Author: Kalantarian Kevo

The New York Times
November 22, 2012
36 Hours in Kolkata, India
By DAN PACKEL

CONTEMPORARY narratives of resurgent India frequently sidestep the
city of Kolkata, also known as Calcutta, the capital of the state of
West Bengal and the seat of power during the British Raj. The city’s
political clout has long since shifted to New Delhi, and its economic
might more recently to Mumbai. Yet its reputation as an intellectual
and cultural hub still lingers – five Nobel Prize winners are
associated with the city, including the economist Amartya Sen and the
poet-novelist-painter-songwriter Rabindranath Tagore. But like the
rest of India, this clamorous yet charming city is changing: in 2011,
the democratically elected Communist government of West Bengal was
voted out of power after 34 years. For many Bengalis, this political
transition reflects a desire to catch up with the rest of
India. Visitors exploring Kolkata today are in a position to glimpse
an emerging urban modernity but still have the opportunity to explore
the city’s rich past, which, for now, remains unavoidable at every
step.
Friday
3 p.m.
1. THE SEAT OF POWER
Known during the colonial era as Dalhousie Square, B.B.D. Bagh sits at
the political heart of Kolkata. Sidestep the food vendors selling
omelets and dosas to the area’s office workers from their sidewalk
perches, and admire the colonial buildings where British commerce and
administrative functions were once carried out. The most prominent of
these is the Writers Building, on the north side of the square, a
columnated red brick edifice constructed in 1776 that serves as the
seat of the state government, and is now in the hands of the Trinamool
Congress party.
5:30 p.m.
2. GALLERY STOP
In the early part of the 20th century, the style of art known as the
Bengal School achieved national prominence from its base in Kolkata,
exemplified by the works of the painter Abanindranath Tagore,
Rabindranath Tagore’s nephew. These muted watercolors, a response to
the purported materialism of Western art, emphasized spiritual and
natural themes. Though the influence of the school has long since
dissipated, Kolkata remains an important locus for Indian art. CIMA,
or Center of International Modern Art (Sunny Towers, 43 Ashutosh
Chowdhury Avenue; 91-33-2485-8717; cimaartindia.com), a sleek, modern
space in South Kolkata, is one of the best places to view it. Recent
exhibitions have shown the art of Shreyasi Chatterjee and Paresh
Maity, among others.
7:30 p.m.
3. A FULL PLATE
Traditionally, the best way to experience Bengali food, marked by an
enthusiasm for river fish and the sharp kick of mustard oil, was
inside a Bengali home. If you can swing an invitation to dinner, take
advantage of it. But with many women refusing to spend so much time in
the kitchen, there are an increasing number of restaurants serving
Bengali fare. Of these, it’s tough to beat Kewpie’s (2 Elgin Lane;
91-33-2486-1600), on the eclectically decorated ground floor of a
residential bungalow. Come hungry, order the mangshor thali (620
rupees, or $11.50 at 54 rupees to the dollar) and receive your choice
of fish, a vegetable and a meat curry, along with rice, dal, dessert
and more.
10 p.m.
4. LOUNGE THEN DANCE
Late nights aren’t the same in Kolkata after the recent imposition of
a midnight curfew, but dedicated partyers now get an earlier
start. Settle into a corner seat at Plush (Astor Hotel, 15 Shakespeare
Sarani; 91-33-2282-9957; astorkolkata.com), with a cover charge of
1,000 rupees for two, applicable to drinks and food. You can enjoy a
cocktail while the soundtrack shifts from house music to Western club
hits and the dance floor begins to fill.
Saturday
8 a.m.
5. WALKING HISTORY
Economically, Kolkata thrived during the colonial period, with many
Bengalis amassing great wealth through trade and service in the
colonial administration. A walk through the narrow streets of the
city’s Sovabazar neighborhood provides a glimpse at the ancestral
estates, which range in style from Islamic to Baroque and beyond, that
emerged during this period. There are also print shops, jewelry
workshops and other enterprises. Rely on an informative guided tour
from Calcutta Walks (91-98301-84030; calcuttawalks.com), which charges
1,500 rupees a person, to make the most of your venture.
Afterward, taste another side of Bengali food at Bhojohori Manna,
attached to the renovated Star Theater (79/3/4 Bidhan Sarani;
91-33-2533-8519; bhojohorimanna.com). If it’s available, try the super
jumbo ilish barishali (225 rupees), a thick steak of this local fish
served in mustard sauce.
2 p.m.
6. KAFFEEKLATSCH
Book stalls stuffed with used textbooks and paperbacks line College
Street in front of the University of Calcutta, as you make your way to
the historic Indian Coffee House (15 Bankim Chaterjee Street; 91-33
2237-5649). Here, in an airy second-floor hall, generations of Bengali
students and intellectuals have engaged in adda, or spirited
discussion, over cups of coffee (15 rupees). Even though the
Communists are out of power, leftist thought remains strong here; on a
recent visit, among the slogans in English and Bengali on a whiteboard
on the wall, someone had written: `Capital is not in
crisis. Capitalism is the crisis.’
5 p.m.
7. SHOPPING TIME
While shopping-mall culture has emerged in the city’s newer
neighborhoods in the south and the east, the sprawling New Market
(Lindsay Street) still surges with crowds. The name refers to the
covered S. S. Hogg Market, but informally it also refers to the
shopping arcades surrounding the complex. Shop for pashmina shawls and
curios, admire richly detailed saris and other fabrics, or simply
marvel at the range of items on offer here, from flowers to
feather-dusters to foodstuffs. If you need a snack, head to Nizam’s
(23-24 Hogg Street; 91-98-3619-4669). It is said to be the progenitor
of the kathi roll – a paratha (flatbread) that’s cooked in an egg,
then rolled up around mutton or chicken spiced with fresh lime juice,
red onion, finely chopped green chili, and salt – that is now found in
cities across India (35 rupees).

8 p.m.
8. TOUCHPAD DINING
Take a breather from Bengali food at Bistro by the Park (2A, Middleton
Row; 91-33-2229-6494), which opened in 2011 with a menu created by the
British expat chef Shaun Kenworthy. The menu at this 50-seat
restaurant arrives on iPads and features salads, pastas, pizzas,
Southeast-Asian-influenced dishes and, in a concession to Bengali
tastes, fish (here, bhetki) in mustard sauce. Dinner for two,
including two glasses of Italian or Australian wine, is about 1,800
rupees.

10:30 p.m.
9. ROCK ‘N’ ROLL
Park Street was once lined with clubs where one could hear jazz and
other Western sounds, but since 1997, the city’s rock music scene has
been dominated by one spot: Someplace Else, inside the Park Hotel (17
Park Street; 91-33-2249-9000;
theparkhotels.com/kolkata/kolkata.html). With brass lamps, iron
railings and brick walls, the room nicely approximates a dingy pub
(save for its location inside a boutique hotel). On a given night, the
small, deep stage in the back of the room might host a talented cover
band playing the Doors and Foreigner, or a rising Bengali act like
Friends of Fusion.
Sunday
7 a.m.
10. DIM SUM?
At its political and economic apex, Kolkata drew immigrants not just
from elsewhere in India, but from around the world. Jewish, Armenian,
Parsi and Chinese communities blossomed here. And while most are in
steep decline, Sunday mornings provide a vivid (and tasty) opportunity
to interact with the remnants of the city’s Chinese population. Wake
early and stop by Tiretta Bazar (the intersection of Chatawala Gali
and Sun Yat Sen Streets), the city’s old Chinatown, which springs to
life at 6 a.m. with vendors – interspersed with vegetable sellers –
spread out curbside dispensing steamed buns, dumplings, soups and
other dim sum staples.
10 a.m.
11. STATELY MONUMENT
Exchange the din of the city for relative serenity on the manicured
grounds of the Victoria Memorial Hall (1 Queen’s Way; 91-33-2223-1890;
victoriamemorial-cal.org); entry 150 rupees for non-Indian
citizens. Built over 15 years in the first part of the 20th century,
the domed white marble hall serves as a reminder of the grandiosity
behind the British colonial project. Stroll along the lawns and spot
egrets and parrots in flight (along with young couples canoodling on
benches in the shade) before entering the memorial. Inside, you’ll
find colonial-era lithographs and oil paintings, and an extensive
local history display, running from the city’s origins to the present.
IF YOU GO
On bustling Park Street, the Park Hotel (17 Park Street,
91-33-2249-9000; theparkhotels.com/kolkata/kolkata.html) maintains a
fashionable contemporary feel (and remains a hotbed of night life)
after four decades. The hotel’s communal areas host an impressive
display of contemporary Bengali art. Rooms start at 9,000 rupees
(about $167); discounts available online.
An oasis of calm close to the Rabindra Sarovar Metro Station in South
Kolkata, the Bodhi Tree (48/44 Swiss Park; 91-33-2424-6534;
bodhitreekolkata.com) offers six themed rooms around a communal space
that serves as garden, art gallery and cafe. Rooms start at 2,200
rupees.

Bedrosyan: Hidden Truths or Lies
by Raffi Bedrosyan

November 23, 2012

In a matter of years beginning in 1915, an entire people was wiped out
from its homeland of several thousand years. But how can you wipe out
the remnants’its creations, assets, traces, its very existence’from
the collective memory of those who remained in that country, or, for
that matter, from the collective memory of the rest of the world? This
has been an immense challenge for successive Turkish governments, a
mission that was mostly successful for almost four generations. And
yet, here and there the lies or the hidden truths kept coming out with
increasing frequency, especially in recent years.

Even the name of the island was changed to `Akdamar,’ meaning `white
vein’ in Turkish, so that the Armenian Akhtamar connection would
disappear. Why this fear, this paranoia? How can these moves convince
anybody in Turkey or the outside world that this is not an Armenian
church? (Photo by Khatchig Mouradian)

Hiding the truth and historic facts about 1915 from its own people has
been the policy since the founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923,
through indoctrination of the education system, control of the media
and academia, destruction of Armenian buildings and monuments, and so
on. But the facts, perhaps still secret within Turkey but widely known
in the outside world, are now being revealed to the masses in Turkey,
because of increased liberalization, the internet and pioneering
academicians and media opinion-makers who dare to speak the truth in
Turkey. As a result, the citizens of Turkey, who for four generations
were hidden from the facts, are now amazed to learn that a people
called Armenians lived in Anatolia for several millennia, but somehow
all suddenly disappeared in 1915. In this article, I will try to give
a few paradoxical examples of the attempts in hiding the truth, versus
the ones uncovering it.

The second largest and most modern airport in Turkey is called the
Istanbul Sabiha Gokcen International Airport, named after the adopted
daughter of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the first female pilot in Turkey, a
hero who helped put down the Alevi/Kurdish rebellion in Dersim in
1936-38 by bombing the rebels from her plane. Her photos and
accomplishments are prominently displayed on billboards at the
airport, and are seen by millions of passengers. And yet, there is
another side to her story: Her real name is Hatun Sebilciyan, an
Armenian girl from Bursa, who was orphaned in 1915, adopted by Mustafa
Kemal Ataturk, and given the Gokcen (azure, color of the sky in
Turkish) surname by him after completing pilot training. Former Agos
Editor Hrant Dink became a marked man by the `deep state’ in Turkey
when he first uncovered this truth after interviewing Sebilciyan’s
surviving relatives in Lebanon in 2001. This fact was deemed an
`insult to Turkishness’ by the military, the media, and the
government. Another recently uncovered fact: The people being bombed
in Dersim were not rebels, but mostly women and children; the leaders
were already hanged the previous year, a fact acknowledged and
apologized for by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, mostly to score
political points against the governing party at the time (the current
opposition party). To add more to the sad irony, these women and
children were mostly remnants of the 25,000 Armenians who had sought
refuge and found shelter with the Dersim Alevi Kurds in 1915. It is
not certain whether Sebilciyan/Gokcen knew that she was Armenian, or
if she knew that the women and children she bombed were Armenian.

The ancient city of Ani near Kars, situated on the Armenian border
separated by the Akhurian River, is known as the `city with 1,001
churches.’ It is a former capital of the Armenian Bagratid Kingdom,
and had a continuous Armenian presence from the 5th-17th century. It
reached its glory days in the 10th and 11th centuries, when it became
a central gateway on the Silk Route; its growing population of 100,000
even exceeded Constantinople at the time. Most of the buildings and
churches are now destroyed, but the main Ani cathedral, Dikran Honents
Church, the Sourp Prgitch Church, and the city walls are still
standing, with clearly visible Armenian writings carved in the
stonewalls. After years of neglect (or target practice) by the Turkish
military on the remaining buildings, the current Turkish government
has opened up Ani to tourists and has started some preliminary
restoration efforts. However, there is not a single word about
Armenians in the Turkish guidebooks or historic descriptions on Ani.
The standing churches and buildings are referred to as belonging to
the Georgians or the Seljuks. Even the name Ani is now spelled with an
i without the dot, or `Anı”which means `memory’ in Turkish’so that
the Armenian Ani connection to this city will disappear. The denial
policy and the paranoia linked to 1915 has stretched so far that even
the Armenian presence in Ani is being denied.

The museum in Kars exhibits historical artifacts collected from the
region’wood-carved church doors, stone tombstones, carpets, and dowry
chests. Descriptions explain that the ancient ones are from the
Urartians, the more recent ones from the Russians or Georgians. And
yet, all these artifacts have clearly visible Armenian writings carved
in the wood or stone or woven into the fabric. Again, here, the
denialist paranoia has gone to extreme limits, but it can only fool a
few Turks who cannot recognize the Armenian alphabet.

The Holy Cross Church on Akhtamar Island near Van dates back to 921
AD. It was built by the Armenian King Gagik, together with a palace
and other buildings on the island. Armenian priests lived there
continuously until 1915. All the buildings on the island were
willfully destroyed by the Turkish army from the 1920’s to 1950’s, and
only through the intervention of renowned Kurdish author Yashar Kemal
was the Holy Cross Church building spared. The current Turkish
government decided to restore the church as a state museum in 2007.
While there are beautiful Armenian writings carved on the church
walls, both inside and outside the building, there is not a single
word in the descriptive plaques or guidebooks indicating that this is
an Armenian church. Even the name of the island was changed to
`Akdamar,’ meaning `white vein’ in Turkish, so that the Armenian
Akhtamar connection would disappear. Why this fear, this paranoia? How
can these moves convince anybody in Turkey or the outside world that
this is not an Armenian church?

In Istanbul, almost all of the prominent historic buildings built from
the 17th-20th century’such as the Ottoman imperial palaces, mosques,
military barracks, universities, schools, or fountains’were built by
Armenians. Led by the renowned Balyan family, royal architects for
several generations, teams of Armenian tradesmen and craftsmen were
involved in all aspects of the royal construction projects, including
stone masonry, tile and mosaic manufacturing and setting, plumbing,
foundations, glassworks, and metal works. And yet, until 10 years ago,
official guides would tell tourists that Italian contractors named
Balianis were involved in the construction of these buildings.
Similarly, at least a quarter of the buildings in the historic Pera
district, along the main thoroughfare called Istiklal Caddesi, were
either built by Armenian architects or owned by Armenians. Millions of
Istanbul citizens and tourists live, work, and play in these
buildings, without realizing their historic Armenian connection. Two
years ago, when the Hrant Dink Foundation published a book on Armenian
architects of Istanbul, and hosted an exhibition displaying photos of
the buildings, it was like a revelation, causing uproar and amazement
among the media and general public.

The government policy of forced amnesia over an Armenian presence
prior to 1915 extends beyond architects and builders. Armenians served
as ministers in the Ottoman government from the early 1800’s until
1915, and were in charge of key ministries such as the treasury,
armaments, mint, public works, customs, and post office departments.
Tens of thousands of Armenians worked in the bureaucracy, army, and
state hospitals. And the Turkish government has not only hidden their
contributions but their very existence, as well. As a result, the
general Turkish population has only recently started to realize the
important role played by the Armenians in the Ottoman public sector.
The contributions of Armenians in the private sector, of course, are
completely and forcefully hidden, because all Armenian assets and
properties’such as farms, factories, mines, warehouses, businesses,
orchards, and buildings’were plundered and taken over by the
Turkish/Kurdish leaders and the general public in 1915. In fact, the
very foundation of the Turkish private and public sector economy and
industry, the start-up of wealthy individuals and corporations, is
based entirely on the seized Armenian assets; therefore, this is an
understandable component of the denial policy.

The positive contributions by Armenians during the Turkish Republican
era are also kept hidden. The introduction of the Latin alphabet and
conversion from Ottoman Turkish to modern Turkish was implemented by
an Armenian linguistics expert, Prof. Agop Martayan. In gratitude,
Kemal Ataturk gave him the surname of Dilacar, meaning `the one who
unlocks the language.’ In Turkish textbooks, he is referred to as A.
Dilacar, with his first name Agop never spelled out. When he passed
away in 1978, the Turkish media printed his obituary as Adil Acar,
further Turkifying his given name. Another example of a hidden truth
is the case of Armenian musician Edgar Manas, the composer of the
Turkish national anthem, a fact only known by a few Armenians and
completely covered up by the Turks.

Why this fear, this paranoia, resulting in total denial? It goes
beyond the denial of the historical facts of 1915. It is the denial of
the existence of an entire people on these lands. Is it fear over the
Armenian assets and properties left behind? Is it the simplistic
argument: If Armenians never lived here, there could not have been a
genocide? But then, if Armenians never lived here, how could they have
massacred the Turks, as is claimed by the Turkish version of official
history? Rather than speculate about the answers, I’ll refer instead
to the remarks made by prominent Kurdish professor Ismail Besikci, the
recent recipient of the Hrant Dink Foundation Peace Award:

`The Ittihadists [Committee of Union and Progress] had devised a plan
to reorganize the Ottoman Empire on the basis of Turkish ethnic
identity. The nationalization of the Ottoman economy was a further
significant target. But Greeks, Armenians, and other Christian people,
as well as Islamic but non-Turkish people such as Kurds, non-Muslim
Turkish and Kurdish people such as Alevis, presented significant
obstacles to the execution of this Turkification project. They would
get rid of the Greeks by forcing them into exile to Greece. The
Armenian population would be eliminated under the guise of forced
deportation into the desert. Then, the Kurds would be assimilated into
Turkishness, and the Alevis into Islam. The wealth and immovable
properties of the Greeks, forced into exile, and the Armenians,
perished through genocide, would be confiscated by Muslim Turkish
notables. A huge, widespread looting operation took place of the
assets left behind by the Armenians and Greeks, helping the Ottoman
economy, and then the Turkish economy, to be nationalized. Today, the
source of the wealth of the haute bourgeoisie is the Armenian and
Greek assets. In Kurdish areas of Turkey, the source of wealth of the
Kurdish tribe leaders is again the Armenian and Syriac assets.’

As Besikci has said, it has become apparent that the experiment of
trying to convert a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural
Anatolian society into a monolithic, mono-ethnic, single-religion
Turkish nation, and then denying this fact, has failed. The hidden
truths about the fate of the Armenian and Greek people, and their
assets, can no longer be denied within and outside Turkey, despite
state efforts. The assimilation of the Kurds did not succeed, despite
state efforts.

As another Kurdish intellectual has very appropriately remarked, for
many years the Turks denied that Armenians were ever killed on these
lands, and also denied that Kurds ever lived on these lands. An
increasingly larger number of opinion-makers in the Turkish media and
academia have started to reveal the hidden truths, and sooner or
later, the people of Turkey will realize that the historic facts are
different than what they have been told by the state. As it becomes
apparent that the hidden truths cannot be hidden any longer, the
challenge for the Turkish government will be how to revise its stance
from denial to acceptance of the truth, and how to deal with the truth
vis a vis its own citizens as well as the outside world. It is hoped
that this process will be carried out within the norms of dialogue,
the establishment of common body of knowledge.

ADIL GARIBOV: “THE NEIGHBORING STATES SHOULD DECLARE THEIR POSITION TO INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY ON METSAMOR NUCLEAR POWER PLANT’S THREAT TO THE REGION”

APA
Nov 21 2012
Azerbaijan

Baku. Kamala Guliyeva – APA. “The neighboring states should declare
their position to international community on threat of Metsamor nuclear
power plant in Armenia to the region”, director of the Radiation
Problems Institute of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS)
Adil Garibov told journalists.

According to him, though Armenia says its energy supply depends on
Metsamor nuclear power plant, it ensures its energy security through
the gas imported from Iran: “Azerbaijan has announced the threat of
Metsamor nuclear power plant to the region for several times. Despite
such opinions, Armenia doesn’t want to take step to close the station.

Armenia intends to keep the nuclear power plant because of strategic
objectives. The existence of nuclear reactor allows Armenia to maintain
its status as a nuclear country.”

ARMENIANS TO BUILD SCHOOL IN ISTANBUL

Hurriyet Daily News
Nov 21 2012
Turkey

The Armenian community in Turkey has received authorization to build
its first school in Istanbul’s Bakırköy district, to be completed
to house the historical Armenian Dadyan School within two years.

The community will build the school with their own funding in addition
to monetary aid from the Bakırköy Municipality. The school, which
is expected to cost 4.5 billion Turkish Liras, will be constructed
on 1,750 square meters of land. The foundation of the school was laid
on Nov. 18.

Speaking to the Hurriyet Daily News, Bakırköy Surp Asdvazsazsin
Church Foundation Executive Board Chair Mesut Ozdemir said they were
very pleased to have obtained the proper authorization after 10 years
of attempts.

“During the period of the Justice and Development Party (AKP)
government, many steps have been taken in support of us. Now we can
build a school,” Ozdemir said.

Istanbul has an official Armenian population of 50,000, with 12
Armenian schools. Ozdemir said another school was necessary. “We
received some criticisms over it; however, the current school building
is 166 years old and it is quite small. We have 400 students there and
we want them to receive a modern education in a building that complies
with today’s standards. More importantly, since the school building is
historical, restoration is strictly forbidden. So we could not build
additional classrooms there. Consequently, we needed a new building.”

Even though the title of the land on which they would build the new
school belonged to the Armenian community, it has been used by the
municipality for years. “We could not claim the land as it was being
used by the municipality as a green area but now they returned it to
us,” Ozdemir said, adding that the new building would be completed
within two years and would serve as the new building of the Dadyan
School. Some projects have been developed to preserve the old building
as well.

The historical Dadyan School was built by the order of Sultan Selim
III during the Ottoman period. Nubar Manavyan, who is planning the
new building project, said, “We developed a plan taking the structure
of the historical school building into consideration. It will be a
modern school occupying over 1,750 square meters of land. It will
have 16 classrooms, a kindergarten, an indoor sports hall, a library
and a conference hall with 220-person capacity, which will meet the
requirements of the new educational system.”

November/21/2012

NOV 21: NATIONAL GINGERBREAD DAY

WPTV (NBC)
Nov 21 2012

(CNN) — Grab Hansel and Gretel, November 21 is National Gingerbread
Day!

According to the Orthodox Monastery of Saints, gingerbread was brought
to Europe by an Armenian monk called Gregory. This was way back in
the mid 990’s. He is said to have called gingerbread food that warms
the soul — probably because of all the spices in it.

Gingerbread can come in many forms — it can be hard or soft, baked as
a loaf or as cookies, served with a lemon glaze or none at all, but in
all cases it contains some form of ginger. Some recipes call for dried,
powdered ginger, others for crystallized, and even some for fresh.

Other staples in most gingerbread recipes are honey, molasses or
treacle. These typically take the place of honey.

The Germans are well known for their gingerbread, which is called
Lebkuchen which can either mean cake of life or loaf cake depending
on how you say it. The harder version of Lebkuchen is used to make
gingerbread houses.

Speaking of which, according to the Guinness World Records, the largest
gingerbread house ever built was done so in 2006 by Roger Pelcher
at the Mall of America in Minnesota. It was more than 45 feet long,
35 feet wide and 60 feet tall.

Below is my favorite gingerbread cookie recipe. It’s from a co-worker’s
great aunt of County Down, Northern Ireland, and calls for both ground
ginger and crystallized ginger.

Auntie May’s Ginger Biscuits

Courtesy Richard Griffiths

6 ounces salted butter, softened to room temperature

8 ounces (1 cup) granulated sugar

1/2 cup molasses

1 egg

2 teaspoons baking soda

2 cups bread flour (you can also use all-purpose, but not self-rising)

1 teaspoon ground cloves

1/2 teaspoon cinnamon

1 1/2 teaspoons ground ginger

1/2 teaspoon salt

4 ounces crystallized ginger, chopped finely

Preheat oven to 190° Celsius, or 375° Fahrenheit. Mix together the
soft butter, sugar, molasses and egg until smooth.

In a separate bowl, blend together the flour, baking soda, spices,
salt and chopped ginger until even.

Stir the dry mixture into the liquid. Stir very well until it reaches
a dry dough consistency.

Allow to rest in cool larder or refrigerator for an hour or two.

Prepare greased baking pans. You’ll need at least two to handle
volume. (The recipe makes about 50 small biscuits.)

Roll the dough into one-inch balls. Coat in sugar and place them on
the baking pans about 3 inches apart.

Bake for 9-12 minutes. Allow to cool on a tea towel and then put in
sealed tin to keep biscuits crisp.

ARMENIA MOVES TO CONTROL NGOS

Institute for War and Peace Reporting
IWPR Caucasus Reporting #665
Nov 20 2012
UK

Civil society leaders believe the state intends to restrict their
activities.

By Naira Melkumyan – Caucasus

The Armenian authorities say they want to encourage civil society to
grow and flourish, but many non-government groups are suspicious of
what they believe is a new plan to control them.

A strategy for developing the NGO sector was published earlier this
month by the Public Council, an advisory body which, although set up
by the president, claims to be non-partisan.

Hovhannes Hovhannisyan, who is in charge of civil society development
at the Public Council and led the group that drafted the document,
said the real aim was to help NGOs raise money in Armenia rather than
having to rely on foreign funding.

“The plan sets out a National Fund for Civil Society Assistance,
through which [government] budget money can be allocated to
organisations,” he said.

Hovhannisyan said Armenia needed a development plan for the NGO
sector just as much as for areas like education, agriculture or
national security.

“The world is changing and the laws have to change with it. The
council has discovered more than 400 contradictions in the structure
of civil society, including legal ones, so why shouldn’t we remove
them?” he asked.

Armenia’s highest-profile NGOs, however, have rejected the plan as
both worrying and illogical.

“This plan is part of a whole process of controlling civil society
which began long ago, but which lacked the easy control mechanisms that
this plan provides,” said Larisa Minasyan, director of Open Society
Institute Armenia, which gives grants to support democracy and the
rule of law. “Of course there have been changes in civil society –
some organisations have grown stronger and gained greater importance
both domestically and internationally.

“Hence these attempts to set the boundaries within which civil
organisations can operate.”

Others questioned the idea of a quasi-governmental organisation
defining the limits of freedom.

“The preamble [to the plan] says that the state provides freedoms
to society – a formulation characteristic of authoritarian systems,
since democracy presupposes freedom,” Avetik Ishkhanyan, head of the
Armenian Helsinki Committee, said.

Artur Sakunts, head of the Vanadzor office of the Helsinki Civil
Assembly, said the plan’s suggestion of an “interpenetration” between
state and civil society was nonsensical.

“What’s this ‘interpenetration’? Civil society is a sphere where the
authorities have no role, it is self-regulating and self-organising,
and citizens themselves decide when, how and which issues to raise,”
he said.

The Armenian state already funds some NGOs, and has allocated five
million US dollars so far this year, although it is unclear what
criteria it uses to select beneficiaries.

Ishkhanyan said the proposed civil society fund was likely to become
another channel for supporting government-friendly NGOs.

He also expressed concern at the lack of a consultation process on
the plan.

“If the government is drafting a paper to describe its cooperation
with civil society, then it needs to organise serious discussions
rather than just summoning some people to sign off on it and calling
that a discussion,” he said.

The Public Council, set up on 2008 and modelled on a similar Russian
institution, is supposed to allow the NGO world to transmit its
concerns to the government. Activists say it works the other way round,
passing on government instructions to supposedly independent groups.

“It has no legitimacy in defending the interests of civic
organisations, and this is shown by the fact that we weren’t even
invited to discuss this new plan,” Minasyan said. “We received it by
post, although some organisations which are part of the Council took
part in closed discussions.”

Hovhannisyan said he was happy to listen to any constructive
criticisms, but added that “if they’re telling us not to do this,
they should say what they would do instead”.

In any case, he said that President Serzh Sargsyan had already signed
off on the plan. The plan will be brought into force via changes to
the law.

Minasyan warned that these new legal regulations could make it easier
for the authorities to shut down NGOs, a process that currently
requires a court order.

Armenia has a vibrant NGO sector, which international studies put
on a par with those in Ukraine and Georgia. As of October, Armenia
had over 3,400 registered NGOs, of which the Public Council says it
represents more than 1,200.

REPORT: MARCH 14 TO BOYCOTT PARLIAMENTARY SESSION FOR ARMENIAN PRESIDENT, ANOTHER ON GAZA

Naharnet
November 20, 2012 Tuesday
Lebanon

The March 14 opposition decided on Tuesday to boycott the parliamentary
session that Speaker Nabih Berri called for on November 27 to hear a
speech by Armenian President Serzh Sargysyan. “We will not attend the
two legislative session that Berri called for to welcome the Armenian
president and to show solidarity with the Palestinian people” against
the Israeli aggression on the Gaza Strip, high-ranking sources in
the opposition said in comments published in An Nahar newspaper.

The sources said that the March 14 alliance is preparing for “a series
of activities to express support to Gaza.” They also said that a
delegation from the opposition will hold talks with Sargysyan to stress
the friendship and ties of cooperation between Lebanon and Armenia. On
Monday, Berri lashed out at the opposition after it accused him of
seeking to push it into the “trap” of attending parliamentary sessions
despite vows by the coalition to boycott legislative activity. The
alliance boycotted all parliamentary activity following the October
19 assassination of the Internal Security Forces Intelligence Bureau
chief, Wissam al-Hasan, in a car bomb explosion in Beirut’s Ashrafiyeh
district after it blamed the government of covering up the killing. The
March 14 coalition said that the invitation to the November 27 session
and plans for another session to show solidarity with the Palestinian
people against the Israeli aggression on Gaza are seen as attempts by
Berri to “corner” the opposition and end its boycott of the parliament.

ARMENIAN PROSECUTORS DENY REPORTS THAT LAWYER’S MURDER WAS RELATED TO HIS PROFESSIONAL ACTIVITY

YEREVAN, November 21. / ARKA /. Armenia’s Prosecutor General’s Office
denied media reports claiming that the murder of a lawyer, Samvel
Sharbatyan, last week was related to his professional activities. It
said no evidence was found by the preliminary investigation to ground
these allegations.

It said in a statement posted on its official website that the forensic
examination established that the lawyer died of a brain dysfunction.

Samvel Sharbatyan, a member of the Armenian Bar Association, born
in 1963, was found dead on November 18 at a restaurant in Shahumyan
village of Lori region with traces of violence on his body. The police
said they had found 5 cartridge pistol cases on the scene. They said
Artak Veranyan turned in to police himself together with the gun.

The police have opened a criminal case under Article 104, part 1 of the
Criminal Code of Armenia. The investigation revealed that on November
18, at about 22.00 Artak Veranyan and his brother Aren born in 1981,
met at Mush restaurant with Samvel Sharbatyan to receive from him an
explanation of a personal nature.

During the squabble the brothers showed disrespect to other people and
restaurant workers. Then, Artak Veranyan seized Sharbatyan’s gun and
fired several shots in his direction, causing him multiple injuries.

The police said they are hunting for Aren Veranyan and Samvel Diloyan,
who were also involved in the squabble. -0-

REP. MCGOVERN URGES US PROTECTION FOR SYRIA’S ARMENIAN COMMUNITY

NEWS | NOVEMBER 21, 2012 10:20 AM

WASHINGTON-Representative James McGovern (D-MA) has called on
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to ensure that the United States
acts with “increased vigilance in demanding that all parties in Syria
protect minority populations, including Armenians and other Christian
communities that have been caught in the cross-fire between opposing
forces,” reported the Armenian National Committee of America.

“We very much appreciate Congressman McGovern’s leadership and
constructive engagement with the Department of State in ensuring that
American aid reaches all those in need in Syria, including Armenians,
other Christians, and all victims of violence and depravation in and
around the Aleppo region,” said Aram Hamparian, Executive Director of
the ANCA. “We share his concern for the welfare of the innocent victims
of this conflict, and join with him in calling upon the Administration
to apply the full force of American diplomacy in impressing upon all
parties in Syria that they must protect minorities and all at-risk
populations.”

In a letter sent earlier today to Secretary Clinton, Representative
McGovern, who serves as Co-Chairman of the Tom Lantos Congressional
Human Rights Caucus, voiced his strong support for U.S. humanitarian
efforts, including an ANCA-backed provision in the House Appropriations
Committee’s version of the FY13 State-Foreign Operations Bill calling
on the State Department to prioritize humanitarian and resettlement
assistance for minority communities, including Armenians and other
Christian populations in Syria. Among the specific priorities
Congressman McGovern raised in his letter were:

Ensuring that U.S. assistance reaches all at-risk populations,
including Armenians, Christians, and others in and around the Aleppo
area.

Encouraging the U.S. government to facilitate the timely delivery
of aid to Syria provided by Armenian Americans and other Armenians
world-wide.

Exploring with the Republic of Armenia assistance that can be provided
to support and sustain the refugees who have fled Syria and sought
refuge in Armenia.

Congressman McGovern also highlighted for Secretary Clinton the fact
that “the Armenian community of Syria, particularly those in and around
the Aleppo region, includes a great many descendants of survivors of
the Armenian Genocide and the forced death marches through the Syrian
desert. These Armenians, along with other Christian and minority
populations, are, today, increasingly the victims of violence –
in the form of bombings, sniper attacks, murders, kidnapping, and
acts of destruction and desecration of holy sites. Only recently,
the Armenian Genocide Martyrs Memorial Church in Deir Zor, a site of
pilgrimage for Armenians worldwide, was severely damaged as a result
of shelling from unidentified assailants.”

SHARMAZANOV SLAMS OFFICIALS IN TURKEY, AZERBAIJAN OVER “ABSURD STATEMENTS”

NEWS | 21.11.12 | 10:48

Deputy Speaker of the Armenian Parliament Eduard Sharmazanov has
brushed aside fresh accusations against Yerevan made in Turkey where
Armenia is seen as occupying Azeri lands.

The most recent statement to that effect was made by Cemil Cicek,
the speaker of the Turkish Parliament, during a meeting with Chairman
of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Riccardo Migliori.

In his reaction to the statement, Sharmazanov said: “It seems that
Turkish and Azerbaijani officials have started a competition of absurd
statements. The statement by the Turkish parliament speaker is evidence
that the country remains faithful to its policy of lies and falsehood.”

“Refreshing the memory of the Turkish official, I would like to
underline that Turkey has committed genocide against Christian nations,
Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians. Turkey is the one that occupied the
northern part of now EU member Cyprus, where murderer [of an Armenian
officer at NATO-sponsored courses in Hungary] Ramil Safarov underwent
military trainings. With the help of official Ankara Azerbaijan was
able to occupy some NKR territories. The conclusion is that sometime
it is more beneficial to keep silence not to appear in a ridiculous
situation,” emphasized the Armenian official.