev and many other women have passed.


Nikol Pashinyan is wrong in his calculations. mothers do not become poor, but become beasts when the hands of others reach their children. Know well.


I have known Aregnaz since his years as a journalist and I can confidently say that he is a principled, stubborn and strong person who does not betray his own ideas. We express our full support to his family and will do everything possible to change the restraining order.”