OSCE Representative Urges French Senate To Reject Criminialization O

OSCE REPRESENTATIVE URGES FRENCH SENATE TO REJECT CRIMINALIZATION OF ARMENIAN GENOCIDE DENIAL

ARMINFO News Agency
October 17, 2006 Tuesday

The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Miklos Haraszti,
expressed his concern today about the French National Assembly’s
adoption in a first reading of an amendment that aims to criminalize
the denial that the 1915 killings of Armenians in Turkey was
genocide. The press-service of OSCe headquarters in Vienna told
ArmInfo.

In a letter sent to the President of the French Senate, Christian
Poncelet, the Representative asked the Senate members to reject the
amendment when it reaches the Senate in its capacity as second chamber.

"I acknowledge the humanitarian intentions of those members of
the Assembly who support this proposal. However, the adoption of
the amendment raises serious concerns with regard to international
standards of freedom of expression," wrote Haraszti.

"It is in the name of these same standards that I continue to call upon
Turkey to remove Article 301 of the Penal Code, ‘Insulting Turkish
identity’, which prosecutors in Turkey repeatedly use in the context
of the Armenian genocide debate."

France recognized the genocide in the 19 January 2001 Law. The proposed
amendment would introduce a punishment for denial amounting to one
year’s imprisonment and a fine of EUR 45,000.

"Both the fact of criminalization of statements, and the severity
of the sanctions would infringe upon editorial freedom in France,"
added Haraszti. "The adoption of the amendment by France, a nation
with a long-standing tradition of freedom of expression, could set
a dangerous precedent for other nations of the OSCE."

Swiss Cabinet Maintains Line Over Anti-Racism Law

CABINET MAINTAINS LINE OVER ANTI-RACISM LAW

Swissinfo, Switzerland
Oct 18 2006

The cabinet does not think the Swiss anti-racism law should be changed
– despite comments by the justice minister, Christoph Blocher, to
the contrary.

Blocher caused a storm of protest while on a trip to Turkey earlier
this month when he said he was intent on revising the legislation. On
Wednesday the cabinet said it regretted the incident.

"The cabinet remains opposed to a pure and simple abolition of the
anti-racism law," said Swiss President Moritz Leuenberger. "This text
will remain in force and will continue to be used."

He said it was legitimate to propose making modifications, but said
the cabinet regretted that the discussion had been started during a
visit abroad.

This gave the impression that Switzerland could be pressured into
changing its laws depending on certain circumstances, Leuenberger said.

Blocher, a leading light of the rightwing Swiss People’s Party, had
remarked during his Turkish trip that part of the anti-racism law –
which was adopted in 1994 and includes sections aimed at preventing
revisionist views about the Holocaust – gave him a "headache".

The law has led to investigations in Switzerland against two Turks,
including one historian, for allegedly denying the 1915 Armenian
massacre.

Armenians say around 1.8 million of their people died as a result of
a forced mass evacuation by the Turkish government during the Ottoman
Empire. Turkey puts the figure closer to 200,000. Under Swiss law any
act of denying, belittling or justifying genocide is a violation of
the country’s anti-racism legislation.

However, Blocher said at the time that it was ultimately up to the
government, parliament and possibly the population, to decide on
any changes.

Under scrutiny

According to Leuenberger, Blocher has told his cabinet colleagues
that a working group at his ministry was already re-examining the law,
in particular article 261bis, the cause of Blocher’s headache.

The justice minister was ready to include a member of the Federal
Commission Against Racism in this work, Leuenberger added, refusing
to any further questions on the matter – which caused a media and
political outcry in Switzerland – saying the content of cabinet
meetings was confidential.

For his part, Blocher, speaking at a different media conference
earlier in the day, said he was simply waiting for the feedback from
his working group by the end of the year.

"It’s about making the anti-racism law clearer, more secure and
unambiguous," he said.

swissinfo with agencies

KEY FACTS

Swiss anti-racism legislation was adopted in 1994, among other things
to prevent revisionist views about the Holocaust. In 2005, Swiss
authorities launched criminal investigations against the historian
Yusuf Halacoglu, the president of the Turkish History Organisation,
and the politician Dogu Perincek for allegedly making comments in
Switzerland denying the 1915 Armenian massacre. Armenians say around
1.8 million of their people were killed. Turkey disputes this, putting
the figure closer to 200,000. Under Swiss law any act of denying,
belittling or justifying genocide is a violation of the country’s
anti-racism legislation.

RA Foreign Minister To Visit Canada And France

RA FOREIGN MINISTER TO VISIT CANADA AND FRANCE

Public Radio, Armenia
Oct 17 2006

October 17 RA Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian is leaving for Canada
on a working visit.

October 18 in Ottawa RA Foreign Minister is due to meet with the
Foreign Minister of Canada Peter MacKay.

The same day Minister Oskanian will meet with representatives
of Canada-Armenia Parliamentary Friendship group, as well as the
Armenian community.

October 19 the Minister will leave for Toronto, where he will deliver
a speech in the international forum titled "The role of the Diaspora
in building opportunities for peace and development organized by
UN University for Peace. And opening speech will be delivered by
President of the 61st session of the UN General Assembly Sheikha Haya
Rashed Al Khalifa.

October 21 the Minister will leave for Washington, where he will be
present at the festive events dedicated to the 15th anniversary of
Armenia’s independence.

The next day Minister Oskanian will leave for Paris, where he is
scheduled to meet with the Foreign Minister of Azerbaijan and the
OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs on October 24.

Intellectuals And ‘Patriots’

INTELLECTUALS AND ‘PATRIOTS’
Hazem Saghieh Al-Hayat

Dar Al-Hayat, Lebanon
Oct 18 2006

When Naguib Mahfouz won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1988,
many Egyptian and Arab voices contested and cast doubt on the
announcement. For them, the prize was for Mahfouz’s positive position
toward peace with Israel. It is, therefore, not a reward for Egypt and
the Arabs, but rather for their surrender. It was also offered as an
encouragement for more Arab surrender. A few years later, some were
affected by those critics and, consequently, the respected novelist
was stabbed with a knife.

Recently, Nobel Prize winner novelist Orhan Pamuk was subjected to
a similar defamation campaign in Turkey . The aim, in the eyes of
critics, was to humiliate Turkey through the prize, and depict its
identity as a mixture of confusion and juxtapositions. The irrefutable
evidence was Pamuk’s outspoken objection to the history of his country
toward the Armenians and its policy toward the Kurds.

Also, taking into account the difference between the two situations,
Iranian Nobel Peace Prize winner Shirin Ebadi is one of the critics
of Iranian under the Ayatollahs, whose latest victim was Ramin
Jahanbegloo, the intellectual who was coerced to apologize in court for
the kindness of his heart and for falling for ‘Great Satan’s’ tricks.

Between the killing of journalists and intellectuals in Algeria during
the civil war, and the arrest and gagging of their colleagues in Syria,
the fundamentalist terrorism and the Baathist-military ‘modernity’
converged on a position toward these accursed professions, which
deals with knowledge, creativity and criticism.

The hostility toward culture and intellectuals, and the press and
journalists is almost equivalent to the hostility toward the West.

Both complete each other. So long as the cultural and freedom of press
is Western by origin and practice, and so long as the Nobel Foundation
‘implements’ a US colonial agenda, the resistance to culture and
intellectuals, and the press and journalists has become part of
‘patriotism’.

This also occurs in a country such as Russia, where journalist
Anna Politkovskaya was assassinated a few days ago. She was famous
for exposing her country’s brutal policies in Chechnya. As known,
the problem of Russia with the West, before, during and after the
Bolshevik Revolution, strongly related to the Russian Slavic Patriotism
of which Putin has become its latest hero.

Indeed, the tendency to liken these accursed professions to the
Western ‘enemy’ is not something new. Every instance of the tensed-up
nationalistic awakenings in the 20th century has been expressed
in the form of silencing the press and arresting or exiling the
intellectuals. When nationalism was coupled with statist tendencies,
through extensive nationalization; education (not only the culture
and the press) paid dearly.

However, with Ahmadinejad, Hezbollah and Hamas (and Kim Jong Il),
we reach an unprecedented degree of estrangement between what is
‘patriotic’ and cultural. The current political and ideological mood
derives rightness and knowledge from demography and numbers. As it
attempts to widen the gap with the West, it detaches itself from
anything related to it in order to maintain its own original and
‘pure’ identity. Equivalent to this inclination is the growing desire
of the intellectuals and journalists, including those who were once
‘patriotics’, to abandon these populist movements.

Ultimately, it is a perpetual impoverishment in which the sheer
number, the rise in oil prices, or heroism on the battleground
cannot compensate for the mind. That being the case, victory, when
achieved, becomes much worse than a defeat like the Republican one
in the Spanish civil war, which was coupled with ideas, creativity
and cultural mobility.

Such defeat is ultimately turned into an actual victory when Spain
was democratized after the death of Franco. On the contrary, ignorant
victories can, at any moment, turn into defeat.

It may be said, and quite rightly, that George Bush suffers from the
same flaws that we found in these ‘patriotic’ leaders. However, he,
unlike them, is forced to tolerate people like Bob Woodward, while
the Iranian and Syrian Bob Woodwards spend their days and nights in
their prisons.

Things are heading toward resolution of the Karabakh conflict

Public Radio of Armenia
Oct 13 2006

Things are heading toward resolution of the Karabakh conflict, Azeri
politician considers
13.10.2006 15:37

`The OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs have started addressing their tasks
very seriously,’ member of the Political Council of the ruling `Yeni
Azerbaijan’ Party, Vice-Chairman of the Standing Committee on
Security and Defense of Milli Majlis Aydin Mirzazade told `Trend’
agency. He noted that the visits of the Co-Chairs to the region have
got intensive. `The consistent nature of the Minsk Group mediators’
visits, periodic inclusion of issues in the agenda and increase of
objective aspects provides the basis to insist that the things are
heading toward resolution of the Karabakh conflict,’ Mirzazade
declared.

Turkey Urged To Acknowledge Armenian Killings As Genocide

TURKEY URGED TO ACKNOWLEDGE ARMENIAN KILLINGS AS GENOCIDE

Evening Echo, Ireland
Oct 12 2006

French presidential hopeful Segolene Royal said that Turkey must
recognise the mass killing of Armenians early last century as a
genocide if it hopes to join the European Union.

Royal, a Socialist, also said she was in favour of a bill to go
before France’s parliament today that would make it a crime to deny
that the killings amounted to genocide.

Turkish anger over the bill forced a delay in the initial debate, which
had been set for May, as politicians caved in to warnings by Turkish
authorities that bilateral ties would suffer if the bill became law.

Turkish foreign minister Abdullah Gul said France would compromise
its values if the measure became law.

"We’ve done everything we can," Gul said. "If this passes Turkey will
lose nothing, but France will first lose Turkey…It will turn into a
country that throws people in jail for expressing their thoughts, for
expressing their ideas, for stating what is in historical documents."

Royal, a politician hoping for the Socialist Party’s nomination
as 2007 presidential candidate, aligned herself with the official
stance that Turkey must recognise the killings as genocide if it
wants EU membership.

"It is obvious that if Turkey wants to confirm its candidacy and one
day enter Europe, it is obvious that it must recognise the Armenian
genocide," she said at a news conference called to set out her
positions on Europe.

She added that she was for the legislation going before parliament.

"We have no lessons to give anyone and, at the same time, something
has to be done."

About 40 Turkish demonstrators gathered at Place de la Concorde,
facing the National Assembly, to denounce the bill making it a crime
to deny Armenian genocide.

"The Armenian genocide is an imperialist lie," said Yalcin Buyukdagh,
who identified himself as the presidential counsel of the Workers
Party in Turkey.

"If France votes yes to this law, it will have officially taken a
position as an enemy of Turkey," he said.

Politicians in Ankara, looking to retaliate against Paris, discussed
proposals to recognise an "Algerian genocide" during France’s colonial
rule there, which ended in 1962 after a brutal war.

Armenians claim that as many as 1.5 million people were killed between
1915 and 1923 in an organised campaign to force them out of eastern
Turkey. Turkey contends that a large number of people died in civil
unrest during the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.

Guerir la plaie de notre histoire

Point de vue
Guérir la plaie de notre histoire, par Elif Shafak

,1-0,36 -822731,0.html

LE MONDE | 12.10.06 | 15h16 . Mis à jour le 12.10.06 | 15h16

Il y a trois semaines à Istanbul, par une journée venteuse et pluvieuse, je
comparaissais devant la justice. J’étais accusée d’"insulte à l’identité
turque" dans mon dernier roman, Baba ve piç ("le père et le btard", non
traduit en français), une saga sur deux familles, les Kazanci, des Turcs, et
les Tchakmakchian, des Arméniens. A priori très différentes, ces deux
familles avaient une chose en commun : un passé douloureux. Mon livre
racontait l’histoire pleine de douleur mais aussi de promesses de ces
familles, à travers le regard de plusieurs générations de femmes, et en
particulier celui des grands-mères arménienne et turque. Bien qu’il aborde
des souvenirs pénibles et des tabous politiques, le roman a reçu en Turquie
un accueil chaleureux. Il a été beaucoup lu et commenté librement par de
larges pans de la société. Puis un groupe d’avocats ultranationalistes a
porté plainte contre moi pour avoir "pris le parti des Arméniens et trahi
les Turcs". L’affaire a été portée en justice et un long processus
d’interrogatoires et de jugements a débuté.

L’article 301 du code pénal turc a été utilisé maintes fois pour engager des
poursuites contre des esprits critiques, journalistes, rédacteurs en chef,
éditeurs, écrivains… De ce point de vue, mon procès n’était que l’énième
affaire d’une longue série d’actions en justice. Pourtant, ce procès avait
aussi quelque chose de particulièrement étrange et d’inédit. Pour la
première fois, c’était une oeuvre de fiction que l’on accusait d’"insulte à
l’identité turque".
Plus précisément, c’était sur les personnages arméniens de mon roman que les
projecteurs étaient braqués. Ainsi, dans un passage, l’un des personnages en
cause, tante Varsenig, déclare avec ferveur : "Dites-moi combien de Turcs,
dans l’histoire, ont appris l’arménien. Aucun ! Pourquoi nos mères ont-elles
appris leur langue et pas l’inverse ? Qui domine qui, c’est clair, non ? Une
poignée de Turcs arrive d’Asie centrale et en moins de temps qu’il n’en faut
pour le dire, ils sont partout, et qu’est-il arrivé aux millions d’Arméniens
qui étaient là avant ? Assimilés ! Massacrés ! Orphelins ! Déportés ! Et
enfin oubliés !" Mes détracteurs ultranationalistes soutenaient qu’en
faisant de telles affirmations mon roman diffusait la thèse du "génocide
arménien" et devait pour cela être condamné.
Tant que cet article 301 n’est pas amendé ou amélioré, la Turquie connaîtra
d’autres procès de ce genre, en particulier sur les sujets tabous comme la
question arménienne. Mais, à l’heure où le Parlement français s’apprête à
voter la "loi sur le génocide arménien", je ne peux m’empêcher de craindre
que des raisonnements semblables ne soient faits en France.
L’histoire de toute nation a ses épisodes déplorables, et la Turquie ne fait
pas exception. Le déni de cette réalité et le rejet de toute mention des
événements de 1915 est la pierre d’achoppement sur laquelle bute la
démocratie dans mon pays. Il est essentiel de favoriser la prise de
conscience des grands événements du passé, aussi sombres soient-ils. Car la
mémoire est à la fois une responsabilité et la condition préalable de toute
culture démocratique aboutie. Nous, les Turcs, pouvons et devons partager la
peine des Arméniens et respecter leur douleur. Nous, les Turcs, pouvons et
devons être capables d’affronter les pages sombres de notre passé. Nous
pouvons parler des erreurs de nos grands-pères, non pour semer les graines
d’une nouvelle hostilité, mais pour construire un meilleur avenir à nos
enfants.
Mais la proposition législative française ne contribuera certainement pas à
résoudre ce problème historique profondément enraciné. Lorsque des Etats
tentent d’imposer une seule version de l’histoire au détriment de toutes les
autres, c’est non seulement la liberté d’expression mais aussi l’intérêt
authentique pour l’histoire que l’on réprime. Même avec de bonnes
intentions, de telles initiatives ne peuvent qu’envenimer les choses.
L’histoire de la Turquie avec les Arméniens est un sujet délicat pour toutes
les parties concernées, et la guérison de cette vieille blessure n’est
possible que si un nombre croissant d’individus, turcs et arméniens,
commencent à s’écouter les uns les autres.
En Turquie, les opinions sont violemment tranchées. D’un côté, les partisans
de la liberté de pensée et de la démocratie libérale, qui estiment que le
pays devrait affronter son passé. De l’autre, les opposants farouches à la
candidature turque à l’entrée dans l’Union européenne, qui souhaitent que le
pays reste un Etat-nation insulaire, isolé et xénophobe, coupé de
l’Occident. Or, si l’Etat français fait pression sur la Turquie par le biais
d’une loi, cela jouera exclusivement en faveur de ces derniers.
L’intransigeance nourrit l’intransigeance : les sentiments anti-turcs en
Europe exacerberont le nationalisme turc, et réciproquement. Le retour de
bton est déjà perceptible. Alors que certains journaux appellent au boycott
des produits français, plusieurs hommes politiques évoquent de possibles
mesures de rétorsion, avec par exemple l’adoption d’une loi sur le "génocide
français en Algérie".
Mais il y a plus grave : la loi française n’améliorera en rien les relations
entre Arméniens et Turcs moyens. Les événements de 1915 et leurs stigmates
dans le coeur de ces deux peuples restent une plaie ouverte que ne peuvent
toucher et guérir que les Arméniens et les Turcs, ensemble, par le dialogue
et l’empathie. Pour que cela se produise, il faut que toujours plus de gens
aient le courage et la vision nécessaires pour transcender les frontières
nationales et les dogmes nationalistes. Le véritable changement viendra d’en
bas, non d’en haut, et sera le fait des individus et des peuples, non des
Etats et des hommes politiques.
Si l’Etat français adopte cette loi, les intransigeants prendront l’avantage
en Turquie. Puis, dans le tumulte de la politique de représailles, ce sera
l’escalade verbale machiste et nationaliste. Et, une fois de plus, ce sont
les histoires des femmes arméniennes et turques, des grand-mères arméniennes
et turques, qui retomberont dans le silence…

Traduit de l’anglais par Julie Marcot ©

Elif Shafak est romancière.

Elif Shafak
Article paru dans l’édition du 13.10.06

http://www.lemonde.fr/web/article/0

Oskanian: Kars-Akhalkalaki Railroad Project Is Waste Of Time, Money

KARS-AKHALKALAKI RAILROAD PROJECT IS WASTE OF TIME, MONEY AND ENERGY: ARMENIAN FM

ARMINFO News Agency
October 11, 2006 Wednesday

The project to build Kars-Akhalkalaki railroad is waste of time,
money and energy, Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan says in
an interview to Hayastani Hanrapetoutyun daily.

US Congress has already expressed its opinion on the project.

However, they also said that the authors of the project may find
money for the project and then it will be just a parallel road. This
project will not contribute to confidence building in the region.

Armenia will not suffer from it, the country has already proved
that blockade and other obstacles can not prevent its economic
development. However, this project will have negative political
consequences for Turkey and Azerbaijan, says Oskanyan.

ANKARA: Turkish Parliament To Debate Resolution On Denial Of Algeria

TURKISH PARLIAMENT TO DEBATE RESOLUTION ON DENIAL OF ALGERIAN GENOCIDE

Turkish Press
Oct 9 2006

ANKARA – Turkish parliament will discuss resolutions which consider
denial of the genocide France carried out in Algeria as a crime
next week.

An independent MP Mahmut Kocak, Motherland Party MPs Reyhan Balandi
and Ibrahim Ozdogan separately submitted resolutions to the parliament,
making denial of the genocide conducted in Algeria a crime.

The resolutions will be united and discussed by the Parliamentary
Justice Committee on Wednesday (October 11th).

"Turkish-French relations have a historical and cultural background,
and Turkey has always taken this into consideration and attached
importance to its relations with France. But it seems that France has
not been affected with this stance of Turkey," said Koksal Toptan,
the head of the Justice Committee.

Noting that France has insisted on an initiative which will not
contribute to Turkish-Armenian relations, Toptan said, "when the EU is
asking Turkey to do more about freedom of expression, it is launching
an initiative regarding the so-called (Armenian) genocide although
we are calling on everybody to solve the issue. It is impossible for
us to accept such a move."

Toptan added that it is the committee’s decision whether or not to
adopt the resolutions.

Averting A Crash On The European Express

AVERTING A CRASH ON THE EUROPEAN EXPRESS
John Palmer

The Guardian, UK
Oct 5 2006

Turkey’s application to join the European Union can still be salvaged,
despite the opposition of rightwing populists.

The declaration in Brussels this week by the European commissioner
responsible for negotiations on Turkey’s application to join the
EU that "there is still time to prevent a train crash" which would
bring the talks to a sudden halt is good news. Olli Rehn knows in just
five weeks time the European Commission must decide whether or not to
recommend that membership negotiations with Turkey should continue or
be called off. Little wonder then that the Turkish prime minister,
Recep Erdogan, also found time this week to stop off en route from
Washington to Ankara to lobby Tony Blair for continued support for
Turkey’s EU application. A great deal will hang on the final decision
– to be taken by EU heads of government at their December summit in
Brussels – about the entire future of Turkey’s accession negotiations.

Thirty years after Turkey’s original application for EU membership,
the union agreed last year that negotiations could at least begin.

Since then the political atmosphere has turned very sour. Rightwing
populist politicians in some west European countries have campaigned
against admitting Turkey on the grounds that its Muslim culture makes
it too different to Christian Europe. They have also been quick to
exploit the issue of migration to paint an alarmist picture of the
gradual Islamicisation of Europe by Turkey. But even among those who
reject the bigoted confessionalism of the anti-Turkey lobby, there are
many who question whether the EU – which will have 27 member-states
next January – can possibly handle the integration of such a large
and complex country before it has strengthened its own collective
capacity to decide and to act.

On the Turkish side things have also started to go wrong. The pace
of political reform – above all steps to bring the secular Turkish
military high command under democratic control – has slowed.

Opposition nationalist factions have exploited antiquated provisions
of Turkish law to repress the rights to free speech of Kurdish and
Armenian as well as Turkish intellectuals. The strategy appears in
part to have been designed to inflame relations with the EU. But
the commission and the European parliament recognise that the Muslim
government led by Erdogan has done more in a few years to democratise,
modernise and reform Turkey than decades of secular regimes – both
democratic and military dictatorships.

Meanwhile the bloody disintegration of Iraq is further complicating
Turkey’s mission to become "part of Europe". The de facto autonomy of
the Kurdish region in northern Iraq has – understandably – encouraged
Kurds in Turkey, Iran and elsewhere in the region to seek greater
autonomy. Ankara has still to fully come to terms with the aspiration
of Turkey’s Kurdish citizens for a political identity of their own.

There have been unconfirmed reports that Turkey and Iran have an
agreed strategy to intervene if Iraq completely falls apart and the
Kurdish north becomes independent.

The most immediate threat to Turkey’s EU membership negotiations is
Cyprus. Under an existing customs union agreement Turkey should now
open its ports to trade with Cyprus. But the Turkish government does
not want to do this until Nicosia ends the isolation of the Turkish
Cypriots in the north of the island. Indeed the Turkish Cypriots
votes overwhelmingly both for EU membership and for the UN plan to
unite the island, which was rejected by the majority Greek Cypriot
community. This is the issue that could now threaten the entire
negotiations.

It is not difficult to imagine a crisis scenario where Turkey’s bid
to join the EU is rejected. The country slips back into the grip of
nationalists and militarists and a democratic beacon for the rest of
the Middle East is extinguished. Fortunately those who want to see
Turkey’s path to Europe kept open have time on their side. No one –
in Turkey or the EU – believes that the country will be remotely
ready to join for another 10 years. Indeed the idea is to keep the
negotiations going to allow Turkish reformers the time to complete
the democratisation and reform process.

It is essential that between now and the December EU summit a way is
found to defuse the Customs Union issue. Commissioner Rehn’s former
colleagues in the current Finnish government, which is running the
Presidency of the EU, have been pushing a sensible compromise plan
behind the scenes to avert a collapse of the negotiations and a crisis
in relations between Europe and Turkey. This would call for Turkey
to open its ports to Cypriot trade and for the economic benefits of
EU membership to be extended to the Turkish Cypriots.

This would strengthen the reformers’ hands in facing down the generals
who have become increasingly brazen in their desire to get their hands
back on power. It might encourage a root and branch revision of the
Turkish constitution, which should finally recognise the many different
national, cultural and confessional identities that – in reality –
are Turkey’s greatest treasure. Then Turkey might well inspire those
who want democratic change in the Middle East but who reject the
highjacking of their aspirations by Washington’s neo-conservatives
and militarists.

Keeping Turkey on track for eventual EU membership would have another
benefit. It would reinforce the already overwhelming case for the
European Union to get its own constitutional house in order. But –
pro-Turkey Eurosceptics should be clear – that will involve a new
European treaty, which promotes further European integration as well
as a strengthening and democratising of its key institutions. Without
this the EU will not be remotely capable of taking any more members.