Author: Jagharian Tania
Ombudsman: Security of Armenia’s state borders endangered
Turkish press: Dynamic foreign policy awaits Turkey in 2021
ANKARA
Turkey is set to have another busy foreign policy year in 2021 that is expected to be marked by multilateralism and flexibility.
After an active 2020 with the country’s humanitarian and proactive foreign policy, Turkish policy is likely to focus on prominent agenda items including developments in the Gulf and Middle East, as well as the new US administration, issues on Cyprus and the EU and Russia.
Signals coming from Turkey’s diplomatic missions indicate Ankara is planning to prioritize diplomacy in its foreign policy once again, but will not refrain from taking action and using its “smart power” if the need arises.
Gulf region reconciliation
The end of the Gulf Crisis — which began in 2017 when Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt and Bahrain imposed a blockade on Qatar — is of great importance for Turkey, which has advocated dialogue since the eruption of the ordeal. The reconciliation process has the potential to affect Ankara’s relations with regional actors, such as Riyadh and Cairo.
Turkey currently maintains contacts with Egypt via intelligence agencies and foreign ministries to improve bilateral ties, with both countries trying not to oppose each other on international platforms. Further, there are intentions in both countries to work on a “roadmap” to fix bilateral ties.
Relations between Ankara and Riyadh also appear to be in a positive dynamic. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s telephone call with Saudi King Salman bin Abdelaziz ahead of a G-20 Leaders Summit, as well as positive remarks on Turkey by Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, the Saudi foreign minister, indicate relations might improve in 2021.
Biden era in US
Turkey and the US share deep historical bonds and stand as NATO allies. But, the two have yet to resolve issues that have emerged recently.
Some of the most thorny of these issues are the US support to the YPG — the Syrian offshoot of the PKK terror group that has killed tens of thousands of people in Turkey; free movement in the US of members of the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) which is behind a deadly failed coup attempt of 2016; the extradition of FETO ringleader Fethullah Gulen from the US; Ankara’s procurement of Russian S-400 missile defense systems and sanctions imposed on Ankara as a result of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).
While Turkey has signaled it is ready to continue relations with President-elect Joe Biden, who is set to take the presidency Jan. 20, and take essential steps to resolve those issues, the coming US administration has also pointed to the importance of ties with Turkey, a NATO ally and key regional actor. Both countries have agreed to establish a joint working group to discuss CAATSA sanctions.
In April 2017, when protracted efforts to buy an air defense system from the US proved futile, Turkey signed a contract with Russia to acquire its state-of-art S-400 missile shield.
US officials voiced opposition to their deployment, claiming they would be incompatible with NATO systems and would expose F-35 jets to possible Russian subterfuge.
Turkey, however, stressed that the S-400s would not be integrated into NATO systems, and poses no threat to the alliance or its armaments.
Turkish officials have repeatedly proposed a working group to examine the technical compatibility issue.
Anticipation of ‘positive agenda’ with EU
Despite a tense period in EU-Turkey ties last year — partly due to the escalatory behavior of some member countries — the two sides are expected to share a “positive agenda” in 2021.
EU Council President Charles Michel and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen are set to visit Turkey, with the main issue up for discussion being the 2016 migration agreement, visa liberalization and updating of the Customs Union Agreement.
Turkey, which seeks to become a full member of the union as one of its strategic goals, has declared it would in the near future undertake reforms, which might contribute positively to relations with the bloc as Turkish-EU ties are expected to gain momentum in the new year.
As for developments during the past year in the Eastern Mediterranean, Turkey still favors a fair solution to the ongoing dispute in the region surrounding energy drilling rights; Brussels and Ankara are still working for a multilateral conference to tackle these disputes.
In another positive move, Turkey in late 2020 limited activities of one of its drilling vessels, the Oruc Reis, to the gulf its southern province Antalya.
Amid recent tensions in the region, Greece and the Greek Cypriot administration increased pressure on other EU members to impose sanctions on Turkey during the EU leaders’ summit Dec. 11.
Turkey, which has the longest continental coastline in the Eastern Mediterranean, has rejected maritime boundary claims of Greece and the Greek Cypriot administration and stressed that the excessive claims violate the sovereign rights of both Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots.
Ankara has sent several drill ships in the recent weeks to explore for energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean, asserting its own rights in the region, as well as those of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.
Turkish leaders have repeatedly stressed that Ankara is in favor of resolving all outstanding problems in the region through international law, good neighborly relations, dialogue and negotiation.
New roadmap with France
After Turkey’s relations with EU member France soured recently, the two countries now appear to be moving toward normalization within the context of bilateral ties with members of the bloc.
Comments from political actors suggest parties are working on a “roadmap” and will re-establish relations.
In addition, Turkey has repeatedly said it was ready to sit at the negotiating table with Greece to resolve outstanding issues through exploratory talks.
Alternative solution to Cyprus issue
Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) are currently pushing for a two-state solution to the dispute on Cyprus after talks for a federation model on the island have gone nowhere after 52 years.
The two-state solution proposal is expected to be discussed in 2021, under an unofficial 5+UN format.
The island of Cyprus has been divided since 1974 when a Greek Cypriot coup was followed by violence against the island’s Turks and Ankara’s intervention as a guarantor power.
It has seen an on-and-off peace process in recent years, including a failed 2017 initiative in Switzerland under the auspices of guarantor countries Turkey, Greece and the UK.
The TRNC was founded in 1983.
– Support for Azerbaijan to continue
One of the most significant developments in 2020 for Azerbaijan and its ally, Turkey, was the liberation of lands in the Upper Karabakh region that had remained under Armenian occupation for decades.
The relationship between the two countries, often dubbed as “one nation, two states,” is set to make its mark in yet another year.
– Perspective of normalization with Israel
While Turkey and Israel have conducted their relations on the level of charge d’affaires instead of ambassadors since 2018, recent comments by politicians suggest 2021 may see improved relations.
Erdogan previously said both countries held talks at the intelligence level and that the main reason behind the dispute was Israel’s policies on Palestine.
The Turkish leader also said his country wanted better relations with Tel Aviv, indicating it could be achieved in coming days if necessary conditions came to pass.
Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, for his part, said there were multiple mechanisms and institutions through which Israel and Turkey could establish communications.
He also noted the possibility of energy cooperation, namely by carrying Israeli hydrocarbons through Turkey, which he said would be an efficient route.
– Supporting political process in Syria, Libya
Turkey has indicated it would continue in 2021 to back the ongoing political process to end the Syrian conflict.
With its military campaigns — Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, Peace Spring and Spring Shield — Turkey made significant gains in its fight against terrorism and is likely to step up its efforts to ensure the safe return of Syrian asylum seekers to their native country.
Cavusoglu confirmed that Turkey would prioritize the return of Syrians and the political dialogue in the country in 2021.
Another major issue for Turkey in Syria this year is set to be the failure of the US and Russia to make good on their promise to push the YPG/PKK terror group from a strip of land stretching 30-kilometers (19 miles) deep from Syria’s northern border with Turkey.
Similarly, Turkey is expected to support the legitimate Libyan government and the political process in the North African country.
– ‘Asia Anew’ policy to gain momentum
Turkey’s relations with Asia, which has begun to emerge as the world’s economic center, is likely to pick up speed in line with Ankara’s “Asia Anew” policy launched in 2019 to boost ties.
As part of this policy, Turkey formed an action plan for activities in more than 30 countries. Furthermore, the country is likely to play an important role in the Belt and Road initiative and the revival of the Silk Road.
– Strategic ties with Moscow
Despite the fact that Turkey and Russia stood at different sides in Syria, Libya and Azerbaijan, they still managed to maintain emphasis on dialogue and are expected to keep channels open in 2021, despite the challenges.
As for Syria, both sides are expected to maintain cooperation on their March 5, 2020 cease-fire agreement in Idlib and keep negotiations going in the Astana format.
On March 5, Erdogan and Russia’s Vladimir Putin announced they reached a cease-fire agreement in Idlib, the last opposition stronghold in Syria, between opposing rebels and Bashar al-Assaf regime forces.
At the same time, they appear set to continue cooperating in line with their joint observatory center in Azerbaijan following Baku’s recent victory against Armenian forces in Upper Karabakh.
On top of these, Turkey and Russia are expected to maintain dialogue on other issues related to the S-400 air defense systems, as well as the Akkuyu Nuclear Plant, TurkStream pipeline and tourism.
*Writing by Ali Murat Alhas
Armenian soldiers’ parents protest outside military university in Yerevan
Parents of servicemen carrying out mandatory military service on Friday, January 8, staged a protest in front of the Vazgen Sargsyan Military University of the Armenian Defense Ministry in Yerevan, demanding that the authorities guarantee their children’s safe return to Artsakh.
They claim that the road leading to Artsakh is unsafe and there are no guarantees whether their sons will get to Artsakh or not.
“None of the commanders said that security guarantees are provided,” said one of the parents.
He said that the soldiers were to rejoin the Artsakh military after a short vacation on December 28, however they were barred from entering Artsakh by Azerbaijani troops. Therefore, the servicemen were temporarily transferred to the military university.
“10-20 days ago there were dangers, is it safe now? Nobody says why it is safe now,” the parents said.
They state that they do not mind their children serving in Artsakh, they just demand security guarantees. Parents say they are ready to take their children home until such guarantees are ensured.
Protesting patents demanded a meeting with the Defense Ministry representatives.
US Joins Guatemala, Armenia, Kyrgyzstan in ‘Chaos’ Club
PARIS (AFP) — The storming of the Capitol in Washington puts the United States into a small club with Guatemala, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan where protesters have caused chaos by invading parliaments in the past year.
Here is a recap on the legislatures that have been attacked or occupied:
Guatemala: Anti-government protesters set fire to parts of Guatemala’s Congress building on November 21 over the Central American country’s budget, in an invasion that lasts 10 minutes.
They demand an end to cuts in health and education spending and call on President Alejandro Giammattei to resign.
Armenia: Hundreds of protesters angry at the country’s defeat in six weeks of fighting with Azerbaijan over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region break into the parliament chamber on November 10.
Scuffles break out with police as they take the podium and shout at MPs to resign.
Authorities later say they have thwarted a plot to assassinate Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who signed the peace deal, and arrest opposition leader Artur Vanetsyan, the former head of the security services.
Kyrgyzstan: Protesters smash their way into the parliament in Bishkek and throw papers from the windows of the office of then president Sooronbay Jeenbekov. They are furious at alleged vote-rigging in the Central Asian country’s October 4 elections.
The crisis sees opposition leader Sadyr Japarov being sprung from jail by his supporters.
He is now favorite to win a presidential vote on Sunday.
Mali: One person dies and 20 are hurt when the West African country’s national assembly and other government buildings are attacked after a big demonstration on July 10 against then president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita.
He is overthrown in a coup a month later.
Lebanon: Thousands of demonstrators angry at a catastrophic blast that destroyed large parts of central Beirut in August clash with police outside parliament.
Dozens also storm government ministries and the headquarters of the country’s banking association.
Germany: Anti-mask protesters attempt to force their way into the Reichstag building in Berlin on August 29 before they are pushed back by police using pepper spray.
The clashes involving dozens of protesters — some carrying German imperial flags — come after 38,000 people march against Covid-19 restrictions amid a social media-driven campaign against mask wearing.
Serbia: Anti-mask demonstrators fired up by social media defy a ban on mass gatherings to attack the Serbian parliament in Belgrade on July 10, pelting police with stones, bottles and flares.
© Agence France-Presse
Armenia against coronavirus: Projection for 2021
For Armenia — just like most countries that went through a second wave — it is essential at least to stabilise the situation as soon as possible in order to prevent a new potential wave.
This article is part of the series — The Future of the Pandemic in 2021 and Beyond.
2020 is the year that will certainly be remembered for the outbreak of COVID-19. Since the years of the Great Depression in the previous century, the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has become a major health issue and economic burden for most of the Western hemisphere. However, its detrimental impact has been particularly tangible for smaller countries with limited economic and social capacity to fight the outbreak of the virus. According to open sources, judging by the number of total cases per million population, Armenia has suffered the most compared to other South Caucasian states and has notoriously climbed up to the top 10 worldwide by the aforementioned index.
Starting from March 2020, the national government of the Republic has introduced a number of unpopular but necessary measures, including harsh travel restrictions aimed at stopping proliferation of the virus. At the same time, sensible amounts of funds have been allocated to provide social and economic aid to the local population and national manufacturers. By the end of the summer, it seemed like the peak of the virus had passed with the country slowly but firmly moving to a post-pandemic period of gradual recovery.
However, the Azerbaijani-Armenian war, unleashed on 27 September, has had significant impact on the number of COVID cases in Armenia. The positive tendency achieved by the second half of September was nulled due to a major shift in the priorities of the country and attention of the people, for whom the coronavirus destruction became secondary in light of the active hostilities and escalation in Nagorno Karabakh. Facing a large-scale war causing massive destruction and civilian casualties in the region and prioritising above all else the matter of self-defence against military aggression, the Armenian people seemed to temporarily forget about the threat that the coronavirus poses. Unfortunately, the escalation of the war coincided with the second wave of COVID-19 — explained internationally as an acceleration of the spread of the virus in the cold season. An understandable shift in everyone’s attention to the urgencies of war made the country very weak in terms of allocating additional time and resources against a foe that seemed to have been defeated in the summer.
As the relevant data revealed, the number of infected cases in Armenia grew drastically precisely during the period of war. More than 2,000 daily cases (a truly record number for a country with a population of less than three million) were registered between 22 October and 9 November. Compared to the previous months, when the numbers were relatively low and declining during the summer — which allowed the national government to talk about certain improvements in the fight against COVID — a sharp increase of positive tests during the entire war period made national authorities revise their projections.
Combating the pandemic and its tremendous repercussions urged Armenia to seek external support as well. India, Russia, and France, to name but a few, were prompt to help Armenia in the most complicated periods of the last months, providing medical, vocational, economic and other aid to ease the burden of the pandemic’s effect on the country in general. In particular, the Minister of Health, Arsen Torosyan, asked the Ambassador of India to Armenia, Kishan Dan Dewal, to consider the possibility of providing humanitarian assistance. According to the press service of the ministry, Torosyan told the ambassador that the Armenian health system was ready for the second wave of the coronavirus; however, as a result of the war, it became necessary to replenish Armenian medical centres with new equipment and medicines. The ambassador, in turn, assured that he would consider all possible options for assistance after consulting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of India.
Having said all of this, what could one expect from 2021? Clearly, it is not wise to anticipate an immediate improvement of the situation. If the specifics of the virus remain highly volatile, it is too early to hope for substantial betterment. For Armenia, just like most countries that went through a second wave, it is essential at least to stabilise the situation as soon as possible in order to prevent a new potential wave, higher than the current one, which is already overloading the national healthcare system.
The development and appearance of several vaccines on the market, not fully efficient yet, promises that the current forms of SARS-CoV-2 can be healed with relative success. In this respect, Armenia can potentially benefit from the vaccines developed by Russia, called Sputnik V, and its subsequent versions, as well as any other vaccine with a stably high rate of efficiency. There should be no geopolitical ambiguity when it comes to saving thousands of peoples’ lives. The last reports suggest that the US-developed Moderna has 100% efficacy against severe COVID-19 cases. The traditionally decent relationship between the United States and Armenia, as well as the very fact that the most efficient vaccine so far has been developed by a pharmaceutical company whose CEO is of Armenian descendant, may positively affect the likelihood of Armenia receiving the Moderna vaccine at a lower market price.
Following the examples of several countries and taking into account the currently poor domestic economy, possible mandatory vaccination should be realised either at very low cost or for free. This being said, Armenia can negotiate and secure further international support to stabilise the local epidemic situation. However, it would be naïve to predict the precise scenario of how a country that is very dependent on external support will feel in case of global uncertainty. Geopolitical squabbles must be put aside when a threat of this scale appears. Smaller countries, like Armenia, may yet have their loud voice heard in bringing different countries together to address the issue in an all-inclusive manner.
The views expressed above belong to the author(s).
Turkey to Turn Armenian Church into ‘Humor Art Center’
The local government in south-central Konya, Turkey, announced this week that it would turn a fully renovated 19th-century Armenian church into a “humor art house” after barring worshippers from using the church for years, multiple reports revealed Thursday.
Under Islamist President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish government has aggressively targeted its Christian minority community and attempted to erase Christian heritage in the country. Erdogan’s most prominent attempt to erase the Christian history of Turkey occurred last year, when he converted the Hagia Sophia, one of Byzantine Christianity’s most important architectural facilities, into a mosque. The conversion process involved removing or covering up priceless Christian art in the former basilica.
Erdogan — who, like all Turkish leaders, denies the 1915 genocide of Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks by Turkey occurred — has also escalated aggression against both ethnic Armenians within Turkey and the nation of Armenia. In September, after fighting erupted between Armenian and Azerbaijan in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, Erdogan’s government reportedly recruited thousands of battle-hardened Syrian mercenaries to fight in the Caucasus war theater. Erdogan attended a “victory parade” in Baku in December alongside Azeri President Ilham Aliyev to celebrate the expulsion of the indigenous Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh.
According to the Stockholm Center for Freedom, a news organization founded by dissident Turkish journalists, the Surp Yerrortutyun (Holy Trinity) Armenian church was built in 1859 and boasts an official cultural heritage site designation in Turkey. The Turkish government reportedly used the church’s location — the hometown of a medieval Turkish “satirist” — as reason to renovate the church, turning it into the “World’s Masters of Humor Art House” and the hub of a greater “humor village.” The government has not yet announced a reopening date for the venue.
“Restoration” of the church cost about half a million dollars and ended in 2017, but Turkish officials did nothing with the venue until now and did not allow Christians to pray in it.
It is not clear at press time how many Christians live in the area; the Stockholm Center noted an estimated 5,000 Armenians lived in the vicinity around the church historically, prior to the 1915 genocide. PanArmenian.net, a news site that caters to the Armenian community, noted in its report on the Holy Trinity church that, prior to the genocide, “there were four other Armenian educational institutions in the district. Among them, the Surp Stepanos School was famous in all provinces for its superior education quality.”
International Christian Concern, a faith-based human rights organization, condemned the Turkish government on Thursday for its repurposing of the house of worship.
“The 1915 genocide nearly eliminated the Armenian Christian population from Turkey. Since then, Turkey has taken control over most of the abandoned churches and other Armenian cultural sites,” the group said in a statement. “Turkey does not acknowledge the genocide, and has not made any attempts to restore these churches back to their original Christian community.”
“Instead, Turkey either converts these churches into mosques or restores their buildings into faith tourism sites. When pursuing the later option, Turkey uses it as an example to the international arena about how they care for religious freedom,” the statement concluded, adding that turning churches into tourism sites complicates Christians’ ability to worship there.
The Armenian Genocide is estimated to have killed 1.5 million of the 2 million Armenians estimated to have been alive at the time.
Erdogan has repeatedly denied the genocide happened and his officials have taken several recent opportunities to threaten the descendants of the few Armenians Turkey did not kill during that atrocity. In July, for example, the Turkish government — a U.S. ally through NATO — offered Azerbaijan advanced military technology to attack Armenia.
“Our armed unmanned aerial vehicles, ammunition and missiles with our experience, technology, and capabilities are at Azerbaijan’s service,” İsmail Demir, the head of Presidency of Defense Industries, a government-related entity, said in July.
Demir made his offer after the Azeri defense ministry threatened to bomb Armenia’s Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant, a Soviet relic widely considered the world’s most dangerous nuclear plant.
“The Armenian side must not forget that our army’s state-of-the-art missile systems allow us to strike the Metsamor nuclear plant with precision, which could lead to a great catastrophe for Armenia,” Vagif Dargahli, a Defense Ministry spokesman, said the same week Turkey offered Azerbaijan missiles.
In September, fighting erupted in Nagorno-Karabakh. The region, which Armenians refer to as Artsakh, is a historic, indigenous Armenian territory given to the Azeri Soviet Socialist Republic under Joseph Stalin. While technically within Azerbaijan’s borders, it had been ruled by an ethnic Armenian separatist government since the fall of the Soviet Union. The state of Armenia does not recognize Artsakh as a sovereign state.
Both sides claimed the other triggered the fighting this year. The Artsakh government, and the Armenian government, accused the Azeris of committing several human rights violations in battle, including beheading civilians and targeting maternity hospitals. Turkey offered military aid to Azerbaijan but did not formally send Turkish troops to the region. Armenian government officials estimated, however, that Turkey sent as many as 4,000 Syrian mercenary jihadists into Nagorno-Karabakh to attack the Christian-majority ethnic Armenians there.
The fighting ended with a peace treaty that gave Azerbaijan not just control of Nagorno-Karabakh, but power over sovereign Armenian territory, prompting widespread protests in the Armenian capital, Yerevan.
The Azeris organized a “victory parade” following the peace deal, inviting Erdogan. Speaking at the event, Erdogan threatened the Armenian people once more.
“Azerbaijan’s saving its lands from occupation does not mean that the struggle is over,” Erdogan said. “The struggle carried out in the political and military areas will continue from now on many other fronts.”
We hope for better days in 2021 – US Ambassador to Armenia
As we look ahead to 2021, we will also hope for better days, US Ambassador to Armenia Lynne Tracy said in a New Year message. The message reads:
Between the pandemic and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, this has been a year of challenges, difficulties, and great sorrow.
At this holiday season, there will be empty places at many family tables, and we hope that these families will find a special peace and comfort.
As we look ahead to 2021, we will also hope for better days. Armenians are a resilient people, and I am confident that there are opportunities ahead for a successful future.
Wishing all a peaceful and healthy New Year!
Russian peacekeepers continue demining operations in Artsakh
11:25,
YEREVAN, DECEMBER 28, ARMENPRESS. The specialists of the International Mine Action Center of the Russian defense ministry continue demining works in the territory of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh), the Russian defense ministry reports.
The engineering units of the Russian peacekeeping forces have already cleared over 300 hectares of land, over 120 km long roads, 505 buildings. Over 12 thousand explosive devices were found and neutralized.
In the course of demining and clearing the territory of explosive objects in Nagorno Karabakh, Russian peacekeepers use modern robotic systems.
Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan
Syunik village now only 100 meters away from Azerbaijani military positions, says Mayor
14:36,
YEREVAN, DECEMBER 25, ARMENPRESS. The Azerbaijani military is deployed only 100 meters away from the village of Syunik in the eponymous province, the Mayor of Kapan Gevorg Parsyan told lawmakers in parliament.
He added that Azerbaijani positions are only 1 kilometer away from the residential parts of the town of Kapan. “After some highly important heights which are located in front of the Syunik and Kapan settlements go under Azerbaijani control, the town of Kapan and some other settlements would become serious targets,” Parsyan warned.
The opposition Prosperous Armenia party organized the discussion in parliament over the delimitation and demarcation process.
Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan