Author: Jagharian Tania

BEST WAY OF SETTLING CONFLICTS IS ARMISTICE DIALOGUE: DALAI LAMA ABOUT ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Yerevan, January 16. ArmInfo. The modern world, unlike the past,
recognizes the rights of each community, including indigenous nations,
to preserve their national and cultural originality, Dalai Lama XIV,
said in his interview with the Armenian TV company, answering the
question whether the recognition and condemnation of the Armenian
Genocide is a necessary condition for the further development of the
humanity. Armenia is quite a large community with ancient history,
and certainly has the right to preserve its national originality and
culture, he said.

He said that today the best way of settling conflicts is an armistice
dialogue. And here the ability to forgive is of much importance. To
forgive is not to forget what happened in the past. He said that it
is meaningless to harbor a grudge, it is more expedient to work out
a mutually acceptable decision, he concluded.

Touching upon the Nagorno-Karabakh problem, he said that he is unaware
of the details. According to him, there must be a similarity between
the Nagorno-Karabakh and Tibetan issues, but there also must be some
differences. Asked how important it is today for countries to join
various unions, Dalai Lama said that nations’ self-determination and
preservation of cultural heritage is of much importance.

OSCE OFFICIAL DISCUSSES ARMENIAN ELECTIONS
By Karine Kalantarian

Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Jan 16 2007

The head of the election-monitoring arm of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe wound up on Tuesday a two-day
visit to Armenia that focused on its unfolding preparations for
crucial parliamentary elections due in May.

Christian Strohal, director of the OSCE’s Warsaw-based Office for
Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), discussed the issue
in meetings with President Robert Kocharian, parliament speaker Tigran
Torosian and other Armenian officials.

Speaking to RFE/RL after a meeting with the chairman of the Central
Election Commission, Strohal said Armenia is "ready" to hold its
first-ever national election judged free and fair by the international
community. "But we shall see after the elections themselves," he said.

The Armenian parliament’s press service quoted the Austrian
diplomat as telling Torosian later in the day that there are "good
prerequisites" for making sure that the forthcoming vote meets
democratic standards. Torosian was quoted as saying that it should
mark a "turning point" in Armenia’s transition to democracy and
European integration.

OSCE/ODIHR observers described as undemocratic the previous
presidential and parliamentary elections in Armenia, giving weight to
opposition allegations of massive vote rigging. The United States and
the European Union have warned that a repeat of serious fraud would
jeopardize Yerevan’s efforts to build closer ties with the West.

Kocharian and other Armenian leaders have assured Western powers that
they will do their best to ensure proper conduct of the next polls.

Strohal’s talks in Yerevan specifically centered on their monitoring
by the OSCE. Visiting the Armenian capital last fall, the U.S.

ambassador at the OSCE headquarters in Vienna, Julie Finley, expressed
concern about the Kocharian administration’s failure so far to formally
invite the ODIHR to send long-term and short-term observer missions.

Both Torosian and other leaders of the parliament majority assured the
ODIHR chief that such an invitation will be extended immediately after
Kocharian sets an official election date. According to the Armenian
speaker, a corresponding presidential decree will be signed early
next month.

"There will be invitations for both short-term and long-term
monitoring missions," Samvel Nikoyan, a senior lawmaker from the
governing Republican Party, told RFE/RL. He said the OSCE will send a
"needs assessment team" to Yerevan later in February before beginning
to deploy observers.

"This means long-term monitoring will last for approximately two
months," said Grigor Harutiunian of the opposition Artarutyun
alliance. "Given the political situation in the country, this is
certainly not enough." OSCE monitoring should have begun last month,
he added.

Strohal insisted, however, that European observers will have enough
time to monitor the entire electoral process. "I understand these
elections might be in May, and it’s now January," he said.

COMPETENT BUT NOT ENOUGH
By Fred Kirshnit
Isabel Bayrakdarian

New York Sun, NY
Jan 16 2007

Under the auspices of the George London Foundation, soprano Isabel
Bayrakdarian and her husband, pianist Serouj Kradjian, offered a
pleasant recital at the Morgan Library on Sunday afternoon.

Although usually described as a great American baritone, Mr. London
was actually born in Montreal and the foundation takes pains to include
Canadians such as Ms. Bayrakdarian and Mr. Kradjian in their aspirant
base. For this program, there was supposed to be another couple from
up north, baritone Russell Braun and his wife, pianist Carolyn Maule,
but Mr. Braun was detained by visa problems and so, with very little
notice, the two performers had to tack on pieces to fill out their
now exclusive afternoon.

In the first half, they presented what they had intended to be their
portion of the original event. Ms. Bayrakdarian began with a short
set of Schubert, which ranged from the dramatic Sei mir gegruesst,
intoned a little heavily, to a much more satisfying and lyrical
Nacht und Traume and the familiar An die Musik. The soprano quickly
exhibited the qualities that would characterize this performance. She
has solid pitch control but a bit of difficulty with nimbleness and
a rather timid approach to vocal characterization.

The most interesting part of the afternoon was the inclusion of five
songs by Pauline Viardot-Garcia. Madame Viardot was the daughter of
the famed tenor Manuel Garcia and the sister of Malibran, a favorite
of Rossini. She studied composition with Liszt and appeared in concert
with Chopin. Later she became the obscure object of desire of Ivan
Turgenev. Her songs this day fell into three categories, the Spanish,
the French, and the Chopin mazurka. Ms. Bayrakdarian put them over
with great pluck and a voice often too big for the room.

Then, after a short pause, the artists in attendance served up a
Spanish menu to fill the space intended for Mr. Braun and Ms. Maule’s
presentation of a substantial amount of Robert Schumann. First, songs
by Rossini in a decidedly Iberian mood. Ms. Bayrakdarian did a good job
with La Partenza and Bolero but was not adept enough at alliteration
and rapid fire diction to successfully navigate the one truly Italian
number, Tarantella Napoletana. My only previous encounter with her
was at the opera house, and I remembered her portrayal of Teresa in
the opening night of Berlioz’s Benvenuto Cellini in 2003. Then her
cavatina in the first act was fine, but her cabaletta sloppy. She
may want to concentrate on lighter, slower fare going forward.

Mr. Kradjian had his chance to shine as soloist in The Maiden and the
Nightingale from Goyescas by Enrique Granados. It was after attending
the world premiere of the opera version of Goyescas that Granados died
when his ship was sunk by a German u-boat. This rendition was quite
well played but a bit gingerly for my taste; it never really achieved
the level of passion suggested in the score. Like the singing of the
day, it was competent but not inspiring.

Ms. Bayrakdarian chose to end her program with another Spanish set,
which included the Malaguena by Lecuona – ubiquitous in the 1950s
as an encore piece for opera and pop stars alike. This is a familiar
work that requires a great deal of showmanship, which does not play
to this particular singer’s strength. She seemed almost embarrassed
by her own attempts at saucy gesturing. Much more in character was
her lovely encore, a simple Armenian lullaby sung with genuine and
heartfelt emotion.

This was my first experience at the new hall in the basement of the
Morgan. It is freshly appointed and boasts if not warm, at least true
acoustics. However, I was forewarned about one of its aspects that
should be passed along to all readers: With the possible exception
of the upper level at Madison Square Garden, this auditorium has the
steepest stairs of any concert venue in New York.

"THE BLACK SEA TRUST WILL SEEK CREATIVE WAYS TO ENHANCE THE ROLE OF
CIVIL SOCIETY IN CONFLICT MANAGEMENT"

(The exclusive interview of Mark Cunningham, Program Officer with the
German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF), the Lead Coordinator
of the Black Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation, to Armenian Mediamax
news agency, December 2006)

– In June 2006, the GMF announced the establishing of the Black Sea
Trust. What work has been carried out during this half a year, and
when will the Black Sea Trust start fully functioning?

– On June 5, 2006 GMF, in cooperation with the U.S. and Romanian
Governments, officially announced the intention to create the Black
Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation at the Black Sea Forum held in
Bucharest, Romania. This announcement is the result of more than three
years of discussion and refinement of the Black Sea Trust concept. In
addition, the Black Sea Trust builds on two years of GMF programming
in the Black Sea region including: study tours for policymakers, think
tank professionals, and journalists; events in Washington, DC and
other European capitals highlighting the geostrategic importance of
the region; and several publications arguing for the formation of
stronger regional identity.

Over the past 6 months GMF has been working with all it partners to
lay the early groundwork for the Trust. We hope to have the Black Sea
Trust fully operational by the summer of 2007.

– The solution of what tasks is a priority for the Black Sea Trust?
What was the reason for the decision to establish such a structure,
and what model was used as a basis for that?

– Until now, international assistance to the countries of the Black
Sea has not focused on promoting regional collaboration, deepening
good governance and practices, and forming strong cross-border bonds
as a component part of promoting regional identity, stability, and
growth.

There have been some inter-governmental efforts to develop the
region’s political and economic stability with the establishment of
the Black Sea Economic Cooperation in 1992, the Parliamentary Assembly
of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation in 1993, the Black Sea Trade and
Development Bank in 1997 and GUAM (a coordination mechanism between
former Soviet republics Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova).

The Romanian government has also been proactive in strengthening a
sense of regional identity amongst all the littoral states. Their most
notable initiative was the Black Sea Forum for Dialogue and
Partnership, which took place in Bucharest, June 5, 2006. But
significantly less attention has been placed on the interaction
between citizens and government or regional cooperation with a focus
on stability, democratization, rule of law, and human and civil
rights. A vibrant civic culture and active participation in the
governing process are crucial to the development of mature political
systems in this region. Over the long term, greater citizen
engagement and tighter links between the institutions of civil society
and those of local and national governments will be critical for both
democratic stability and performance.

GMF, USAID and the Mott Foundation have joined forces before, creating
in 2003 the award-winning Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD), upon which
the Black Sea Trust is modeled. BTD is a $35 million fund that has
given out millions of dollars in grants promoting regional cooperation
and reconciliation, civil society development, and democracy-building
ideas and institutions throughout the Balkans.

The Black Sea Trust will provide grants through three program areas:

1) Civic Participation, which will focus on empowering citizens to engage
with their elected officials on issues of local and national concern;
2) Cross-Border Initiatives, which will support efforts across the Black Sea
to build networks of like-minded citizens and officials seeking to share
best practices and jointly tackle common problems; and
3) East-East Cooperation, which will fund linkages between groups in Central
Europe with their counterparts in the Black Sea region.

– Which organizations represent donors of the Black Sea Trust, and how
much is the capital of the Black Sea Trust?

– In order to promote the democratic reform, regional cooperation, the
development of civil society, and good governance in the Black Sea
region, the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) is
creating the Black Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation, a $20 million
plus, grantmaking initiative that will be in operation for at least 10
years. Initial donors to the Black Sea Trust are expected to include
GMF, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID),
the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, and the Romanian government.

– Which of the Black Sea region states support the Black Sea Trust,
and what kind of support is it?

– For now only the Romanian Government has made a formal commitment to
support the work of the Trust. The Black Sea Trust, through the
financial management of GMF, will house funds from a variety of
donors. Each donor could potentially attach specific requirements for
the use of its funds, and the Black Sea Trust mechanism will be
structured in a way to accommodate those requirements. The Trust
mechanism has been very effective in managing different pools of
funding. The Black Sea Trust hopes to benefit from additional support
from other countries of the wider Black Sea region over the course of
its life.

– The Black Sea Trust will be providing grants to NGOs, media, etc. in
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Moldova, Romania, Russia,
Turkey and Ukraine. Will any preference be given to any concrete
states or projects, directed to the stimulation of regional
cooperation?

– The countries included initially in the Black Sea Trust’s work are:
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Moldova, Romania, Turkey,
Ukraine, and the regions of Russia bordering on the Black
Sea. Initially, the majority of grants will be directed towards the
Caucasus, Ukraine, and Moldova. Approximately $2 million will be
given out each year within three programs: Civic Participation, Cross
Border Initiatives, and East-East Cooperation.

– Do you think that the Black Sea Trust can back initiatives, directed
to establishing a more favorable atmosphere in the relations between
Armenia and Turkey, Russia and Georgia?

– We hope to engage civil society in looking for creative ways in
which we can address very difficult and complicated set of issues. The
broadest goal of the Black Sea Trust is to assist the countries of the
Black Sea region in achieving their stated aspirations of joining the
transatlantic community. This will require these countries to
undertake significant social, economic, and political reforms
internally and to improve cooperation across this turbulent
region. While the German Marshall Fund will continue to work with the
Black Sea countries on a variety of policy dialogues, peer-to-peer
exchanges, and high level discussions in Brussels, Washington, and
other key Euro-Atlantic capitals, the work of the Black Sea Trust will
be focused on the building blocks of political reform in the region.

– Russia and Turkey do not have peculiar enthusiasm in connection with
the new initiatives in the wider Black Sea region. Won’t that
circumstance hinder the work of the Black Sea Trust?

– The Black Sea Trust in-keeping with the mission and programmatic
focus of the GMF, will serve as a neutral interlocutor aimed at
promoting a stronger regional identity for the benefit of all
countries within the wider Black Sea region.

– Will the Black Sea Trust fund programs, assisting the settlement of
the conflicts, existing in the South Caucasus?

– While the Black Sea Trust will not actively pursue initiatives
specifically focused on the resolution of the regions conflicts, the
Trust will seek creative ways to enhance the role of civil society in
conflict management. The four unresolved conflicts present major
obstacles to strengthening regional cooperation and establishing peace
and stability in the region. Civil society can play a key role in the
decision-making process on the national and regional level as well as
play a diplomatic role in situations where official channels cease to
function. Civil society can also disseminate information and provide
analysis regarding potential solutions and generating public and
international support.

THIRD AFTERSHOCK REGISTERED IN ARMENIA

Yerevan, January 12. ArmInfo. The National Seismic Protection Service
of Armenia told ArmInfo that another aftershock was registered 18 km
south-west of Gavar, a town in the Gegharkunik region of Armenia, at
5:40 PM local time. The magnitude in the epicenter was 4-5 points.

To remind, today, a 2.8-point earthquake took place at the same place
at noon, and two 2.5 and 2.9-point aftershocks were registered at
12:55 PM and 12:57 PM respectively.

A NEW THEORY ON ROMANI HISTORY

Romano Vod’i, Czech Republic
Jan 10 2006

A new theory on Romani history based on ongoing research into
recorded and factual evidence is being prepared by Ronald Lee and
other scholars, including Ian Hancock, Marcel Cortiade and Adrian
Marsh. Using language studies, blood groupings, DNA tests and the
factual evidence in the writings of the period by Firdausi and other
scholars at the Ghaznavid court of Mahmud and later, the Persians,
Armenians, Turks and Greeks, the theory suggests that a group
of Indians numbering in the thousands were taken out of India by
Mahmud Ghazni in the early 11th century and incorporated as ethnic
units, along with their camp followers, wives and families, to form
contingents of Indian troops to serve in the Ghaznavid Emirate in
Khurasan as ghazis and in the bodyguard of Mahmud and his successors.

The existence of such troops is well documented in contemporary
histories of the Ghaznavids, as is their participation in the battles
in Khurasan. The theory goes on to explain that in 1040, the Ghaznavid
empire was overthrown by the Seljuks and that the Indian contingency,
numbering around some 60,000, were either forced to fight for the
Seljuks and spearhead their advance in their raids into Armenia,
or fled to Armenia to escape them. In any event, the Indians ended
up in Armenia and later, in the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm. These
proto-Romanies remained in Anatolia for two to three hundred years
and during that time they abandoned their military way of life and
took up a nomadic lifestyle based on artisan work, trading, animal
dealing and entertainment.

Gradually, small groups wandered westwards across the Bosporus to
Constantinople and from there up into the Balkans to reach Central
Europe by 1400, leaving local groups in all the regions they had passed
through. Roma made their home in almost all countries of Europe where
it has been, and still is, the failure of all of the governments of
those countries to provide protection for Roma against persecution
and massive discrimination by the police, local authorities and the
local population that are the causes of the present conditions. Under
the Geneva Convention on Refugees, this is tantamount to official
persecution and allows Roma to seek refugee status in signatory
countries.

Little action is taken to prevent massive job discrimination in the
workplace, housing and public sectors. In Romania and elsewhere,
employment ads in the local papers are allowed to state: No Roma
wanted or words to this effect. Roma are in effect living in a state of
Apartheid in the New Democracies. In the Czech Republic signs appear
in windows of discotheques, cinemas and restaurants stating: No dogs
or Gypsies allowed! Now that Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and
Poland are EU members and the other new democracies that have large
Romani populations are in line for EU membership in the near future,
it remains to be seen whether conditions will improve for the Roma,
or will proposed improvements be endlessly delayed or even abandoned.

If the evidence of the treatment of Roma in some of the
long-established EU countries is any example, such as the deplorable
refugee camps in Italy, the campsite problems in Britain, prejudice
and actual persecution in Germany, Austria, France, Britain, Italy
and elsewhere, the future of Sinti and Roma in Europe is not all
that promising. The problem is not so much one of ethnic or national
rights of Roma as minorities, where the present focus now lies, but
of fundamental human rights as guaranteed under the United Nations
Charter of Human Rights.

servis/z_en_2007_0002

–Boundary_(ID_tVo6vz/wBiMV zURSEECsTw)–

Russia’s Anti-Fascists Fight Back

by Nickolai Butkevich
3 January 2007

Attacks by Russian right-wing extremists appear to be picking up at
an alarming pace.

Russians are often accused of being politically apathetic. In the
face of the stifling political conformity and media censorship of the
Putin era, most have reacted with a shrug, seemingly content that at
least the chaos and privations of the 1990s have been put firmly
behind them.

The main exceptions to this rule are the politically active segments
of the country’s youth, dominated largely by extremists of both the
left wing and nationalist right. Both extremes appear to be growing
in both membership and political clout – witness the unconscionable
inclusion of the National Bolsheviks in the "Other Russia" coalition
and the growing flirtation between certain State Duma deputies and
neo-Nazi groups.

But there are also healthier trends at work in Russia’s youth
culture, specifically the small but growing ranks of anti-fascists.
Unfortunately, this fledgling movement has come under increasing
attack by neo-Nazis and is subject to indifference and often outright
hostility from the police.

In 2006, neo-Nazi youth groups escalated their campaign of murders
and assaults against anti-fascists in an organized effort to squash
the only segment of Russian society that actively opposes their plans
to create a "Russia for the Russians."

MERE HOOLIGANISM?

Several recent reports illustrate the extent of the problem.

The most recent of these incidents took place on 22 December when
neighbors discovered a bomb placed outside the home of anti-fascist
activist Tigran Babadzhanian in Moscow. According to articles
published in the national daily Komsomolskaya Pravda on 23 and 25
December, a poster attached to the bomb had a swastika drawn on it
along with racist threats against the Babadzhanian family, who are
ethnic Armenians. Babadzhanian regularly attends anti-fascist events
and visits neo-Nazi Internet forums to argue against their extremist
ideology. A police source told the newspaper that neo-Nazis regularly
harassed him and painted threats on the walls of his building.

Police tried to disarm the explosive device, but it went off and
injured four officers and a police dog. Despite the evidence pointing
to a hate crime – three suspects identified by police allegedly
belong to an extremist nationalist gang – investigators are treating
the incident as a case of simple "hooliganism."

Russian police often appear to take this approach when faced with
racially-motivated violent crime. Take, for example, the murder of
the Moscow-based anti-fascist activist Aleksandr Ryukhin. Last 16
April, Ryukhin and a friend who managed to escape were stabbed by six
youths. In the apartments of the three suspects apprehended thus far
in the case, police found nationalist literature and leaflets as well
as video recordings of attacks on other victims. Moreover, the
suspects have been linked to extremist neo-Nazi groups including the
infamous Slavic Union (SS in Russian).

Nevertheless, according to a 30 November posting on the Russian human
rights website hro.org, the three will be charged with "hooliganism."
Investigators, however, have indicated that the three suspects who
are still at large will be charged with murder – if they are ever
caught.

One person who has publicly taken issue with the tendency to charge
assailants of anti-fascists and ethnic minorities with hooliganism is
Irina Kacharava, the mother of St. Petersburg anti-fascist leader
Timur Kacharava, who was killed in November 2005.

In a 1 December interview on hro.org, Irina Kacharava gives police
credit for arresting seven suspects in her son’s murder. But she said
the official explanation that Timur was killed "as a result of
hooliganistic actions" both defames her son by implying that he was a
common street brawler who got what was coming to him, and plays down
the planned nature of the killing.

Timur Kacharava, a vegetarian and a pacifist, was killed after
distributing food to homeless people, his mother said, activity that
would hardly be of interest to a "typical hooligan." He had been
attacked before, on the metro and on the street. As they beat
Kacharava, his assailants taunted him by asking: "What do you think,
is it good to be an anti-fascist?"

THE BACKLASH

As 2006 drew to a close, assaults on anti-fascists appeared to pick
up at an alarming pace. According to a 27 November article in the
newspaper Moskovsky Komsomolets, police covered up a brawl involving
an estimated 200 neo-Nazis and anti-fascists on 18 November at
Moscow’s Baumanskaya metro station. Dozens were injured in the fight
and several arrests were made on both sides.

St. Petersburg was the scene of two violent attacks in December. As
dozens of anti-fascist demonstrators gathered for an anti-war rally
on 3 December, some 30 neo-Nazis assaulted them, screaming "Forward
Russia!" Then, on 10 December, skinheads attacked a group of
anti-fascists who were handing out food to homeless people.

The problem is not confined to Moscow and St. Petersburg. Similar
attacks occurred in 2006 in Lipetsk, Ryazan, Syktyvkar, Oryol, and
Vladivostok.

Disgracefully, the Russian government has mostly ignored this issue.
Several attacks against anti-fascists remain unsolved and top
officials have consistently failed to condemn them. This may have
something to do with the political views of these activists. Many –
with the exception of the ersatz anti-fascists from the pro-Putin
"Nashi" movement – embrace a brand of far-left politics that is
extremely critical of the Kremlin. Additionally, some elements in the
anti-fascist movement have become increasingly violent. They justify
their readiness to fight back by saying that the government is not
doing enough to suppress skinhead violence.

This is not, I’m afraid, a hollow argument. If law enforcement
officials continue to cover up reports of neo-Nazi violence while at
the same time the government caters to nationalists by banning
foreigners from trading in markets and launching police sweeps
against ethnic Georgians, the counter-reaction from anti-fascists and
many other victims of nationalist violence in Russia will only grow
fiercer. If the cliche about young people being the nation’s future
has any merit, it’s clear that the country can ill afford to lose
such politically active and well-intentioned youths to the
temptations of extremism.

Nickolai Butkevich is research director at the Union of Councils for
Jews in the Former Soviet Union.

CASSATION COURT OF CYPRUS MAKES DECISION IN FAVOR OF AGBU

NICOSIA, DECEMBER 29, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. The Cassation
Court of Cyprus cancelled the government’s decision on recognizing the
area owned by the Melkonian Seminary as national heritage, which will
allow the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) to sell the
seminary’s property. Radio Liberty reported this, citing the Cyprian
press. According to newspapers, the court ruled that "there are no
sufficient grounds" for recognizing the seminary as national
heritage. "Now the union can implement its programs and sell lands,
while part of the received money will be go into pockets of some
greedy people who helped the union," Masis Ter-Bartogh, an activist of
the movement for the seminary’s retention, said. In his opinion,
"there are people in Nicosia and Yerevan who believe the union’s lies
and allow their illegal activities." Months ago the AGBU decided to
close the Melkonian Seminary, explaining that it incurs financial
losses.

UKRAINE OFFERED AZERBAIJAN ACCESS TO OIL PIPELINES LEADING TO EUROPE

PanARMENIAN.Net
27.12.2006 13:46 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Ukrainian Prime Minister Victor Yanukovich
offered Azerbaijan access to the Ukrainian oil pipelines leading
to Europe. "Ukraine is interested in organization of light Caspian
oil via the Baku-Supsa-Odessa-Europe route and participation of
Azeri companies in the project," Yanukovich said at a meeting with
Azerbaijan’s Prime Minister Artur Rasizade. For his part Ukrainian
Minister of Fuel and Energy Yuri Boyko explained that Azerbaijan
annually intensifies oil output with 6-7 million tons and needs extra
ways of transportation. He backed Azerbaijan’s participation in the
joint venture that will own the Odessa-Brody oil pipeline.

Yanukovich said Ukraine is capable to ensure the oil quality. Presently
the state earns some $300 million per year on oil swap. With
Azerbaijan, the sum can increase with $50 million. In early December
2006 Azeri President Ilham Aliyev stated that the government is due
to consider the reduction of oil transit via Russia. Later the Prime
Minister refuted the information and said Azerbaijan will follow the
current schedule, reports Lenta.ru.

RULING PARTIES IN ARMENIA CONFLICT WITH THEMSELVES WHEN TALKING OF INTENTION TO HOLD FAIR ELECTIONS: STEPAN DEMIRCHYAN

Yerevan, December 27. ArmInfo. "The ruling parties in Armenia
conflict with themselves when talking of an intention to hold fair and
democratic elections", the chairman of the People’s party of Armenia,
Stepan Demirchyan, said in an interview to ArmInfo.

He wondered what hindered them to do it during the previous election
campaigns. According to him, all the political parties in the ruling
coalition are directly responsible for mass falsifications of 2003
presidential and parliamentary election results. "When no objective
assessment is given to the past elections nut only vain theoretical
discources are made about fair elections, it is impossible to perceive
them seriously. The representatives of ruling parties flaunt by
standard phrases about the violations which did not allegedly affect
the final results of elections or they use the policy of double
standards during assessment of 2003 presidential and parliamentary
campaigns. And after all they dare to offer to sign some memorandums
on the intention of holding the next elections fairly and justly",
S. Demirchyan said.

"I repeat once more that specific steps are necessary. I would like
to especially note that falsifications are an essential part of the
present RA authorities without which the regime will just loose its
significance", S. Demirchyan concluded.