WHY DOES TURKEY QUESTION US SINCERITY IN THE WAR ON TERRORISM?
by Cenk Sidar
Across the Aisle, DC
Nov 2 2007
The United States and Turkey are on the brink. While Turkey itches to
launch a counter- terrorism strike into Northern Iraq and avenge its
recent casualties, the US continues to hold its ally back, afraid
the incursion would destabilize the only peaceful region left in
Iraq. Rather than crediting the U.S. for attempting to diffuse the
situation through multilateral diplomacy, the Turkish public blames
America for its large casualty count this month. Few on Turkey’s
streets believe in the sincerity of the U.S. and its war on terrorism
Given the pervasive disillusionment and fading goodwill, the next few
days-and the US’s next move-could significantly affect the course of
the bilateral alliance. If the US does not aid Turkey’s anti-terrorism
efforts in some substantive way, it could risk pushing Turkey away,
and in the process force Ankara to act unilaterally in Iraq.
Turkish resentment has pervaded public opinion to the core. Possible
military confrontation with the U.S. is today a matter of serious
discussion within the Turkish media. The chief columnist of Hurriyet,
Turkey’s largest newspaper, urges Turkey to create military alliances
with Iran, China, Russia, and Latin America, as a challenge to the
U.S. How have we come to this point?
One explanation is Western insensitivity. For example, the Western
media refrains from labeling the PKK as "terrorists". Instead, sources
refer to the Kurdistan Workers Party in benign terms such as "rebels,"
"militants," or even "group". Such hypocrisy strengthens the hands of
conspiracy theorists and Turkish extremists, who aim for a marginal
and revisionist foreign policy.
A second explanation is the harm done by Kurdish spokespeople.
Turkish eyebrows raise when Iraqi President Jalal Talabani and Kurdish
Regional President Massaoud Barzani act as spokesmen for the PKK. For
example, Talabani, speaking on behalf of the terrorist group PKK,
has offered a truce to Turkey. This is analogous to Felipe Caldron,
the President of Mexico, offering a truce to the U.S. on behalf
of Al-Qaeda.
Thirdly, there is historical precedent for Turkish mistrust of
the West. The Sevres Treaty, which divided Turkey post-World War I,
resulted in a deep-seated suspicion, particularly among the extremists
and nationalists of the Turkish nation. The U.S. and the West are thus
held responsible for every repetitive incident that could lead to the
destabilization of Turkey. Turkish people compare U.S. support for
Israel in 2006 with America’s hesitancy regarding Turkish cross-border
operation against the PKK. Their conclusion is logically that it must
either be hypocrisy, or an intentional effort to destabilize Ankara.
This deep seeded mistrust has been stoked by a confluence of recent
events, pushing the relationship to the breaking point. The partnership
first came under severe strain in March of 2003, following the Turkish
Parliament’s decision to deny U.S. forces passage through Turkey
on their way to Iraq. Nonetheless, Turkey continued to support the
U.S.’s fundamental objectives in Iraq.
Furthermore, Turkey’s contributions to the stabilization of Northern
Iraq have been, and continue to be, significant and well received.
Turkey remains the largest supplier of goods, services, water and
electricity to the North. The majority of non-combat equipment and
supplies for U.S. troops flow through Turkish ports, airfields,
and over the Turkish-Iraqi border. Indeed, Northern Iraq’s economic
miracle is in large part the result of Turkish investments, services,
construction, and sales.
These contributions are strong evidence that Turkey does not have
revisionist or expansionist aims in the region, but rather supports
Iraq’s territorial integrity. However, over the past twenty years,
Turkey has lost over 30,000 citizens to PKK terrorism. In October, PKK
terrorists killed at least 42 people on Turkish soil. While rhetorical
support of the U.S. has been excellent, Turkey’s patience fades as
it watches the US hesitate to support its counter-terrorism efforts.
Whether calculated or accidental, the U. S-Turkish relationship came
under further strain this October, when the House of Representatives
Foreign Affairs Committee passed the Armenian Resolution. This month,
only nine percent of Turkish citizens hold favorable opinions about the
U.S. The vote of the Foreign Affairs Committee has brought thousands
of Turks into the streets with anti-U.S. slogans. In spite of this, it
is doubtful that a fundamental anti-Americanism exists in Turkey. It
can be better characterized as an immense popular disenchantment
with U.S. policies. Should the U.S. take clear and decisive action
against the PKK and take part in a detailed, fact-based analysis of
the Turkish-Armenian dialogue, opinion polls in Turkey would improve
dramatically.
These are hard times for U.S.-Turkish relations. The critical
partnership between the two needs to be revitalized and skillfully
managed by imaginative leadership and clear heads. The whole
relationship is in danger of short-circuiting if the United States
does not act purposefully to curtail the PKK`s activities out of
Northern Iraq. The U.S. must either join the Turkish military in
making pinpoint strikes on terrorist camps along the border of Turkey
and Iraq, pressure the Iraqi Kurds to distance themselves from and
choke off support for the PKK, or step aside and allow the Turkish
military to do what it must. Right now is the time for the U.S. to
show its sincerity in the war on terror.