12 combattants Arméniens libérateurs de Karabadjar reçoivent la méda

HAUT KARABAGH
12 combattants Arméniens libérateurs de Karabadjar reçoivent la
médaille « Mardagan dzarayoutioun »

A l’occasion de la libération de Karabadjar, Bako Sahakian, le
Président de la République du Haut Karabagh a signé le 4 avril un
certain de nombre de décrets. Ainsi parmi ces derniers, Bako Sahakian,
au nom de la République du Haut Karabagh gratifié de la médaille «
Mardagan dzarayoutioun » (Service au combat) 12 soldats et combattants
Arméniens pour leur participation active à la libération de Karbadjar.
Une région stratégique pour la survie du Haut Karabagh et de son lien
territorial direct avec l’Arménie. Ces soldats furent ainsi honorés
pour « la défense des frontières » de la République du Haut Karabagh.
Par ailleurs 10 autres combattants de la région de Chahoumian furent
honorés par la médaille de « Yerakhdakidoutioun » (Reconnaissance)
pour leur combativité lors du conflit arméno-azéri pour la libération
des territoires arméniens spoliés par l’Azerbaïdjan.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 7 avril 2013,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=88499

Seules deux anciennes maisons arméniennes sont encore debout à Van

ARMENIE-VAN
Seules deux anciennes maisons arméniennes sont encore debout à Van

La majeure partie des anciennes maisons arméniennes de Van sont
aujourd’hui détruites. En 1990 Van comptait 19 anciennes maisons
arméniennes. Aujourd’hui seules 2 ont résisté au temps et au séisme de
2011. Information donnée par « Armenpress » se référant au site turc
haberfx.net. L’architecte turc Idris Zanbay écrit « Lors des massacres
de 1915-1918 presque la totalité de la ville de Toushpa fut détruite.
Il n’y avait plus d’`uvres architecturales. Des maisons en pierre
construites durant la période de l’Empire ottoman, seules les mosquées
avaient survécu. Aujourd’hui des maisons construites par les Arméniens
de Van, seules deux ont résisté et si nous n’entreprenons pas leur
sauvegarde elles n’existeront dans peu de temps ». Selon l’architecte,
les anciennes constructions d’habitation de Van qui font partie de
l’héritage culturel doivent être sauvegardées. « Elles doivent être
repérées, classées et subir des travaux de sauvegarde » écrit I.
Zanbay. Ces éléments du patrimoine culturel arménien de Van seront
d’autant plus importants que la ligne Erévan-Van qui sera
prochainement mise en place, augmentera le tourisme arménien dans la
région, avec ses retombées économiques…

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 7 avril 2013,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=88502

98 années pas assez pour la Turquie afin qu’elle reconnaisse le géno

PRESSE-GENOCIDE ARMENIEN
98 années ne furent pas assez pour la Turquie afin qu’elle reconnaisse
le génocide arménien écrit l’ Intermountain Jewish News

L’hebdomadaire Intermountain Jewish News publié à Denver
(Colorado-Etats-Unis), dans un article consacré au génocide arménien
écrit « 98 années ne furent pas assez pour que la Turquie reconnaisse
sa faute ». Le journal évoque la politique du négationnisme du
génocide arménien menée par Ankara et s’interroge « combien de temps
peuvent encore durer les relations diplomatiques tendues (…) depuis
98 ans la Turquie peut réfuter les preuves ». Intermountain Jewish
News écrit qu’afin de reconnaitre le génocide arménien la Turquie
réclame des « preuves fiables ». L’hebdomadaire revient également sur
les relations israélo-turques et l’affaire des flottilles de Gaza qui
jeta un gel diplomatique entre la Turquie et Israël. « Les Turcs
ottomans ont assassiné plus d’un million d’hommes, femmes et enfants
innocents » ajoute Intermountain Jewish News en insistant sur
l’attitude « fasciste » de la Turquie « qui n’a pas changé ses
méthodes durant les 98 dernières années ».

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 7 avril 2013,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

South Caucasus in nearest future

Vetsnik Kavkaza, Russia
April 6 2013

South Caucasus in nearest future

6 April 2013 – 8:12pm
VK talked to political scientist Andrey Areshev and doctor of history,
senior researcher at the Russian Academy of Sciences Alla Yazkova.

Alla Yazkova

I think that, in general, results in Azerbaijan, most probably, to
some extent, are pre-set, because there is a succession of generations
and a continuity of government there, therefore, most likely the
situation will remain the same as now. However, it must be said that
there are opposition groups in Azerbaijan, which most probably will
become more active on the eve of the elections. Although at the
present time, indeed, when it comes to Russia and Azerbaijan,
relations are generally stable, there are a number of problems. They
are becoming more and more distinctive, particularly in the sphere of
energy. These problems, certainly, will be touched upon in the run-up
to the elections. The problematic issue of the Caspian Sea… I think
that in general, the question of the legal status of the Caspian Sea
has been on the agenda certainly not for one year and even not for a
decade now. But so far it has been very difficult to solve it
precisely due to certain reasons which are shared by the Caspian
states, including reticence between Russia, Azerbaijan and
Turkmenistan. In this regard, the position of Iran would certainly be
very significant if it were possible to somehow begin to address this
issue on a legal basis.

Andrey Areshev

In connection with the continuing presidential cycle in all the three
countries in the region, in the South Caucasus… We know that while
elections in Armenia have already taken place, they are still to take
place in Georgia and Azerbaijan. These elections are an important step
in the political processes in the South Caucasus, in a certain
reconfiguration of social forces. Of course, any political event
directly affects the economic situation in the region, because, as I
said, the elections are the focal point, which actualize the diverse
demands of different groups, allow different groups to advance their
claims. Against the background of a number of unresolved conflicts,
above all, of course, of Nagorno-Karabakh, the process and
preparations for elections in several countries have a direct impact
on the current situation regarding the unresolved conflicts. On the
one hand, this is politics. On the other hand, this is economics. The
issues of economic integration become more significant in relation to,
if not directly competing, then, at least, alternative integration
projects that are offered by external forces, are advanced by external
forces – forces which are involved in the events in the South Caucasus
and are somehow interested in their specific dynamics. On the one
hand, there is the Eurasian Union which is promoted by Russia, and, on
the other hand, in various forms, there is the Eastern Partnership and
the Association Agreement, which accordingly are promoted by the EU.
It should be said that both projects, in my opinion, are not fully
articulated, because Russia is experiencing some problems, and the EU,
as we know, is in crisis. It certainly impacts on their approach to
cooperation with partners in the South Caucasus.
In my view, there is a tendency for all these projects, the Eurasian
and European ones, to be viewed without any high expectations, to be
considered from a pragmatic perspective and the perspective of
specific benefits that they can offer to the countries’ economies.
Thirdly, there is certainly the humanitarian, cultural, informational
aspect. Not everything comes down to economic pragmatism – it is
certainly OK, but economic pragmatism and economic projects should go
hand in hand with cultural and information-oriented communication,
with a dialogue between societies, which are of great importance. It
is particularly important, on the one hand, for Russian-Georgian
relations, because in the absence of diplomatic relations and given
the current situation of the inability to solve the directly opposite
views of the sides on the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, a
social dialogue and a partial restoration of economic ties is a
channel which in the end will help normalize relations between the two
countries. It is a very difficult task to, for example, gather
deputies of the three or, according to some estimates, of the five
independent states, and if we take into consideration the existing de
facto Nagorno-Karabakh, then even more so. In addition, you need to
realize, in my opinion, that the political structure of each of the
three countries of the South Caucasus is not limited to the
parliaments and other bodies of the executive and legislative
branches. There are numerous very developed representative bodies of
the civil society, there are different strata in a number of countries
– social, religious and national. In my view, their participation in a
hypothetical All-Caucasian forum must be considered and secured, while
the goals and objectives that could underline the event must be
defined. The task is serious, but, in my opinion, with good will and
interests, as well as organizational support and, most importantly,
with a clear understanding of the goals and objectives, it might be
very successful. This is an idea which in the conditions of tensions
in the region could increase a certain level of constructive
cooperation and at least partially diminish the existing tension.
In my view, the idea that governments and societies of the region can
do it on their own, without the participation of external actors, is
certainly tempting, but currently hardly realizable, because based on
what has been happening in the South Caucasus for the past 20 years,
all the processes were directly linked to the strengthening of the
influence of foreign players, which manifested itself in many forms,
which were often not constructive. For example, we all remember the
situation related to what happened in Georgia in the early 2000s
before the second Chechen war. It has also had a significant external
impact. I think that here we need to talk about optimization and
harmonization of external participation, about reaching an agreement
between the non-regional powers, certainly, with the direct
involvement of the states and political actors of the South Caucasus,
about the rules of the game, the breaking of which could cause huge
problems due to the complexity, the composite character of the region,
due to the fact that it is directly linked to the North Caucasus.
There is a boundary, of course, but it is very arbitrary, and what is
happening in the South Caucasus directly affects the interests of
Russia. Russia cannot remain indifferent to what is happening in the
lands of its southern neighbors. Accordingly, the framework should be
strictly and clearly spelled out. As for the integration model, the
European Union may be active, but the EU is not always able to back up
the promises it distributes, concrete actions. Without the speeding of
the economic and industrial development of countries in the region, of
Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan… And I will stress that in the
Soviet era, Armenia was to some extent a technological leader of the
South Caucasus, which in many ways, by the way, preconditioned the
survival of the republic in the difficult early and mid-1990s, during
the blockade and in the war with Azerbaijan to mutual exhaustion. I
think that nevertheless the South Caucasus was fully integrated into
the general Soviet economic system. It gives priority to European
integration, its greater effectiveness, of course, provided that the
Eurasian project becomes more nuanced, more comprehensive and of
greater interest to the societies of the South Caucasus.
The post-election processes in Armenia were associated with the
activation of the “silver medallist” of the elections, Raffi
Hovanisian. They also seem to be coming to an end. The present day
important task for Armenia is the formation of a new government and
objectives in the socio-economic sphere, because the situation in
Armenia is quite complicated, and in fact no one is concealing it.
Migration processes that are an indicator of the state of the society,
not only of the economy but also of social consciousness, are
continuing to develop. Therefore, it is very important what the
question of what the new government of Armenia will look like and how
the current power system, which many observers in the country
characterize as clan-oligarchic, will be reformed. There are some
positive changes, and I would like to hope that changes will become
even more apparent in the near future.
Mikhail Saakashvili and his UNM are unlikely to recover from their
defeat, largely because the legitimacy of Saakashvili’s regime relied
on external and not internal factors. Accordingly, having lost
external support, which he would have definitely lost anyway with
time, it was clear, he automatically turned into a “lame duck.” So I
do not think that the current Georgian president will take any drastic
steps to dissolve the parliament or dismiss the government, which he
will be able to do, as you know, in April, in April which has just
started. Moreover, Georgia also faces very serious problems. Its
problems are largely similar to the problems of Armenia, despite the
fact that Georgia has a much more favorable geopolitical position, is
the communication core of the region, has access to the sea and is
integrated into a great number of communication projects with
Azerbaijan and Turkey. By the way, this results not only in advantages
but also in disadvantages: the Georgian leadership is becoming a
hostage to a large extent. The new Georgian leadership inherited the
problems of its predecessors: having completely broken off relations
with Russia, including economic relations, they have become dependent
on their neighbors, stronger and more assertive in economic matters
and not only. As for Azerbaijan, in my opinion, there is little chance
of the presidential election, which are going to take place in
October, having an unusual scenario. This will certainly not happen.
But the current events, those public speeches, those corruption
scandals that regularly appear on the surface, suggest that certain
processes are taking place in Azerbaijan that might have an impact on
the neighboring countries as well, the neighbors of Azerbaijan. This
is important for Russia, because there is a distant… the most
problematic subject of the Russian Federation which has a long border
with Azerbaijan. We know that in the past there have been several
tendencies indicating a certain cooling in the relations and the
dialogue between Moscow and Baku. One of the indicators is the Gabala
NPP, but not only. I think that Russia will benefit if the events in
Azerbaijan, the election campaign, the electoral process itself and
all the possible post-electoral processes, certain protests which
cannot be overlooked, are dealt with in a peaceful, democratic and
constitutional manner.

http://vestnikkavkaza.net/articles/politics/38934.html

Can Raffi Hovannisian Lead Our People to `The Promised Land’?

Can Raffi Hovannisian Lead Our People to `The Promised Land’?

by Michael Mensoian

April 6, 2013

The reports from Armenia are both heartening and disappointing. How
can it be both? Indications are that there is a palpable
dissatisfaction on the part of the electorate that is rippling
throughout the country. Only time will tell whether this can properly
be referred to as a groundswell of voter dissatisfaction with respect
to the reelection of President Sarkisian. However, there is no
question that a growing number of young activists have serious
concerns with respect to his reelection. These activists represent an
ever-growing number of young people whose future and that of Armenia
is their iron in the fire. Then we have the energized political
parties that see an opportunity to take on a president they perceive
as being a wounded tiger.

Raffi Hovannisian (Photo by Serouj Aprahamian, The Armenian Weekly)
To begin with, Mr. Sarkisian has been reelected. Although neither
candidate can honestly claim to have received a mandate from the
people, this has not prevented Mr. Hovannisian from making that claim.
Mr. Sarkisian continues to occupy the office of the President of the
Republic of Armenia and has been congratulated on his victory by
substantive foreign leaders who evidently prefer a known to an unknown
chief executive. President Sarkisian still controls a majority in
parliament and is supported by a cadre of apparatchiks and oligarchs
who have their interests to protect.

It has been over a month since President Sarkisian was returned to
office (Feb. 18, 2013 election). Since then Mr. Hovannisian has
visited various parts of Armenia with the message that he won the
election. Given the voting irregularities that were noted, his
supporters have some basis to believe that he is the legitimate
president of Armenia. Yet, how long Mr. Hovannisian can continue this
tour de force? At what point might his claim fail to resonate with the
electorate? It seems his self-esteem is unlimited, but the interests
of the voters in this continuing saga may not be as unlimited. They
still have their daily problems to cope with. The election has not
changed that.

The problem for the opposition is maintaining this voter
dissatisfaction or, should it wane, reenergizing it. Mr. Hovannisian
went on yet another hunger strike in Freedom Square. Accompanying this
decision, evidently made without thinking how it should or would end,
was the following statement: `I will not eat and I will not accept
deception and threats from anyone. If on April 9, Sarkisian takes his
oath on the Holy Bible, and the Catholicos desecrates the Bible and
blesses¦[President Sarkisian] who mocks the people, then it will
happen over my dead body.’ He not only challenges the president, but
the Catholicos as well. On one hand he claims to be the legitimate
president of Armenia and on the other hand he is apparently willing to
die to protect his claim. When Mr. Sarkisian is sworn in and is
blessed by the Catholicos, what then? While these theatrics are being
played out, the opposition is without a leader and a plan. If Mr.
Hovannisian wasn’t so busy, it should be him. He is the recognized
face of the opposition. He has proven his right to that position.
Holding rallies seems to be his forte. If pure altruism were the
guiding principle that motivated political parties, there would be no
problem. However, there are pragmatic considerations as well that
influence the agendas of these parties. Creating an effective
opposition is not an easy task, as can be seen at this early stage.
Maintaining it is more difficult.

The problem that the opposition faces is that there are two sets of
reforms that must be addressed. One set covers the bread and butter
issues that directly impact the day-to-day life of the people and
their future. These are issues that determine the socioeconomic
wellbeing of the country and the quality of life of its people. One
has to determine whether this public outcry is caused by voting
irregularities per se or against voting irregularities because the
president and his failed policies and programs have been given another
five-year term.

The other set of reforms relate to the systemic changes that must be
achieved through constitutional revisions. These affect the type of
government, the system of justice, and the election process. These are
long-term unless a rapid change in the power structure takes place
through a coup d’état or a revolution. Either process is beyond the
capability or the intent of the opposition. The conundrum facing the
opposition is that the bread and butter issues are dependent in large
measure upon the long-term systemic changes required. It is a `catch
22³ situation. At which end of the rope does the opposition begin to
pull?

The May 5 election of representatives to the city council, which is
the governing body for Yerevan, represents the first assault against
the administration. Wresting control from the Republican Party would
be a significant victory. In the first election (2009) for the 65
seats on what at that time was the newly formed council, about 53
percent of Yerevan’s eligible voters participated. The election gave
the Republican Party 47.7 percent of the vote (35 seats) and the right
to name the mayor. The Prosperous Party had 27.7 percent (17 seats)
and the Armenian National Congress 17.4 percent (13 seats). No other
party reached the 7 percent threshold to name a representative. At the
time there were charges of voting irregularities. For the present
election on May 5, 2013, failure to gain control of the council would
deal a serious blow to the reform movement.

Unfortunately, what seemed to be a likely coalition has already
fractured. Each party has decided to name its own slate of
representatives. Good luck to that decision. A coalition could pool
its votes and would only need to reach the 9 percent threshold (7
percent for individual political parties) to name representatives to
the council. This would have been the better course of action given
the results of the first election. If cooperation is elusive here, the
administration has won a victory before the first vote has been cast.
What does this portend for the future when a united front may be an
absolute necessity?

Many of the desired systemic reforms will take time. This requires
long-term commitments by the political parties to carry on an
effective opposition. However, this required commitment is not a
reasonable expectation in Armenia’s volatile political environment.
The obvious danger, assuming an effective coalition can be formed, is
the prospect of the administration peeling away an opposition party or
its ability to counter coalition efforts with legislation that can
easily pass in the Republican-dominated parliament. Such legislation,
if beneficial to the electorate, would undermine coalition efforts as
well as its support among the public, in general, or with specific
groups, such as the young political activists. However, if the
coalition’s efforts force the administration to be more responsive to
the needs of the people, than that can be viewed as a victory, but it
falls far short of the systemic changes the opposition seeks.

Potential coalition partners have their own unique agendas. While
there will be times where the coalition may feel compelled to support
the administration en bloc, there could be issues where a divided
response occurs. Unfortunately the opposition must operate in a
political environment that can change dramatically because of
unforeseen events, manipulations by the administration, or interparty
disagreements.

There is no easy path to the reforms, whether short-term or long-term,
that must be had. The opposition must hammer away at the
administration’s inadequacies, while proposing doable changes to
improve the system of governance and the welfare of the people. The
electorate’urban and rural, young and old’must be educated to
understand the importance of their support and the patience to achieve
the desired objectives. This is the time that will try the resolve of
the coalition partners as well as the electorate. Realistically,
political reforms may be less important to the people than legislation
that has a beneficial impact on their quality of life. How to balance
their support for the former against their greater interest in the
latter is a problem that has to be resolved.

No political party wants to lose an election. However, the voter must
have faith that a political party not only talks their interests, but
is willing to wage the good fight, to win or be bloodied, on their
behalf. Raffi Hovannisian was not only willing to talk their
interests, but also accepted the challenge to face President Sarkisian
knowing full well the obstacles. He proved that he was willing to
fight for their cause. Can the Armenian people ask more from a leader?

The dissatisfaction of the Armenian electorate has been simmering for
a very long time. Mr. Hovannisian has been the catalyst that has
brought this resentment to a boil. Whether or not it succeeds depends
on many variables. One can never say with certainty what the end
result might be.

If Mr. Hovannisian’s `people’s victory,’ which the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation (ARF) has publicly accepted, should fail to
gain traction, then the ARF has a duty to fulfill the mission, alone
if necessary. Our party has to decide what it must do, and what it
must do is to be perceived as ready and able to mount the political
ramparts for the people.

In an interview months ago, I was emotionally taken by a thought
expressed by unger Vahan Hovannisian: `Those who do not understand
where my self-confidence, determination, and strength comes from
should remember one word: Dashnaksutyun.’ The principles and
philosophy that define the ARF have endured for over 120 years. It is
these eternal values that are the foundation for a system of
governance where freedom, justice, equality, and opportunity exists
for all Armenians irrespective of age, ability, or needs. This is the
moment when our party must be imbued with that same self-confidence,
determination, and strength to carry our flag into battle for our
people and for our mayreni yergir.

http://www.armenianweekly.com/2013/04/06/can-raffi-hovannisian-lead-our-people-to-the-promised-land/

Clarification was required on Varbedian’s issue

Clarification was required on Varbedian’s issue

03:37 PM | TODAY | POLITICS

NA “Heritage” faction’s secretary Zaruhi Postanjyan directed a
question to the Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan, to the head of the
National Security Service Gorik Hakobyan, to the Minister of Diaspora
Hranush Hakobyan and to the Minister of Health Derenik Dumanyan.

“Dear colleagues, the society of the Republic of Armenia have
expressed its deep concern about the fact of prohibition of entrance
to RA of our compatriot, 70-year-old Alexander Varbedian. According to
the information disseminated by the media, Mr. Alexander Varbedian who
is the co-founder of the Union of Exiled Armenian Writers and
Intellectuals has been kept in captivity for two days in special
dwelling space of “Zvartnots” airport transit zone in Yerevan and his
right of movement is prohibited”.

Yesterday evening,”Heritage” party MP Ruben Hakobyan and Zaruhi
Postanjyan attempted to clarify the whereabouts and health conditions
of Mr. Alexander Varbedian from Zvartnots airport security services
and law enforcement officers but they did not obtain any response to
the mentioned concerns.

Based on the above mentioned facts, please provide answers to the
following questions as soon as possible.

(1) How many days has Mr. Alexander Varbedian been retained at the airport?

(2) If there are legal bases for prohibiting of the movement of Mr.
Alexander Varbedian then I ask you to provide a basis for a decision,
protocol or the copies of any other documents.

(3) Was Mr. Alexander Varbedian provided with appropriate care or not
and whether his health condition is satisfactory, that he can be found
in a closed space furthermore?

(4) Will not such a kind of treatment by the authorities to the old
man of revelation be harm to “Ari Tun/ Return Home” program of the
Republic of Armenia?

http://www.a1plus.am/en/politics/2013/04/06/zaruhi-postanjyan

Azerbaijan’s intentions are not realistic

Azerbaijan’s intentions are not realistic

05:04 PM | TODAY | POLITICS

Azerbaijan and Turkey are trying to divide Iran. Today specialists on
Iranian studies Armen Israyelyan and Rudik Yaralyan announced during a
meeting with reporters.

“On March 30, the Liberation Front of South Azerbaijan organized a
conference in Baku, which was attended by Azeri Majlis deputies, the
purpose of which was to discuss the unification of Iran’s 3
north-western provinces to Azerbaijan” Mr. Israelian said.

Ruben Yaralyan mentioned: “The Azerbaijani authorities tried to blame
Iran, Armenia and Russia on the mentioned issue that they are starting
to use Talish factor as a political lever used against Azerbaijan”.

According to the words of the specialists on Iranian studies Armen
Israelyan Iran should implement more strict policy. “The United States
tends to hold lenient policy towards Iran. Azerbaijan’s intentions
towards Iran are not realistic; however other image would be if the
West were interested in carrying out military operations against
Iran”,- Mr Israelian said.

Due to him, as a result of this intention of Turkey and Azerbaijan the
relations of Iran and Armenia may be slightly affected, but as whole
anti-Armenian movements are not observed.

“There are groups that are guided by Turkey and Iran, but they are
minority”,- specialist on Iranian studies concluded.

http://www.a1plus.am/en/politics/2013/04/06/iran

Diaspora warns authorities on the eve of April 9

DIASPORA warns authorities on the eve of April 9
05:21 PM | TODAY | SOCIAL

ANNOUNCEMENT

After February 18 presidential elections the political situation in
the Republic of Armenia’s is very tense. Contrary to many predictions
the atmosphere is gradually becoming explosive and it is expected that
it will reach its culmination point on April 9 when the oath-making
ceremony of Serzh Sargsyan will take place.

IT IS PREDICTABLE, that provocations and clashes can occur between
peaceful civilians and law enforcement agencies developing with the
well known scenario of March 1.

We support the just struggle of our Armenian nation people and very
concerned we DECLARE that any kind of unprecedented provocation or
brutal use of force by the side of the authorities will have a
negative impact on Armenia and Diaspora relations.

For the sake of the welfare of Armenian people and the country’s peace
and sustainable development we demand that the government of the
Republic of Armenia resolve any kind of disagreement on the legal
level and act only with humanistic approach that will serve as a solid
basis for DIASPORA -HOMELAND relations and will continue to develop
and improve the reputation of the Republic of Armenia in the
international arena.

“The Congress of Armenians of Europe” German branch
German-Armenian Central Council
Armenian-German Cultural Society
Armenian Community in Berlin
Armenian Cultural Association of Stuttgart
“The 3rd Millennium without War” NGO
“Armenian Renaissance” German branch

http://www.a1plus.am/en/social/2013/04/06/election

Women seeking legal aid in divorce top men in Armenia

Women seeking legal aid in divorce top men in Armenia

18:34 – 06.04.13

Ninety percent of the Armenian citizens turning to a lawyer for
divorce are women, according to a legal consulting firm chief.

At a news conference on Saturday, the director of the Right Protect
company, Garik Sahakyan, said the female clients seeking a legal aid
want to get divorced not because of being socially insecure, but
because they feel betrayed and ignored by their spouses.

As for the males, the lawyer said their number is lower – about 5%-7%
– most citing the lack of love as a cause for divorce. `Whereas women
say they forgave a husband betraying them for three or four times, but
realized eventually he won’t change,’ he said.

Asked whether women or man betray their spouses more, Sahakyan noted
that the rate is almost equal despite the existing opinion adultery is
more widely practiced by males.

The lawyer said further that only 1% of their clients appear to be
victims of physical violence. `One out of 100 clients turning to us
would say he or she has been subjected to physical violence,’ said he,
adding that women predominantly want a little bit attention.

`An Armenian woman does not demand much in practice. Faithfulness,
work and love are all she wants. What Armenia lacks today is the not
males as physical beings, but the real Armenian man,’ Sahakyan added.

Armenian News – Tert.am

Remembering Moushegh Ishkhan

Remembering Moushegh Ishkhan

Friday, April 5th, 2013

Moushegh Ishkhan

The following is an excerpt from a book published in 2009 in Los
Angeles, written by Yervant Babayan, about prominent Armenian writers
and community leaders. The book titled `They Should Not Be Forgotten’
is currently being translated to English to be accessible to the new
generation. Yervant Babayan is 99 years old. He is a writer and
educator living in Los Angeles.

Moushegh Ishkhan (Jenderejian)
Born in Sivri Hisar’a state of Ankara’in 1913, Moushegh Ishkhan is
exiled with his family in 1915. After moving from one place to
another, he settles in Damascus. Following his graduation from the
local elementary school, he leaves for Cyprus. He completes two years
of study at the Melkonian Educational Institute, where he is a student
of Hagop Oshagan. He moves to Beirut in 1930, and graduates in 1935
from the Nshan Palandjian College, where he teaches for three years.
Ishkhan takes literature and pedagogy courses in Belgium from
1938-1940, after which he returns to Beirut. He works as a lecturer in
literature at the Palandjian College until his retirement. At one
point, he simultaneously serves as editor of both the daily and weekly
editions of Aztag. Moushegh Ishkhan passed away in 1990.

As a poet, prose writer, dramatist, and teacher, he has penned 17
books: The Song of the Homes; The Fire; Armenia; Life and Dreams; For
Bread and Light; Three Great Armenians; For Bread and Love; Greetings,
Fatherland; Golden Autumn; Affliction; It Is So Difficult to Die; The
Wait; The Man from the Refrigerator; Plays; My Teachers; Sunset;
Twilight Under the Shelling; Modern Armenian Literature (three-volume
textbook); and

Farewell, Childhood
With this book, Moushegh Ishkhan seeks to revisit his miserable
childhood, one overwhelmed by the burden of deprivation and horror
experienced during an itinerant existence, as his family moved from
one country to another, from one city to the next.

Like an expert psychologist, Ishkhan examines the painful
recollections of his youth. The most heart-wrenching of these is his
mother’s outpouring of grief at his father’s gravesite.

Author Yervand Babayan
At the end of World War I, the survivors of the Genocide return to
their ancestral cities with great hopes. Ishkhan’s family, along with
others, returns to Sivri Hisar and settles in a meager house. Their
splendid, two-story residence is now inhabited by a Turkish military
doctor.

Sometimes they go to church to pray. The young Moushegh says his own
special prayer: `Dear heavenly Father, protect us. Please don’t allow
the Turks to find out where we’re hiding. Save us from deportation.
Amen.’

When his father dies, Ishkhan considers his paternal uncle to be his
father and his wife becomes his mother. Because Ishkhan’s biological
mother has gone to Jerusalem, she is known as his `haji’ (pilgrim)
mother.

The survivors speak only about the deportations. They tell of the
starvation, the horrifying Turkish criminals, the massacres. This is
all that Moushegh ever hears. His inner world is filled with `deathly
phantasms.’ Terrifying visions torment him at night.

His father wants to teach him how to read Armenian. He resists,
maintaining that he is incapable of learning. Father and Mother
insist. Moushegh is upset and begins to cry. It is obvious that, in
this condition, he can’t learn anything. However, he cheers up when
Father brings him a colorful book. `Curiosity,’ he says, `conquers
fear.’

Suddenly everything changes. More Turkish soldiers arrive, and the
relative tranquility is disrupted. The Turks are infuriated by the
triumph of the Greeks, and the Armenians are gripped with dread. One
night, the remaining men’including Father’are taken, God knows where.

Everything changes once again. The Greeks occupy the city. Moushegh
recalls Father’s words: `The Greeks will win only if the British want
it.’ The Armenians, especially the children, are happy. They see
automobiles for the very first time. What an exciting novelty! Steam
issues forth from the front of the vehicle. `It’s going to explode!’
someone exclaims. Mother suddenly carries him away. Although he says
nothing, Moushegh’s pride is hurt. The other novelty introduced by the
Greeks is chocolate. When Mother brings some home from the market and
passes it out to them, they consume it eagerly. Moushegh notices that
the piece of chocolate given to him is bigger than the rest. `I wasn’t
dissatisfied, of course, but I felt an inexplicable uneasiness in
light of the injustice meted out to my sister and brother,’ writes
Moushegh.

Unfortunately, the Armenians aren’t happy for long. It is said that
the Greeks have been defeated and have begun to withdraw. Haste and
alarm’the Armenians despair. The only solution is to flee. The
decision is made and, with innumerable difficulties, they reach Bursa.

Bursa has several silk mills. Moushegh’s `haji’ mother and his cousin
find work in one of the silk factories. Bursa is also known for its
mineral springs. Moushegh frequently suffers from anuria, or urine
retention. Mother takes him to the springs, in an effort to cure him.
A naked girl standing at the edge of the pool captures the attention
of our pubescent youth. Embarrassed, he avoids looking at her nude
body, especially at her shivering breasts. But he senses that it is
difficult not to stare. Mother leaves him in her care. Regarding this
he says: `We are together for two or three days now, and she is the
one who carries me out of the water to hand me to Mother. At night I
secretly pray that I won’t pass my stones so that the Turkish girl and
I may continue to descend into the pool of happiness for a long time.’

A year after their arrival in Bursa, worrisome news begins to
circulate. Mustafa Kemal advances, and the Greeks withdraw. Bursa is
in danger. It is necessary to leave as soon as possible. Armenians
arrive in trucks at one of the gulfs of Marmara. Everyone is sad, but
Moushegh is happy: he sees the sea for the first time.

Everyone gathers upon the wharf, rushing to board the steamship docked
nearby. There is pushing and shoving, confusion and disorder. Some,
like Moushegh’s family, don’t attempt to join the crowd. They move
away and situate themselves in some abandoned wagons. In the morning,
they are distressed to learn that the wharf’s pier has collapsed and
many have drowned. A few days later, a ship arrives and transports
them to Istanbul.

Through a special arrangement, they settle in an old school. They are
happy because there is no danger of deportation or massacre. However,
serious challenges exist. In particular, the danger of Mustafa Kemal
looms. It is said that on any given day he can capture Istanbul. In
order to avoid new troubles, the Armenians begin to depart. They leave
for Greece, Bulgaria, and other countries. Moushegh and his family go
to Damascus. A few years later, the family is split apart. Moushegh’s
biological grandmother and uncle propose, in successive letters, that
they come to live with them in Greece. Mother agrees to `haji’
mother’s relocation along with Moushegh’s younger brother and sister.
However, Moushegh will remain with Mother, naturally, since he has
already been officially registered with the government as her child.
They depart, bidding their loved ones farewell with affectionate yet
anguished kisses.

This sad separation is followed by a happy reunion. Moushegh Ishkhan
writes: `It took thirty-seven long years for the `gates of hope’ to
open. I had the good fortune to visit Yerevan in 1962 and to embrace
my `haji’ mother, sister, and brother there.’

Education
Istanbul. Along with refugee children who share his fate, Moushegh
begins to attend the Ortakiugh school. Only he recognizes the Armenian
alphabet.

`I’m not a bad boy,’ he writes. `My sickly constitution undoubtedly
prevents me from doing anything evil¦.Regarding laziness, why conceal
my sin? I’m afraid that I’m a bit lazy. When Father would teach me the
alphabet, I would pretend to have a stomach ache.’

There are events that unexpectedly reveal hidden talents. This is what
happens to Moushegh during geography class. When he names the various
places that the refugees have been as he describes their sufferings,
the local boys listen with astonishment. His teacher, interested in
and moved by his story, praises him. `The local boys’ dumbfounded
curiosity makes me happy,’ he writes. `Not only have I overcome my
usual timidity, but I feel like the hero of a famous epic novel as
well.’ Moushegh’s self-confidence is further bolstered during religion
class. He, only he, answers the teacher’s questions. Father has
recounted all of the biblical episodes to him. In response to the
question, `What did Moses give the Jews when he came down from the
mountain?’ he immediately replies: `the testament of the Ten
Commandments.’ In response to a second question, `What is the
difference between the Jews who leave Egypt and the Armenian
refugees?’ After thinking for a moment, he states: `The Jews go to
their land; we go elsewhere.’

Damascus. Moushegh is nine; his sister is six. His brother is very
young. They attend the Catholic Sisters’ Arabic school. Arabic is the
primary language, but French is also taught. Arabic is a difficult
language to learn. After suffering for a month, he finds the means of
success. With the help of others, he writes his lesson using Armenian
letters, memorizes it overnight, and earns his teacher’s praise the
next day: `Afik yah waled’ (`Well done, boy’). However, he isn’t
happy. The environment is strange, and so sad that `my childhood died
from day to day, pale and exhausted.’

The second school that he attends is the Franco-ArmÑ?nienne school. All
of the students are Armenian, but they speak Turkish. The teachers are
Armenian, too. The principal is a Jesuit priest who preaches
Catholicism. The teachers’ struggle against Turkish fails. Here is
Moushegh’s evaluation: `At the Franco-ArmÑ?nienne school, I forgot the
Arabic that I had learned at the Sisters’ school, my Arabic improved,
I learned the Armenian grammatical cases quite well, and I struggled
endlessly to learn French.’

Damascus’ third school is the Protestant one. Moushegh is a
fourth-grade student there. This school is unique for its morning
worship. Every morning one teacher, in turn, discusses a biblical
episode. Then they sing spiritual songs. In Moushegh’s opinion, the
best speaker is an Armenian teacher named Baron Boghos. He only
emphasizes patriotism. In a conservative school, Baron Boghos’
audacity is worthy of praise, according to Moushegh. Furthermore, he
manages to foster Moushegh’s love for reading by providing him with
books and encouraging him to write. Here is his opinion: `Baron Boghos
was one of those exceptional teachers to whom students connect with
unreserved adoration. A familial feeling had been created between us.’
At the year-end ceremony, the best students are awarded honor pins.
Moushegh receives one as well.

The following year, a young man is appointed principal. His
affectionate manner towards the students quickly makes him everyone’s
favorite. Soon thereafter they begin to criticize him. Yet the
criticism and slander do not undermine his authority. The cordial
principal-student relationship endures.

Near the end of May, he organizes a May 28th commemoration along with
a group of students. Tasks are assigned, and a program is prepared.
Moushegh is to recite a poem by Siamanto. Everyone at school is
excited about the upcoming event. Alas, the Board of Trustees cancels
it. As a result, the principal decides not to return the following
year. A group of disgruntled students decides to enroll at another
school.

A year later, Moushegh is a senior at Damascus’ National School. The
school is run by a senior teacher. One morning, he enters the
classroom accompanied by a man wearing a fez.

`Your Armenian teacher is poet Aris Shaklian. I wish you all success.’
After he leaves, whispers circulate in the classroom: `Who ever heard
of a poet with a fez?’ Moushegh and others are disappointed: `Based
upon the photos found in books, this man does not have a writer’s
appearance at all.’

However, this negative impression is rectified gradually. The
instructor’s teaching skill, his obvious efforts to be helpful, and
his gentle smile secure the students’ sympathy. He becomes a
well-respected and loved teacher. One day, Moushegh composes a poem
and submits it to the teacher as a composition. The next day, as the
teacher hands back the corrected compositions, he reads Moushegh’s
poem. After making a few comments, he adds that Moushegh has the
talent to write, and that he should develop this talent because he
could become a famous poet someday.

Moushegh writes about the poet-teacher Aris Shaklian: `It’s true. My
spelling didn’t improve, my analytical knowledge didn’t advance, but
from him I received the Holy Communion of fine literary arts.’ Later,
he adds: `Now Baron Shaklian was unveiling the miraculous world of
poetry before my dazzled eyes.’

Moushegh graduates with highest honors. He delivers the commencement
address and is awarded a prize.

Here is his conclusion regarding his graduation from elementary
school: `The edifice of my education is complete. Its lower floor was
built by the Catholics; its middle floor was constructed by the
Protestants; and its upper floor’more correctly, its dome’was raised
in the style of the Mother Church. Is it possible to imagine a more
cohesive and complete education than this?’

During those years, few elementary school graduates could afford to
continue their education. Many would enter a trade profession.
Moushegh decides to become a shoemaker. His first master, a rude man,
compels him to seek another master, and he finds one. A benevolent
man, his new master, Vartan, tries to help him. One day, after work,
Vartan takes Moushegh to the Progressivists’ Club. Moushegh enjoys
their company, and he goes to the Club often. He registers as a member
of the Youth Union, and he is put in charge of the library. Lectures
are sometimes held at the Club. Poet and educator Armen Anoush visits
the Club one day. Moushegh befriends him. On another occasion, Nigol
Aghpalian, Education Minister of the Republic of Armenia, is greeted
with great enthusiasm. A festival is organized in his honor, and a
program is prepared. Moushegh recites Siamanto’s `To: Idea.’ At the
conclusion of the event, he is introduced to the Minister as a
studious youth. There is talk about the college to be opened in Beirut
two years later. Two years later? Moushegh isn’t very excited by the
prospect of such a distant likelihood. He continues to work as a
shoemaker’s apprentice.

One evening, on his way home, he runs into his dear Armenian teacher,
Aris Shaklian. In response to his questions, he replies that he has
decided to become a shoemaker. `No, Moushegh my son, no, you weren’t
meant to be a tradesman,’ he says and proposes that he continue his
education at the Melkonian Educational Institute in Cyprus. He assures
Moushegh that, if he is willing to go, he will arrange it for him.

Moushegh thankfully accepts his teacher’s proposal and, after passing
the entrance exams, departs for Cyprus.

Here is his assessment of his meeting with his teacher: `This chance
meeting, in front of a coffeehouse on a Saturday evening, fatefully
determines my entire future. Instead of becoming a shoemaker, I become
an educator.’

The book’s conclusion: `My persecuted and exiled childhood comes to an
end here. Farewell, childhood.’

http://asbarez.com/109256/remembering-moushegh-ishkhan/