Antelias: A delegation from the Social-Democrat Henchagian party vis

Press Release
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Father Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E-mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

Armenian version:

A DELEGATION FORM THE SOCIAL DEMOCRAT HENCHAGIAN PARTY VISITS HIS
HOLINESS ARAM I

His Holiness Aram I received on Thursday 2 November a delegation from
the Social Democrat Henchagian Party in Lebanon headed by Dr. Matsag
Poladian.

The delegation discussed with the Pontiff various issues and concerns
related to the Armenian community of Lebanon, focusing mainly on the
need to strengthen the Armenian schools, Armenian national structures
and the internal unity of the community overall.

The current leadership of the party assured the Catholicos of its
readiness to contribute to the strengthening of the Lebanese Armenian
community’s internal unity through collective action and an active
participation in inter-party meetings.

The Pontiff stressed the need of transcending over narrow party
interests and gathering around collective ideals for the sake of
safeguarding national unity.

Reminding that the Armenian community of Lebanon managed to preserve
its dignity during the difficult days of the Civil war in Lebanon
by adopting an approach of positive neutrality, His Holiness said:
"the Armenians of Lebanon should adopt the same united stand today
and our parties have an important role to play in this respect.

His Holiness advised that inter-party meetings between the three
Armenian political parties should be organized on a more frequent
basis. United stands should be adopted always taking into consideration
the supreme interests of Lebanon and the Armenian community, he added.

##

The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates
of the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the
history and mission of the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer
to the web page of the Catholicosate, The
Cilician Catholicosate, the administrative center of the church is
located in Antelias, Lebanon.

http://www.cathcil.org/
http://www.cathcil.org/v04/doc/Armenian.htm
http://www.cathcil.org/

Freed Georgian-Armenian Activist Shows Caution

FREED GEORGIAN-ARMENIAN ACTIVIST SHOWS CAUTION
By Hovannes Shoghikian

Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Nov 2 2006

An Armenian nationalist activist from Georgia’s restive Javakheti
region was on Tuesday careful not to attack Armenia’s government for
prosecuting and keeping him under arrest for two weeks on what his
supporters see as politically motivated charges.

Vahagn Chakhalian, a leader of the United Javakhk organization
campaigning for the Armenian-populated region’s greater autonomy,
was taken to custody and later charged with illegally entering
Armenia on October 11 just hours after being assaulted by a large
group of unknown men. Chakhalian, his parents, brother and another
United Javakhk activist, were reportedly stopped and beaten up by
the assailants as they arrived in Yerevan in a car.

The violence and the ensuing arrest have been strongly condemned by
United Javakhk and 16 members of Armenia’s parliament. In a joint
October 19 statement, the mostly opposition lawmakers accused the
authorities in Yerevan of trying to please the Georgian government
which has been accused by United Javakhk of rigging local elections
held in Javakheti earlier this month.

A Yerevan court released Chakhalian from custody on Monday with
the consent of prosecutors investigating the case. Although the
controversial accusations leveled against the 24-year-old activist
have not been dropped, his lawyers hope that he will avoid trial.

Chakhalian on Thursday rejected the accusations as "slander" but
refused to comment on details of the case, saying the investigation is
not yet over. He also avoided any criticism of the Armenian government,
while indicating that the latter is failing to live up to the Javakheti
Armenians’ "expectations." "The Armenian authorities are doing what
they think is right," he told a news conference.

Official Yerevan has long been striving to get Armenian nationalist
groups in Javakheti to show restraint in demanding a status of autonomy
for the impoverished region that borders Armenia and Turkey.

One of those groups, Virk, teamed up with Georgia’s governing National
Movement Party to contest the October 5 elections.

Official results of the vote, which showed the party sweeping to a
landslide victory in Javakheti and Georgia as a whole, were rejected
as fraudulent by United Javakhk. The latter rallied hundreds of
supporters in the regional town of Akhalkalaki. The demonstration
turned violent, with the protesters seizing the local government
building before being dispersed by police.

National Identity Crisis In Turkey

NATIONAL IDENTITY CRISIS IN TURKEY
by Adrian Morgan

Spero News
Nov 2 2006

The AKP party came into being with one over-riding ethos – to dismantle
the rule of secularism which kept religion and its outward symbols,
such as the hiab, or Muslim headscarf, from all aspects of public life

The current government of Turkey is led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan and
his Justice and Development (AKP) party, which was amalgamated from
banned Islamic parties in 2001. When the party came to power after
the general election of Sunday October 30, 2002, Erdogan, the party
leader, was not allowed to become prime minister. He had publicly read
out a pro-Islamic poem in 1998, and as a result had been convicted
of inciting religious hatred, and this prevented him from holding
public office.

As a result, Erdogan’s deputy, Abdullah Gul, took the role of
caretaker prime minister on November 18, 2002. Erdogan did not
become a member of parliament until early the following year, when
the Electoral Commission ruled that he was eligible to stand. Erdogan
won a by-election in Siirt province in the south-east of the country
on March 9 and two days later he was declared prime minister.

The AKP party came into being with one over-riding ethos – to dismantle
the rule of secularism which kept religion and its outward symbols,
such as the hiab, or Muslim headscarf, from all aspects of public
life. The military has enforced this secularism to the point of
staging several coups when a party espousing Islamism became elected
to power. The AKP has not been subject to a coup, and in the few
years that it has been in power it has defied the military to take
Turkish society as far away from its secular foundations as possible.

Erdogan has made loud noises about the country’s accession to the
European Union, and has made token measures to comply to the conditions
required to start discussions on joining the EU. On October 3, after
threatening to pull out of accession talks, Abdullah Gul finally
arrived in Luxembourg and the first stage of the process of joining
the EU officially began.

The behavior of Turkey since that date has shown that there is a
genuine doubt if Erdogan is really serious about joining the EU. It
has already been argued by commentators within and without the nation
that the issue of the EU is being exploited by the AKP to avoid the
fate of previous openly Islamic governments. While the negotiations
to be part of the EU continue, there is less chance of a military coup.

Turkey was officially founded on October 9, 1923, by Mustafa
Kemal Ataturk. The Ottoman Empire which had previously governed
the country as an Islamic nation was in ruins, and in March of
the following year, the Ottoman Caliphate, the last vestige of its
authority was dissolved. The wearing of the fez was banned, sharia
laws were abolished in 1926, Arabic script was removed from official
documents in 1928 and in the same year a clause in the constitution
that proclaimed Islam to be the national religion was abolished. The
teaching of Islam to minors was also forbidden.

Erdogan has juggled with appeasing the EU by introducing token reforms,
and also trying to remove the official secularism of the nation. His
party has championed the use of the headscarf by women, and Emine,
Erdogan’s wife, as well as the wives of the AKP leaders, wears the
hijab as a political statement.

Today, according to Turkish Press, Erdogan was awarded with the
"Meritorious Humanitarian Service Medal" by the Turkish Red Crescent.

This was for his allocating land to the charity’s logistic center, and
for conveying aid following the southern Asia tsunami of December 24,
2004, and after the Pakistan earthquake of October 8, 2005. The Red
Crescent states that Turkey helped to collect $21 million in relief.

While Erdogan may feel pleased with his new medal, it is no antidote
to the real and impending problems which lie beneath the veneer
of political stability. In the southeast of Turkey, the Islamic
heartland where AKP support is highest, there were flash floods
today, which killed 21 people. A bus traveling from Diyarbakir, the
largest city in the region, which was carrying guests to a wedding,
was swept away. With it went the lives of 14 people. In Cinar and
Bismil, 300 people had to be rescued from their homes. According to
the Washington Post, dozens are still missing.

Turkey lies along two major earthquake faults, which traverse the
length of the country. In 1999, the last major quake claimed the lives
of 20,000 people. At the weekend, Haluk Eyidogan, head of Turkey’s
National Earthquake Council, was quoted as saying that legislation,
introduced in 2000 to enforce better inspection and construction of
buildings, was being bypassed by fraudulent means.

Eyidogan said that corruption was preventing the effective
implementation of the ruling. Seismologists are expecting an
earthquake, of more than 7.0 on the Richter scale, to hit northwestern
Turkey at any time within the next 30 years.

The impending earthquake seems a convenient metaphor for the
underlying tensions in Turkey. While a year ago people in Turkey
seemed to be mostly in favor of the country joining the EU, there has
been a dramatic change in attitude. A poll was released on October 4,
and discussed in the Scotsman and South Africa’s Independent Online,
shows that less than a third of Turkish people (32.2%) feel their
country should join the European Union.

The survey was carried out by A&G for the newspaper Millyet, a
pro-government paper. 2,408 people were polled. In 2004, 67.5% of
the population thought Turkey should join the EU, and last year 57.4%
felt that way.

A poll conducted by the Universities of Isik and Sabanci in Istanbul
between March and April this year, conducted with 1,846 respondents
in 22 cities, found that 54% felt that Turkey should join the EU. For
the figure to drop to 32.2% within only six months (a drop of 21.8%)
is a sign that the change in opinions has been sudden, and recent.

M K Bhadrakumar, writing in Asia Times on October 21 suggested that
Turkey is currently undergoing a "post-modern identity crisis". He
discussed the issue of the EU, and noted that a recent ruling,
passed by the French National Assembly has created a wave of anger
in Turkey. The rule declares that it is now illegal in France to deny
that there was an "Armenian genocide" in Turkey.

Nicolas Sarkozy, who is running for president in France next year,
has said that Turkey should be given no more than "preferential
partnership" with the EU. It seems that now the Turkish populace
would perhaps prefer such an arrangement. In October last year, the
timescale for Turkey to become a full member of the EU was speculated
at being 20 years. The president of the European Commission, Jose
Manuel Barroso, recently suggested that it would take 10 to 15 years.

Barroso said of Turkey’s path to EU membership: "Political reforms
should be continued; freedom of expression and religious rights
should be fully adopted; the Ankara Protocol should be implemented;
and, Turkish ports and harbors should be opened to the Greek Cypriots."

Bhadrakumar stated of the predicament of Turkey: "Turkey should be
Muslim and secular and democratic as a society, while being only
secular and democratic as a state. A complicated thought indeed."

While almost half of the Turkish population (42.2% from the latest
poll) is undecided about accession to the EU, the news from Europe
itself is not boding well for the country to join in its current
state. The UK Independent reveals today that a crucial EU report
condemns Turkey’s human rights record. Finland, which currently holds
the EU presidency, has demanded emergency talks for this weekend. It
hopes to push forward the deal on Cyprus, which is still not officially
recognized by Turkey. In this, the AKP of prime minister Erdogan and
the military are of one voice – they are adamant that Greek Cyprus
is recognized.

Turkey knows that if it cannot clear the Cyprus hurdle by the end of
next year, it will have the accession process suspended. The document
on human rights will be officially unveiled next week, but a leak from
the document claims: "prosecutions and convictions for expression
of non-violent opinion….are a cause for serious concern." It also
states that "cases of torture" are still continuing.

The issue of prosecutions for "expression of non-violent opinion" are
highly relevant to the current ideological crisis in Turkey. Today,
a 92-year old archeologist, Muazzez Ilmiye Cig, walked free after
being prosecuted for "inciting religious hatred". Ms Cig had written
last year that the hijab, or Muslim headscarf, had been worn 5,000
years ago by priestesses of Sumer, initiating men into sexual rites of
passage. The prosecution was a prime example of "freedom of expression"
being denied.

The worst aspect of Turkish prosecutions has been the ruling of
Article 301, which derives from the time of Ataturk. It prohibits
anyone "who explicitly insults being a Turk, the Republic or Turkish
Grand National Assembly", on penalty of receiving a three year jail
sentence. Turkey’s Justice Minister, Cemil Cicek has been eager to
implement this law as a tool to bash champions of free speech.

As Erdogan is a leader of the National Assembly, along with the
secular president Ahmet Necdet Sezer, and Cicek has allowed numerous
prosecutions under Article 301 for individuals who have insulted
Erdogan. In Europe, it is a tabu NOT to insult and lampoon leaders
of nations. Various novelists, editors, publishers, visual artists,
newspapers and cartoonists have been successfully prosecuted under
Article 301, many for the mere crime of "insulting Erdogan". The
maximum sentence for breaching Article 301 is a three year jail
sentence, but most of those convicted receive large fines and suspended
sentences.

Another law, Article 288 deprives journalists from the right of
criticising any trial in action. This law has been applied against
one journalist, Ms Murat Yetkin for commenting on a trial which had
not even begun.

The application of Article 301 is of itself incompatible with the
standards of freedom of expression which people in Europe expect for
themselves. Its application has been bizarre. Perlhan Magden was put
on trial for "insulting Turkishness" when she questioned Turkey’s
obligatory military service.

Novelists cannot even have their characters state comments which are
considered "insulting" to Turkish identity without running the risk
of prosecution. Elif Shafak, in her novel The Bastard of Istanbul had
some of her Armenian characters refer to the genocides of Armenians
in 1915 – 1917. For this, she was dragged to court, even though she
was pregnant. She was finally acquitted on September 22 but could
not appear to hear the verdict, as she was recovering from a Cesarian
section. Outside the court, Turkish nationalists protested the verdict.

The novelist Orhan Pamuk, who was awarded the Nobel Prize for
Literature on October 12, was also taken to court for his breach of
Article 301. In February last year, in an interview with a Swiss
magazine, he mentioned the unmentionable Armenian "genocide". He
first appeared in court in Istanbul on December 16, and on January 25,
his case was finally abandoned on a technicality. Again, nationalist
protesters jostled him both inside and outside the court.

One woman hit him on the head with a folder.

In his most celebrated novel, Snow, Pamuk describes the culture rift
in Turkey, using the example of an Islamic school in the southeast
of the nation where the tensions between secularist and Islamist
ideals come into conflict with tragic results. Snow could be seen as
a metaphor for the current crisis in Turkey.

The southeast, where there is a large Kurdish community, is still
wishing for a more traditional Islamic society, as existed during the
time of the Ottomans. In the northwest, around Istanbul, there is a
vibrant culture which in many ways is like any other Western society.

There is a rift between the past and the future, between Islam and
secularism, progressives and conservatives, between East and West.

On Sunday, Reuters wrote of the emergence of Islamist groups in the
southeast, around the region of Diyabakir. The southeast has been
afflicted for decades by the monsters of Kurdish nationalist violence,
as enacted by the PKK, and also movements like Turkish Hezbollah,
which saw hundreds of citizens abducted and tortured to death, their
sordid demise recorded sadistically on videotape.

According to local politicians, the new Islamic groups are becoming
more active, and pose a threat to the secular model upon which Turkey
is built. The prominence of Erdogan’s AKP has allowed extremists and
fundamentalists to grow more confident with espousing their identity
as Islamic rather than secular.

Firat Anli, mayor of a Diyarbakir district said: "In every poor
neighbourhood, new radical Islamic associations are giving hot food,
they have meetings at people’s homes. They pay for students to go to
school. I’m very worried…I fear they’ll become more powerful and
could turn to violence like the (Turkish) Hezbollah."

There will be an election in 2007, and the tensions are rising as
the date for this approaches. Erdogan is said to be trying to run for
the post of President, the head of the constitution, as Ahmet Necdet
Sezer is due to step down. AKP representatives in the southeast state
that the new Islamic groups are not a threat. They are not a threat
to the AKP, but they may become a threat to the secular system. The
military now regards Islamic fundamentalism as a greater threat than
Kurdish separatists.

A lawyer from AKP in the southeast said: "Islam is like a tree, it
has roots which the Kemalists cut away but they are now growing back."

The issue of religion is such a hot potato, that it has led one leading
Islamic cleric to state that any criticism of Islam is a threat to
world peace. The news is reported today by the Associated Press. The
cleric is Ali Bardakoglu, who was the imam who earlier suggested that
Pope Benedict XVI’s Regensburg address was so inflammatory that the
pontiff should cancel his planned visit to Turkey. Bardakoglu is head
of the Religious Affairs Directorate in Turkey.

Benedict will be visiting Ankara on November 28. Bardakoglu will be
meeting the Pope. He told a group of mainly African Muslim leaders:
"We always tell the truth to everyone. People meeting does not mean
that they approve each other. It could help them express their opinions
with an open heart and know each other correctly."

The problems between modernism and fundamentalist values is
highlighted in the southeast of Turkey by the contentious issue of
honor killings. On October 27, German news source Die Welt reported
on the results of a survey, carried out amonst Turkish students,
found that a third of Turkish students thought honor killing was
acceptable if a family’s "honor" had been violated. In the the Middle
East University in Ankara, an archaic outlook was the most pronounced
where 77% of women said a husband had the right to beat his wife for
reasons such as burnt food.

The latest case of honor killing happened on October 22, states AFP
via the Khaleej Times. A 15-year old girl from a mainly Kurdish town
near the eastern border with Iran, was slaughtered by her brother.

The girl, Naile, had become pregnant, and had given birth to a baby
boy. She told her mother that the pregnancy had happened as a result
of rape. Her brother shot her at point-blank range, in a street in
the town. The newspaper Vatan stated that the family held a council,
at which it was decided that the elder brother should be the person
to carry out the "execution".

Such killings led in court cases, until last year, to lesser sentences
than murders, because a person who killed a relative for honour
was said to have "mitigating circumstances". The rules changed as
Turkey adapted itself to meet the requirements for joining Europe,
and there were no longer extenuating circumstances that could reduce
an honor-killer’s sentence.

As a result, since the end of last year, in eastern towns such as
Batman and Van, a trend grew of young girls committing suicide. It
became apparent that in many of these cases, girls who had transgressed
against family "honor" were pressured to kill themselves, rather than
have a relative jailed for life.

On 24 May, Yakin Erturk, the UN special rapporteur on violence against
women visited the eastern regions and reported that: "The majority
of women in the provinces visited live lives that are not their own
but are instead determined by a patriarchal normative order that
draws its strength from reference to tradition, culture and tribal
affiliation and often articulates itself on the basis of distorted
notions of honour."

"Diverse forms of violence are deliberately used against women who
are seen to transgress this order. Suicides of women in the region
occur within such a context…..I have found that the patriarchal
order and the human rights violations that go along with it – for
example, forced and early marriages, domestic violence, and denial
of reproductive rights – are often key contributing factors."

In June, Ali Bardakoglu announced that the religious affairs department
was to commission a book called "Mohammed’s Message to the Contemporary
World" which should be in print by next year. The book is especially
designed to target men in the southeastern Kurdish regions of Turkey,
where Muslim sexism is strongest and most "honor" crimes take place,
Bardakoglu announced. He said: "Mohammed did not make any statement
deprecating women or inciting men to use force against women."

The battle between the past and the present, sexism and liberation,
Islam and secularism has, in the months leading up to the next
election developed a new dimension – the battle between corruption
and rectitude. Associated Press today reports that Erdogan strongly
denied allegations that his party has been protecting a massive
pro-Islamic business which is accused of swindling $1,000,000,000
from its Turkish workers.

Many Turks (about 3 milion) live in Germany. It is said that an
international arrest warrant has been issued in Germany against
Dursun Uyar, who is head of the Yimpas Group, which was founded in
1982. Yimpas is a company with diverse output, ranging from clothing
manufacture to construction.

Apparently Switzerland also is investigating international fraud on
the part of the Yimpas group. Uyar cannot be extradited from Turkey,
due to its constitution, but he could be tried within Turkey.

Within Turkey itself, the allegations against the Yimpas group are
being exploited by secular newspapers, such as Hurriyet, and also by
the secular oppositon party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP). at
the start of the week, the CHP suggested that Erdogan’s party took
money in 2001 for its campaign fund from Yimpas. The pay-off for the
company was to have 20 of its executives given parliamentary seats.

According to Kadir Sohret, a former board member of Yimpas, the
company had gathered $2.5 billion from Turkish worshipers outside
mosques in Europe before 2001, in the form of investments. This had
been reported in the daily, Millyet. Pious Muslims, not wishing to
invest in Western banks, which practiced "usury", were keen to invest
in a pro-Islamic company.

On October 30, the deputy leader of CHP, Ahmet Ezrin, asked questions
in parliament about the offering of AKP party posts to 20 deputies
from Yimpas, states the New Anatolian.

He also claimed that some former Yimas administrators and their
relatives had been elected as mayors and municipal council members
with the AKP Party. He asked: "Who are the ministers and deputies
that served as administrators in Yimpas or are relatives of company
administrators? How many people are there elected as mayor, municipal
council members or employed in the bureaucracy and that have ties
to Yimpas?"

He also asked in parliament if the governor and police chief of Yozgat
(a city in Eastern Anatolia) had held secret meetings with Dursun Uyar.

Last week, Hellenic Resources Network reported that there is now
an apparent "war of attrition" against Erdogan’s AKP party, in
the run-up to the general election, which is expected to happen in
November next year. A columnist from the New Anatolian, Ilnur Cevik,
argued that Hurriyet newspaper was mounting the campaign to have
Dursun Uyar arrested in Turkey. The company he headed, Yimpas, had
persuaded pro-Islamic masses to invest all their small savings. When
they lost all their money, other pro-Islamic holding companies also
got the full force of the anger.

Duyar had been sentenced to prison and made to pay a large fine. His
appeal is currently pending. According to Hurriyet, the file on Duyar
has lain dormant for four years at the court of appeal, and if the case
is not dealt with in eight months, a statute of limitations will mean
he can no longer be made to serve his prison sentence. Cevik argues
that Hurriyet is trying to get the issue to be brought to a head,
and in the process is using the case to discredit the AKP.

On October 15, Cumhuriyet reported that the National Security
Directorate refused to answer questions about the international
arrest warrant against Duyur. The Directorate claims grounds of
confidentiality for not responding to questions. It also would not
say if police are looking for the CEO of Yimpas.

Recently, Uyar was seen at the funeral of an AKP legislator, in the
company of several government ministers. The CHP are making the most
of this, to draw attention to the alleged corruption at the heart of
AKP. Erdogan is clearly not happy. Today he said: "Not a penny from
(Yimpas) can be found…It is so ugly. Nobody has the right to launch
a defamation campaign against the Justice and Development party while
there is no (Turkish) arrest warrant for that person."

It seems that Erdogan is currently under pressure. His pro-Islamic
policies regarding the hijab, or Islamic headscarf, led to a battle
in the press earlier in the year. The Council of State in Ankara is
the Turkish equivalent of a Supreme Court, had ruled at the start of
the year that women who were teachers were not only prevented from
wearing the hijab in classes, but also were prohibited from wearing
them while traveling to and from their schools.

The Islamist and pro-AKP newspaper Vakit carried a photograph of the
judges who had made the ruling. Above the photograph was the caption
"Those are the ones who ban the headscarf even on the streets."

On May 17, a lawyer burst into the Second Chamber of the Council of
State, and produced a Glock automatic pistol. While shouting out
"Allahu Ackbar" (Allah is great), he began firing. Five judges
were hit. One was severely injured but later recovered. Mustafa
Yucel Ozbilgin was hit in the neck, and died that day in Hacettepe
University hospital.

The New Anatolian today reports that an attorney, Omer Lutfu Avsar,
had alleged that Recep Tayyip Erdogan had solicited the attack on the
Council of State. The prosecutor’s office in Ankara has announced
that Avsar is to stand trial, on charges of slander under Article
261/1. If found guilty, the attorney could face four years in jail.

The funeral of Judge Ozbilgin, which took place at Ankara’s Kocatepe
Mosque in June, saw mourners shouting anti-AKP slogans and making
government members feel unwelcome.

Avsar had argued that the prime minister’s prior support for
headscarves, against the constitution, had led to the attack on
the Council of State. Avsar had tried to have Erdogan prosecuted
for soliciting the attack, but this was overruled. It was decided
by the prosecutor’s office that Erdogan had legislative immunity
from prosecution. Ministers can only be put on trial by the Council
of State.

The request to have Avsar put on trial was made by Erdogan’s attorney,
and the prosecutor’s office has agreed to try the case.

Adrian Morgan is a British based writer and artist who has written for
Western Resistance since its inception. He has previously contributed
to various publications, including the Guardian and New Scientist
and is a former Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Society.

sp?id=6373&t=National+identity+crisis+in+Turke y

http://www.speroforum.com/site/article.a

"Memoires Armeniennes", Mur D’Emotion

"MEMOIRES ARMENIENNES", MUR D’EMOTION
Par Launet Edouard

Liberation , France
2 novembre 2006

A Paris, une installation video fait entendre les voix des temoins
du genocide.

Il y a eu fin septembre le grand raout a Erevan, capitale de
l’Armenie, avec concert d’Aznavour, discours et visite du president
Chirac. Aujourd’hui, a la Villette, a Paris, est erige sur un parquet
de bal un mur d’emotion : l’installation "Memoires armeniennes"
deploie video et geographie pour evoquer le genocide de 1915. C’est
d’ailleurs l’une des rares manifestations prevues dans le cadre
de l’Annee de l’Armenie en France (jusqu’au 14 juillet 2007) a se
colleter directement le sujet.

Le visiteur de l’installation concue par Jacques Kebadian et
Jean-Claude Kebabdjian est accueilli par un brouhaha. Ce sont des
voix surgies d’un mur d’images, quinze ecrans debitant en boucle et
simultanement les paroles de temoins du genocide. Ces mots et images
ont ete captes en 1982 par le cineaste Jacques Kebadian, qui, dix ans
après, en a fait le film Memoire armenienne. Dans les annees 70-80,
se souvient Kebadian, la cause armenienne s’etait reveillee avec
les actions terroristes de l’Asala (Armee secrète de liberation de
l’Armenie). Le cineaste partit alors avec sa camera et la volonte de
"montrer qu’il y a d’autres facons de temoigner, d’agir".

Aujourd’hui, ces temoignages, tries parmi quinze heures d’archives,
sont reunis sur des ecrans-fenetres inseres dans une grande carte
figurant toute l’etendue des implantations armeniennes avant 1915,
du Caucase a la Turquie. Les ecrans sont repartis de telle facon que
chaque temoin parle depuis sa ville d’origine. De toutes ces personnes
mortes aujourd’hui, il ne reste que leurs paroles. Les reunir ainsi
sur un grand panneau relève evidemment moins d’une entreprise de
pedagogie que de la volonte de former un concert. Ces voix qui se
chevauchent et se repètent composent un choeur bouleversant.

L’installation est completee par des tableaux et quelques photos.

Elle devrait etre presentee l’an prochain a Marseille et a Lyon,
deux villes où la diaspora armenienne est fortement implantee.

Memoires armeniennes

Parquet de bal du parc de la Villette

(près de la maison de la Villette), dans le cadre de l’annee de
l’Armenie en France. Du mer au dim de 14h a 19h, jusqu’au 23 novembre.

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Putin Hopes RF Increases Investments Into Armenia’s Economy

PUTIN HOPES RF INCREASES INVESTMENTS INTO ARMENIA’S ECONOMY
by Mikhail Petrov

ITAR-TASS, Russia
Oct 30 2006

President Vladimir Putin said he is hopeful that Russian companies
will increase investments into Armenia’s economy.

Opening his meeting with Armenian President Robert Kocharyan on
Monday, President Putin said, "Shame of us but Russia ranks third on
investments into Armenia’s economy. I say shame of us because it is
rather strange when Russia does not rank first on investments into
the economy of its strategic partner."

At the same time, the Russian president said trade and economic
relations are developing. "Trade is growing although absolute figures
are not so high for Russia – the growth reaches 60 percent in the
eight months," he added.

Internation Conference On Medical Science To Take Place On November

INTERNATION CONFERENCE ON MEDICAL SCIENCE TO TAKE PLACE ON NOVEMBER 11-17, WITHIN FRAMEWORK OF YEAR OF ARMENIA IN FRANCE

Noyan Tapan
Nov 01 2006

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 1, NOYAN TAPAN. An International Conference on
Medical Science will be held in Paris on November 11-17, within the
framework of the Year of Armenia in France. Health Minister Norayr
Davidian will participate in it. Narine Beglarian, the main specialist
of the International Ties Department of the Ministry informed the Noyan
Tapan correspondent about it. It was mentioned that the conference
organizers are the RA National Academy of Sciences and "Ararat"
International Academy of France.

About The Identity Of Europe : Why It Is A Problem ? (2)

ABOUT THE IDENTITY OF EUROPE : WHY IT IS A PROBLEM ? (2)
by Hans-Peter Geissen

Turquie Europeenne, France
Oct 31 2006

"The role of Islam in the emergence of the Christian Humanism and the
enlightenment was largely omitted and forgotten : Islamic theology
could not take place in Christian Europe as no Muslims had been
allowed to survive…"

Hans-Peter Geissen lives in Koblenz (Germany), at the confluence of the
Rhine and Moselle rivers. Interested in all what concerns faunistics
(data about animal species) of the Midrhine region, he is the author
of many scientific publications on these issues. He bent on the Turkish
issue with a very specific approach so as "to prevent a self-definition
of Europe on the grounds of historical or religious mythologies."

Enlightenment Christian Humanism and Enlightenment, in one way
or another, redirected the view on humans and society from a
theological determination -however theoretic- to a variety of
reasoning and imagination. An increasing spectrum of philosophies,
arts, sciences and practices emerged, in which theology was but one
of many disciplines. Again, there can be only a rough overview with
a special focus.

The role of Islam in the emergence of this was largely omitted and
forgotten, Islamic theology could not take place in Christian Europe
as no Muslims had been allowed to survive. A Jewish one survived in
some niches mainly in Eastern Europe (especially Poland-Lithuania).

Both took place in the Ottoman realm. However, the Islamic
"Counter-Enlightenment" had largely ended the development of sciences,
while a quite efficient state centralism inhibited the development
of alternatives.

Nonetheless, as far as religious tolerance and pluralism was concerned,
European thinkers had to point to the Ottoman sphere, wether Rousseau
or Voltaire, Lessing or Goethe, or the English Deists. There the
example was given that it was possible. Secularism in the meaning of
respecting different beliefs and an autonomous sphere of theologies
did not emerge directly from Islam, but was hardly thinkable without.

The other side of the coin was autonomy of state and law from
religion. Quite necessarily, it had to act anticlerical. Insofar,
there was no room for Islamic rule, too. With respect to the state,
it tended to support absolutism. As to society, the language was
detected as a unifying factor defining political bodies, leading to
nationalisms. This, together with liberalism, became the ideology of
the emerging bourgeoisies.

The Ottoman system The Ottoman system had already an absolutism
of sort, expressed in a sultanic prerogative and law. As well as
Christian absolutisms, however, they remained allied with religion
as the major source of law and conduct. Due to special circumstances,
the sultanic prerogative about the lifes and properties of his servants
inhibited the emergence of a Muslim, but not of a Christian and Jewish
bourgeoisy. Growing predominance of West European economies further
enhanced Christian economic dominance in the Ottoman Empire, all the
more as any activity of Muslims in the West was nearly impossible;
European antiislamism had remained largely intact in practice since the
Middle Ages, despite Enlighteners and a few exceptions, like Venice.

Quite the contrary: Humanism and Enlightenment, by rediscovering
the heritage af the Antique, were deploring the "loss" of the "Greek
World" to Muslim rule and in consequence a secular crusader movement
under the flag of "Philhellenism" emerged. It wouldn’t be impossible
to imagine Valerie Giscard d’Estaing as one of its most prominent
stakeholders today.

A major handicap of the Ottomans in dealing with the problem was
certainly the predominance of Islam in state law and bureaucracy,
reinforced at times by a respective Islamic populism. Especially in its
populist form, the "No novelties!" paradigm of Sunnitic conservatism
was certainly a strong factor slowing down necessary adaptations.

Whereas the Ottomans in fact accomodated to the major developments,
including equality of their subjects, constitutional monarchy,
industrialization, public education a.s.o., they finally succumbed
to the emerging nationalisms supported by Western movements and Russia.

In fact, conservative and even many liberal governments supported the
OE in order to prevent Russian expansion to the Mediterranean, both
Christian and "Enlightened" neo-crusaders in effect supported Russia.

The latter proceeded by several ideologies, first pan-Orthodoxy, then
pan-Slawism, some pan-Christianism (regarding especially Armenians
and Georgians), and finally Marxism-Leninism – and, of course,
military aggression.

Nationalisms and Russian expansion In the larger West, those with an
idea of geopolitics opposed the Russian expansion and, up to now,
succeeded repeatedly, if only by a hair’s breadth. Many of those
with no idea of geopolitics in effect supported Russian advance and
continue to do so. And their unifying ideology is still antiislamism.

Ironically, it were "nationalisms" that succeeded the Ottoman Empire
by means of Russian military victories and with support from Western
sources. None of these nationalisms is known to have been supported
by a majority of the respective "nations" prior to the establishment
of an independent state by foreign powers. While expanding, each
new territory had to be ethnically cleansed in order to make the
attempted nation reasonably apparent; then, languages, architecture,
and history were cleansed as well. Lastly Titoism, which L. Carl Brown,
in 1996, proposed to understand as a neo-Ottoman pluralism rather than
Communism, failed, crushed under nationalism and antiislamism while
all the Europeans stood by and looked at and shackled their heads
about: Nay, those Balkan barbarians! And indeed, how could they,
who never had looked into a mirror, recognize their own heritage,
or rather their identity?

A heritage we can hardly be happy with.

The end :

Still, we cannot draw the geographical borders of Enlightenment,
Humanism, or "Jewo"-Christianity. Obviously, they cross through
countries, they even cross individual brains. The only way to draw
reasonable geographical borders is by geographical methods.

Otherwise, we sort people, not space. Necessarily, we’ll come back
to that issue.

Some stuff for further reading :

ADANIR, Fikret (1998): The Ottoman peasantries, c. 1360 – c. 1860. –
269-310 in: SCOTT, T. (ed.): The peasantries of Europe. From the
fourteenth to the eighteenth century. – 416 S., London (Longman)

ADANIR, F. (2001): Das Osmanische Reich als orientalische Despotie
in der Wahrnehmung des Westens. – 83-121 in: KURSAT-AHLERS, E., TAN, D.

& H.-P. WALDHOFF (Hrsg.): Turkei und Europa. Facetten einer Beziehung
in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. – 235 S., Frankfurt am Main (IKO-Verlag
fur Interkulturelle Kommunikation)

ADANIR, Fikret (2003): Religious communities and ethnic groups under
imperial sway: Ottoman and Habsburg lands in comparison. – 54-886 in:
HOERDER, D., HARZIG, C. & A. SHUBERT (eds.): The historical practice
of diversity. – 278 S., Oxfort, New York (Berghahn)

AKSAN, Virginia H. (1999): Locating the Ottomans among early modern
empires. – Journal of Early Modern History 3 (2): 103-134. Leiden.

AYDIN, Mahmut (2001): Religious pluralism: A challenge for Muslims
– A theological evaluation. – Journal of Ecumenical Studies 38:
330-352. Philadelphia, Pa.

DARLING, Linda T. (2002): Another look at periodization in Ottoman
history. – The Turkish Studies Association Journal 26 (2): 19-28.

Bloomington, Indiana.

DAVID, G. (2001): Limitations of conversion: Muslims and Christians
in the Balkans in the sixteenth century. – 149-156 in: ANDOR, E. &
I.G. TOTH (eds.): Frontiers of faith. Religious exchange and the
constitution of religious identities 1400-1750. – 295 S., Budapest
(Central European University/European Science Foundation)

FAROQHI, Suraiya (1978): The early history of the Balkan fairs. –
Sudost-Forschungen 37: 50-68. Munchen.

FAROQHI, Suraiya (1997): Vom Sklavenmadchen zur Mekkapilgerin.

Lebenslaufe Bursaer Frauen im spaten funfzehnten Jahrhundert. –
7-29 in: KREISER, K. & C.K. NEUMANN (Hrsg.): Das Osmanische Reich in
seinen Archivalien und Chroniken. Neyat Goyunc zu Ehren. – 327 S.,
Istanbul, Stuttgart (Franz Steiner Verlag)

FISCHER-GALATI, Stephen A. (1959): Ottoman imperialism and German
protestantism 1521-1555. – 140 S., Cambridge, Massachusetts (Harvard
University Press), London (Oxford University Press)

FODOR, P. (2001): The Ottomans and their Christians in Hungary. –
137-147 in: ANDOR, E. & I.G. TOTH (eds.): Frontiers of faith.

Religious exchange and the constitution of religious identities
1400-1750. – 295 S., Budapest (Central European University/European
Science Foundation)

GOCEK, Fatma Muge (1996): Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire.

– 220 S., New York, N.Y. (Oxford University Press)

GOCEK, Fatma Muge (2002): Decline of the Ottoman empire and the
emergence of Greek, Armenian, Turkish and Arab nationalism. – 15-83 in:
GOCEK, F.M. (ed.): Social constructions of nationalism in the Middle
East. – 279 S., Albany (State University of New York press)

GOFFMAN, Daniel (2002): The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe. –
273 S.. Cambridge (Cambridge University Press; New approaches to
Europen History 24)

GROTHUSEN, Klaus-Detlev (1979): Die Orientalische Frage als Problem
der europaischen Geschichte: 79-96 in: GROTHUSEN, Klaus-Detlev (Hrsg.):
Die Turkei in Europa. – 271 S, Gottingen (.Vandenhoek & Ruprecht)

GROTHAUS, Maximilian (2002): Vom Erbfeind zum Exoten: Kollektive
Mentalitaten uber die Turken in der Habsburger Monarchie der fruhen
Neuzeit: 99-113 in: FEIGL, Inanc, HEUBERGER, Valeria, PITTIONI,
Manfred & Kerstin TOMENENDAL (Hrsg.): Auf den Spuren der Osmanen in
der osterreichischen Geschichte. 179 S., Frankfurt am Main u.a.

(Peter Lang, Europaischer Verlag der Wissenschaften)

HOFERT, Almut (2003): Ist das Bose schmutzig? Das Osmanische Reich
in den Augen europaischer Reisender des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts. –
Historische Anthropologie 11: 176-192. Koln, Weimar, Wien.

ITZKOWITZ, Norman (1996): The problem of perceptions. – 30-38 in:
BROWN, L. Carl (ed.): Imperial Legacy. The Ottoman imprint on the
Balkans and the Middle East. – 337 S., New York (Columbia University
Press).

KAFADAR, Cemal (1995): Between two worlds. The construction of the
Ottoman state. – 221 S., Berkeley, Los Angeles, London (University
of California Press)

KASABA, Resat (2003): The enlightment, Greek civilization and the
Ottoman empire: Reflections on Thomas Hope’s Anastasius. – Journal
of Historical Sociology 16: 1-21. London.

KIEL, Machiel (1983): The oldest monuments of Ottoman-Turkish
architecture in the Balkans: the imaret and the mosque of Ghazi Evrenos
Bey in Gumulcine (Komotini) and the Evrenos Bey Khan in the village
of Ilica/Loutra in Greek Thrace (1370-1390). – Sanat Tarihi Yiligi –
Kunsthistorische Forschungen 12: 117-138. Istanbul.

KISSLING, Hans Joachim (1991): Osmanen und Europa. (Dissertationes
orientales et balcanicae collectae ). – 253 S., Munchen (Dr. Dr.

Rudolf Trofenik)

KITROMILIDES, Paschalis M. (1989): " Imagined Communities " and the
origins of the National Question in the Balkans. – European History
Quarterly 19: 149-192. London.

KITROMILIDES, Paschalis M. (1990) : Greek irredentism in Asia Minor
and Cyprus. – Middle Eastern Studies 26 (1): 3-17. Abingdon.

KITROMILIDES, Paschalis M. (2003) : An Enlightenment perspective
on Balkan cultural pluralism : the republican vision of Rhigas
Velestinlis. – History of Political Thought 24 (3): 465-481.

Thorverton.

KITSIKIS, Dimitri (1985): L’Empire Ottoman. – 127 S. Paris (Presses
Universitaires de France).

KONTLER, L. (2001): ~DMahometan Christianity": Islam and the English
Deists. – 107-119 in: ANDOR, E. & I.G. TOTH (eds.): Frontiers of
faith. Religious exchange and the constitution of religious identities
1400-1750. – 295 S., Budapest (Central European University/European
Science Foundation)

KORTUM, Hans-Henning (2003): Der Pilgerzug von 1064/65 ins Heilige
Land. Eine Studie uber Orientalismuskonstruktionen im 11.

Jahrhundert. – Historische Zeitschrift 277: 561-592. Munchen.

KRAFT, E. (2003): Von der Rum Milleti zur Nationalkirche – die
orthodoxe Kirche in Sudosteuropa im Zeitalter des Nationalismus. –
Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 51: 392-408. Stuttgart.

KREISER, Klaus & Christoph E. NEUMANN (2002): Kleine Geschichte der
Turkei. – 519 S., Stuttgart (Reclam)

KULA, O.B. (2001): Zum Turkenbild im deutschen Schrifttum vom 11. bis
19. Jahrhundert. – 47-61 in: KURSAT-AHLERS, E., TAN, D. & H.-P.

WALDHOFF (Hrsg.): Turkei und Europa. Facetten einer Beziehung in
Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. – 235 S., Frankfurt am Main (IKO-Verlag
fur Interkulturelle Kommunikation)

LOUIS, Herbert (1954): Uber den geographischen Europabegriff. –
Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft in Munchen 39: 73-93.

Munchen. (On the geographic concept of Europe.)

MAIER, L. (2003): Die Grenze zwischen dem Habsburgerreich und Bosnien
um 1830. Von einem Versuch, eine friedlose Region zu befrieden. –
Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 51: 379-391. Stuttgart.

MÄRTIN, Ralf-Peter (1980): Dracula. Das Leben des Fursten Vlad Tepes.

– 189 S., Berlin (Wagenbach)

McCARTHY, Justin (1996): Death and Exile. The ethnic cleansing of
Ottoman Muslims 1821-1922. – 368 S., Princeton, New Jersey (The
Darwin Press). McCARTHY, Justin (2001): The Ottoman peoples and the
end of empire. – 234 S., London, New York (Arnold Publishers; Oxford
University Press)

McCARTHY, Justin (2002): Population history of the Middle East and
the Balkans. – 321 S., Istanbul (Isis Press)

PALAIRET, Michael (1997): The Balkan economies c. 1800-1914.

Evolution without development. – 415 S., Cambridge (Cambridge
University Press).

QUATAERT, Donald (2005): The Ottoman Empire 1700-1922. – 212 S.,
2nd ed., Cambridge (Cambridge University Press; New approaches to
European History 34).

RANDHOFER, R. (1998): Antiochias Erbe. Die Gesange der
syro-antiochenischen Kirche. – Antike Welt 29: 311-324. Mainz.

REHRMANN, M. (2003): A legendary place of encounter: The Convivenzia of
Moors, Jews and Christians in medieval Spain. – 35-53 in: HOERDER, D.,
HARZIG, C. & A. SHUBERT (eds.): The historical practice of diversity. –
278 S., Oxfort, New York (Berghahn)

ROTH, Harald (2003): Kleine Geschichte Siebenburgens. – 2., durchges.

Aufl., 199 S., Koln, Weimar, Wien (Bohlau). RUSINOW, Dennison (1996):
The Ottoman legacy in Yugoslavia’s disintegration and civil war. –
78-99 in: BROWN L. Carl (ed.): Imperial Legacy. The Ottoman imprint
on the Balkans and the Middle East. – 337 S., New York (Columbia
University Press).

SAUER, Eberhard (2003): The archaeology of religious hatred in the
Roman and Early Medieval world. – 192 S., Stroud, Gloucestershire
and Charleston, North Carolina (Tempus)

SAULNIER, Mine G. & Jacques JEULIN (2000): L’autre nom de la rose. Un
regard turc sur la tragedie cathare et l’epopee de Cheikh Bedreddin.

– 125 S., Paris (e-dite)

SCHIMMEL, Annemarie (1995): West-ostliche Annaherungen. – 132 S.,
Stuttgart, Berlin, Koln (W. Kohlhammer)

STRAUSS, Johann (2002): Ottoman rule experienced and remembered:
Remarks on some local Greek chronicles of the Tourkokratia. – 193-221
in: ADANIR, Fikret & Suraiya FAROQHI (eds.): The Ottomans and the
Balkans. A discussion of historiography. – 445 S., Leiden, Boston,
Koln (Koninklijke Brill NV)

TODOROVA, Maria (1996): The Ottoman legacy in the Balkans. – 45-77
in: BROWN, L. Carl (ed.): Imperial Legacy. The Ottoman imprint on the
Balkans and the Middle East. – 337 S., New York (Columbia University
Press).

VAUGHAN, Dorothy M. (1954): Europe and the Turk. A pattern of alliances
1350-1700. – 305 S., Liverpool (University Press).

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Income Tax Against State Appropriated Real Estate to be Refunded

INCOME TAX FROM SUMS PAID TO CITIZENS AGAINST REAL ESTATE ALIENATED FOR
STATE NEEDS TO BE REFUNDED

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 26, NOYAN TAPAN. At the October 26 sitting, the
Armenian government made a decision on the order of refund (in some
cases) and compensation (in other cases) of income tax taken away from
the sums paid to citizens for cancelling their right of property
during the alienation of their real estate for state needs. Davit
Hambartsumian, Head of the Budgetary Process Management Department of
the RA Ministry of Finance and Economy, told reporters after the
sitting that inflation will not be taken into account when paying back
these sums. It was noted that the total amount to be refunded makes
about 1 billion drams (about 2.5 mln USD) and will be allocated from
the state budget.

Nicosia: EDITORIAL: Wind Of Change

EDITORIAL: WIND OF CHANGE

Financial Mirror, Cyprus
Oct 25 2006

When the ruling centre-right Democratic Party (Diko) elected Marios
Karoyian as its third and youngest leader on Sunday with the support
of the old guard who set up the party three decades ago, a clear
message for change was sent out in all directions — modernise the
movement in time for the next presidential elections in February 2008.

The extraordinary conference was called after President Tassos
Papadopoulos stepped down as party chief in August forcing deputy
leader Nicos Cleanthous to challenge the seat as well.

But only half of the party’s 14,000 members showed up to vote for
their new leader which suggests a note of apathy among the party
rank-and-file.

The 45-year-old Armenian Cypriot who rose up the ranks of the party
founded by the late Spyros Kyprianou, won by a surprisingly wide
margin of 63% over Cleanthous who took the remaining 37%.

This was probably the start of a wind of change that wanted old-school
politicians replaced by dynamic young leaders.

The result shocked Cleanthous, who had deputised Papadopoulos ever
since the latter was elected president three years ago.

This could also explain the party faithful’s disappointment in a
leader who barely made it to the House in the parliamentary election
in May despite the party gaining new voters and new seats.

Karoyian, on the other hand, was elected to parliament as the most
popular of all the party’s candidates. He has since called for
unity and paid tribute to the legacy of Spyros Kyprianou and Tassos
Papadopoulos. "We will implement the political line of the coalition
and move forward united, through a modernised Democratic Party,"
he said.

Standing beside the new party leader was the founder’s son and European
Commissioner Markos Kyprianou together with his brother, Achilleas,
both members of the Diko executive council, while other newcomers
were clearly absent from the main panel.

Markos also threw his support behind the young leader and declared
that "times have changed from the days of individual leaders and we
are entering a new age of good managers and a need for collectiveness."

This could also suggest the start of a rift within the party that
has long wanted to abandon the three-way coalition with the powerful
communist Akel and the diminishing socialist Edek and opt for a
coalition of equals with Akel.

Kyprianou is now weighing his options as he is being touted as the
coalition candidate for the next presidential elections where the
party would have to decide between the young Commissioner or incumbent
president Papadopoulos.

Whatever the outcome, Karoyian’s leadership will be tested at the
next party congress in 2009, a year after the presidential elections
that will also be determined from the successful or not adoption of
the euro on January 1, 2008. He will have his hands full until then.

Japan’s Credit Programs Aim To Assist Armenia With Its Economic Refo

JAPAN’S CREDIT PROGRAMS AIM TO ASSIST ARMENIA WITH ITS ECONOMIC REFORMS, ARMENIAN PRIME MINISTER SAYS

Noyan Tapan
Oct 25 2006

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 25, NOYAN TAPAN. The Armenian authorities attach
special importance to the consistent development of friendly relations
with Japan – one of the leading countries in the Asian-Pacific region,
taking into account this country’s contribution to maintenance of
peace and stability in the world and its assistance to developing
countries. The Armenian Prime Minister Andranik Margarian stated this
at the October 25 meeting with the Japanese Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipoentiary to Armenia Yasuo Saito (residence – Moscow). He
noted with satisfaction that over the last 10 years the Japanese
government has provided assitance to Armenia both as official
development-aimed assistance at the bilateral level and through
international financial organizations. According to the prime minister,
general, cultural, small grant, and techical assistance programs, as
well as concessional credit programs related to such important sectors
of the Armenian economy as agriculture, small and medium enterprises,
community infrastructure, energy, culture, education and health care
are aimed at assisting Armenia with its economic reforms. A. Margarian
pointed out the agreement on allocation of a 150 million-dollar
concessional loan to the Armenian government for re-equipment of the
Yerevan Thermal Power Plant and welcomed the Japanese government’s
intention to implement 2 new grant programs on development of rural
communities in the near future. He said that the development of rural
communities, especially mountainous and border ones, is one of the
priorities of the Armenian government’s economic policy, because the
poverty level is especially high in these communities.

According to the RA Government Information and PR Department, during
the meeting the sides also underlined the importance of cooperation
at the international level. Ambassador Saito indicated the scarce
natural resources and considerable intellectual potential as the
common features of the two countries, adding that if the latter is
efficiently used, the country may achieve a remarkable success.