Author: Hambik Zargarian

Armenia is an Isolated Democracy in Crisis

Hambik Zargarian
The National Interest
Nov 1 2023

If the United States and its democratic partners fail to stand with Yerevan and stand up to Baku, the broader consequences for the region could be dire.

by Mark Dietzen

Time is running out to protect the rule by law from rule by force in Europe’s southeastern frontier. Azerbaijan’s takeover of the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh—resulting in the mass exodus of its native Armenian inhabitants and the dissolution of the enclave’s institutions—signals a dangerous trend in the South Caucasus. Armenia now faces a dual threat of further external aggression and greater internal strife. Without support from the United States and other democracies, Armenia’s democratic gains may be at risk—and the government may be pulled further into the autocratic orbit of the Kremlin.

A predominantly ethnic Armenian region that has been an object of contention for centuries, Nagorno-Karabakh, enjoyed special autonomous status within Soviet Azerbaijan. During the final years of the Soviet Union, Armenians fought to secede from Azerbaijan, winning the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, resulting in the formation of the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh, or Artsakh, the historical Armenian name for the region. The entity has never been internationally recognized. 

Over the next three decades, neighboring Armenia provided pivotal security assistance and economic access to the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, and the region existed as a de facto independent state within the internationally recognized borders of Azerbaijan. A tenuous ceasefire held for much of that time, albeit with frequent skirmishes along the border. 

In 2020, the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War broke out, claiming an estimated 7,000 lives over six weeks. This time, Azerbaijan emerged the victor, taking large swaths of territory and surrounding the remaining Armenian-controlled regions, save for a single corridor with Armenia. Russian peacekeepers oversaw a brittle ceasefire agreement, which included significant Armenian concessions. Two years later, Azerbaijan orchestrated a nine-month blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh, severing its access to Armenia and the rest of the world. Food, medicine, and other crucial supplies became critically low, forcing the population to live in increasingly dire conditions. Baku even blocked Red Cross humanitarian aid to Nagorno-Karabakh in breach of all international agreements. 

This was merely a prelude to September’s brutal seizure of Nagorno-Karabakh, undertaken in violation of the 2020 ceasefire agreement. Azerbaijan has demanded that the Armenians choosing to remain in Nagorno-Karabakh “reintegrate” into the Azerbaijani state, with President Ilham Aliyev claiming that “all their rights will be guaranteed.” Given Azerbaijan’s years of state-sponsored demonization of Armenians, the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh were not inclined to believe his promise. As a result, nearly all of the 120,000 Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh fled to Armenia over two weeks.

The government of Azerbaijan has not only violated international law and established diplomatic agreements—its actions pose an existential threat to Armenia’s democracy. If the takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh is not met with an adequate global response, President Aliyev and fellow autocrats will be encouraged to continue to use force to achieve political ends. 

There are growing concerns in Armenia that Azerbaijan may again attempt to use force to install a so-called “Zangezur Corridor” across sovereign Armenian territory, which would link Azerbaijan with its landlocked region, Nakhchivan, which lies between Armenia, Iran, and Turkey. In addition to violating Armenia’s sovereignty, this could cut off Armenia from its southern border with Iran. There is precedent for this fear: In 2021, President Aliyev even went so far as to threaten to install such a corridor “whether Armenia likes it or not.”

Crucially, Azerbaijan enjoys the backing of Turkey, while Russia—Armenia’s traditional protector—has been missing in action. This is due in part to the Kremlin’s ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine and frustration with Armenia’s westward shift, as evidenced by Yerevan’s accession to the International Criminal Court last month in defiance of Moscow. During his speech at the UN General Assembly on September 19—the day Azerbaijan began its takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh—Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan called on Armenia to open the “Zangezur Corridor.” Then, on September 25, Aliyev and Erdoğan met in Nakhchivan, where President Aliyev indirectly referenced a corridor through Armenia. 

This development would undoubtedly have wider geopolitical consequences. Armenia would risk losing access to its southern border with Iran since Azerbaijan would have the ability to close the corridor, as it did at Lachin in Nagorno-Karabakh. Such a scenario could leave just one of Armenia’s international borders—Georgia—open to trade. If this happens, Russia’s interest in the conflict could be reactivated, as the Kremlin is reluctant to lose its South Caucasus link to Iran, which could lead Russia to increase its military presence in Armenia. 

External threats combined with internal tensions could put severe pressure on Prime Minister Pashinyan, who has steered Armenia in a westward direction since taking office in 2018. The sudden influx of an enormous population of refugees poses major political and economic challenges for Armenia. Prime Minister Pashinyan’s government will no doubt face angry questions about why Karabakh was lost and must be prepared to offer reassurances that Azerbaijan will be held accountable for this outrage. 

Armenians will need affirmation that the government can provide for their security following Russia’s failure to stop Azerbaijan’s seizure of Karabakh despite the Russian peacekeepers stationed there. What’s more, there is a threat that a deteriorating security environment could erode the government’s progress in strengthening democratic institutions if illiberal voices can exploit the situation to win political power and restore Armenia’s dependence on Russia.

The democratic world has a clear interest in ensuring that Armenia’s democracy survives this crisis and that Azerbaijan’s actions are justly punished. To begin with, robust humanitarian assistance must be provided for Armenian refugees. During a recent fact-finding mission to the region, USAID Administrator Samantha Power promised $11.5 million in humanitarian assistance. This is a good start, but significant humanitarian assistance will need to be sustained over the coming months—and even years—to help refugees transition to their new lives in Armenia. 

The United States and other democracies must also prioritize programs that support Armenia’s further democratic progress, including efforts to strengthen the rule of law, continue legislative reforms, and advance citizen-centered governance. Additionally, as Yerevan works to resettle tens of thousands of newly arrived refugees, support will be needed to assist them in preparing proper documentation of the human rights violations inflicted during their exodus from Nagorno-Karabakh. These records are vital to any future legal action against Azerbaijan. 

Washington and Brussels must also demonstrate their commitment to Armenia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Holding Azerbaijan accountable for its outrageous violation of international law must be the first step. Punitive sanctions should be imposed on Azerbaijan, including its senior leadership, making it clear that aggression against Armenia will come at a high cost. U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan should also be suspended immediately. In the interest of a long-term settlement, the United States and EU should also dispatch senior envoys to Ankara to engage Turkey in international efforts to resolve outstanding issues between Armenia and Azerbaijan through political dialogue. 

Finally, the United States and its democratic partners should engage Yerevan in new strategic discussions, which include opportunities to deepen security cooperation, following the first-ever U.S.-Armenia bilateral military exercises in September. Russian troops will soon leave Nagorno-Karabakh, but their presence in Armenia will continue until Yerevan has reliable security alternatives. We must pursue a long-term strategy that reorients Armenia away from Russia and towards the community of democracies. 

Armenia’s democracy is in danger. If the United States and its democratic partners fail to stand with Yerevan and stand up to Baku, the broader consequences for the region could be dire. Strong political, economic, and security support will be crucial to ensuring that Armenia can continue on the path of democracy and that autocrats in Baku and beyond think twice before pursuing further acts of aggression. 

Mark Dietzen is the International Republican Institute’s (IRI) resident program director in Vilnius, Lithuania, where he leads IRI’s Belarus and Baltic-Eurasia Inter-Parliamentary Training Institute (BEIPTI) programs. He previously led non-profit, democratic development efforts in Nagorno-Karabakh. The views expressed are solely those of the author.

https://nationalinterest.org/feature/armenia-isolated-democracy-crisis-207134

Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian Prime Ministers address Tbilisi Silk Road Forum Areas Georgia

Hambik Zargarian
Nov 3 2023
03/11/2023 -  Onnik James Krikorian

On 26-27 October, the Georgian capital once again hosted the Tbilisi Silk Road Forum, an event to discuss global economic challenges and international connectivity established by the Georgian government in 2015. The fourth edition was attended by around 2,000 delegates representing the governments and private sector from over 80 countries.

Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili naturally opened the forum, but so did the Prime Ministers of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Montenegro. More significantly, however, not only was it the first time an Armenian leader spoke at such a high-level event in Tbilisi, but it was also the first time that high-level officials from all three countries gathered on the same stage to do so.

Though the main focus was economic, Garibashvili used the opportunity to offer Georgia’s assistance to Armenia and Azerbaijan in facilitating or mediating talks. The last time Tbilisi had made this offer was alongside Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev on his visit to Georgia on 8 October. In recent weeks, Baku has increasingly pushed the narrative that the region’s problems should be resolved within and not outside the region.

During that visit, Aliyev even suggested that Armenia and Azerbaijan could hold meetings at various levels in Tbilisi “immediately” if Yerevan agreed. However, in an interview with Armenian Public Television two days later, the Armenian Prime Minister clearly seemed reluctant to so, wary that this could threaten the continuation of efforts by the European Union. Such concerns are not unfounded.

For nearly a year, Baku has become increasingly frustrated with the EU-facilitated platform and what it believes to be French interference in the process. Aliyev had already pulled out of two scheduled EU-organised talks in October, first in Granada and then in Brussels. Moreover, since Aliyev’s Tbilisi visit, many Azerbaijani analysts have publicly advocated for holding the talks in Georgia.

Yet, despite Pashinyan’s concerns, these might now be starting. At the gala dinner  on the first day of the forum, the Armenian, Azerbaijani, and Georgian Prime Ministers sat together on their own, while other guests huddled around tables seating five or more. Asadov, Garibashvili, and Pashinyan also held albeit likely informal but private talks lasting “several hours”. True, Asadov does not hold much power in Azerbaijan, but it was still an unprecedented occurrence.

“We held tripartite meetings yesterday”, Garibashvili said the following day  . “Georgia is interested in being an unbiased mediator and in establishing peace in the region as a friend of Armenia and Azerbaijan”.

After news of the meeting broke, the Armenian Prime Minister’s office said the talks  were “useful in terms of clarifying nuances of the positions of the parties in at least a number of issues”, though no other details were provided. It is quite possible, however, that one topic was unblocking region transportation links. Pashinyan’s address detailed his own idea in this direction – a “Crossroads of Peace” connecting and benefiting all countries in the region.

Asadov's speech made no reference to Armenia, including in future regional projects. After his scripted address, he reacted spontaneously to Pashinyan. Baku had offered Yerevan the chance to sign a peace treaty two years ago and that offer remains on the table. Given Armenia’s regional semi-isolation, however, he did warn that failure to reach an agreement will mean a planned link to connect with its Nakhichevan exclave could go via Iran and not Armenia.

On 7 October, Azerbaijani and Iranian officials had already attended a ceremony to mark the construction of bridges and the necessary customs infrastructure  to do so. Despite the stipulation in the November 2020 ceasefire statement that such a route would pass through Armenia, continued disagreement with Azerbaijan over the modalities of what Baku refers to as the “Zangezur Corridor” has delayed and frustrated those plans for three years now.

Arguably, Pashinyan's address at the Tbilisi Silk Road Forum demonstrated he was aware that Armenia might again miss out on another regional project – the Middle Corridor connecting China through Central Asia and the South Caucasus to Europe. Just as he did in his 17 October address to the European Parliament  , Pashinyan now offers his concept for an “Armenian Crossroads”, now rebranded as the “Crossroads of Peace”.

Recently Pashinyan announced that Yerevan established a special unit in the police force that will specifically provide security on all transit routes running through Armenian territory, likely in response to one sticking point over any Armenian route connecting Azerbaijani with Nakhchivan. The November 2020 ceasefire statement stipulated that it would be overseen by the Russian Border Guard Service. For Pashinyan, this would amount to loss of sovereignty.

Armenian opposition voices, however, remain skeptical  , arguing that such an idea is not new and has been floated by previous administrations. Moreover, they complain, the map that Pashinyan used for this Tbilisi Silk Road Forum omitted any sign of the previous existence of the former Soviet-era Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO). This was not unexpected. Armenia effectively recognised Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity last year and continues to do so.

Though it is uncertain whether Armenia and Azerbaijan are now ready to sign a long-awaited agreement to normalise relations, statements by officials from both sides indicate that such a possibility remains within reach. Meanwhile, at a European Council summit held on 26-27 October in Brussels, EU leaders called “on the parties to engage in good faith and to finalise this process by the end of this year”. Tbilisi, incidentally, has already offered to host  any signing ceremony.

https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Georgia/Armenian-Azerbaijani-and-Georgian-Prime-Ministers-address-Tbilisi-Silk-Road-Forum-227873


Armenpress: Armenia remains a beacon of democracy in the South Caucasus. US Ambassador

Hambik Zargarian

 18:20,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 28, ARMENPRESS. With the launch of the new patrol police, the residents of Syunik will have an opportunity to collaborate more closely with representatives of the law enforcement and justice system, thereby fostering a greater sense of security. The US Ambassador to the Republic of Armenia, Kristina Kvien said during her attendance at the event dedicated to the inauguration of the Syunik Police Patrol Service division.

"On behalf of the United States government, I am honored to join you today for this important event. I am aware that following this solemn ceremony, the patrol officers of Syunik will officially commence their duties throughout the entire region. This marks a significant milestone in the establishment of patrol police across the entire territory of the Republic of Armenia.

Given the opportunity that I am here in Syunik, I want to tell you about the important work that you will carry out in Syunik. In the recent letter addressed to the Prime Minister of Armenia, President Biden reaffirmed the United States' unwavering support for Armenia's sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and democracy.

First of all, this obligation is applicable and refers to the Syunik region itself, which has been particularly affected by the regional conflict and external aggression and the region of Syunik has recently received more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh.

However, despite these difficulties and problems, the commitment of Armenia and Syunik region to strengthen the rule of law has remained unwavering.

It is due to this commitment that Armenia continues to be a beacon of democracy in the South Caucasus," The US Ambassador emphasized.

The US Ambassador noted  that it was a great honor for the United States to collaborate with the Republic of Armenia in the implementation of this ambitious police reform program.

"I would like to commend the efforts of the Prime Minister and the Ministry of Internal Affairs in leading the reform processes within the country.

The United States is allocating an additional $1 million, in addition to the $15 million already provided by the United States to date, in support of police reforms."

This additional funding will be used to conduct the next patrol police academy scheduled for 2024," Kvien said.

AW: ANCA testimony calls for an end to Israeli arms sales to Azerbaijan

Hambik Zargarian
 ANCA ANCA News 0

ANCA Programs Director Alex Galitsky offered ANCA testimony urging America’s next Ambassador to Israel to advance U.S. interests by working to end Israeli arms sales to Azerbaijan

WASHINGTON, D.C.—The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), in testimony submitted this week to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, called upon America’s next ambassador to Israel to advance U.S. interests by working to end Israeli arms sales to Azerbaijan and encouraging Israel to join with the U.S. government and the American people in recognizing the Armenian Genocide.

In testimony submitted by Programs Director Alex Galitsky, the ANCA explained that up to 70-percent of Azerbaijan’s arsenal is sourced in Israel, and that these weapons – among them illegal cluster munitions, missile systems and unmanned aerial vehicles – played a central role in Azerbaijan’s subjugation and ethnic cleansing of Artsah (Nagorno-Karabakh), and the perpetration of war crimes against Artsakh’s population, including targeting civilian infrastructure, churches, schools and medical facilities.

“As a party to the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution process, the United States has a responsibility to ensure that our military partners are not undermining long-term prospects for peace by pouring fuel on raging regional fires,” stated Galitsky. He further stressed that the U.S. must ensure that “any Israeli military technology that is jointly developed with or subsidized by the U.S. is not used in a way that further undermines U.S. interests, promotes regional instability or violates international law.”

Regarding the Armenian Genocide, the ANCA urged that Israel Ambassador-designate Jacob Lew “impress upon the leadership of Israel, a nation of genocide survivors, the moral imperative of ending its denial of the Armenian Genocide and joining with the American people in honest recognition and remembrance of this crime.” As U.S. Treasury Secretary during the Obama administration, Lew led a U.S. delegation to Armenia on the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in 2015.

The ANCA testimony went on to note that our U.S. ambassador should raise with the Israeli government the growing number of violations of the rights of Armenians and other faith-based and ethnic groups in Jerusalem. According to U.S. State Department human rights and religious freedom reports, “numerous cases of extremists spitting on and physically assaulting Christian clergy and pilgrims – including Armenians.”

“Such hate crimes need to be confronted wherever they take place,” stated Galitsky.

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The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) is the largest and most influential Armenian-American grassroots organization. Working in coordination with a network of offices, chapters and supporters throughout the United States and affiliated organizations around the world, the ANCA actively advances the concerns of the Armenian American community on a broad range of issues.


Nagorno-Karabakh seen from Yerevan

Hambik Zargarian
Oct 20 2023

Interview with Armenian journalist Arshaluys Mghdesyan. Interviewer: Martina Napolitano

On September 19th, Azerbaijan launched an attack on the Armenian-controlled territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. The offensive ended within 24 hours, resulting in the capitulation of the breakaway republic, marking the end of Nagorno-Karabakh’s history as a de facto independent state (it will officially cease to exist at the end of this year). A mass exodus towards Armenia has begun for around 120,000 people. How is Armenia reacting to the events in Nagorno-Karabakh? What are the country’s future prospects? We discussed these questions in Yerevan with Arshaluys Mghdesyan, who is political commentator for the Armenian newspaper CivilNet Online TV.

MARTINA NAPOLITANO: How is the current situation in Nagorno-Karabakh being perceived in Yerevan and Armenia in comparison to the war and defeat in 2020? From an external perspective, there seems to be a prevailing sense of a climate of resignation, which emerged following the first hours of the Azerbaijani offensive on September 19th. Is this perception correct?

ARSHALUYS MGHDESYAN: It’s a hard question. I have the impression that we did not fully understand what happened in 2020, what kind of defeat it was, what Azerbaijan’s real goals were and with what methods Baku wanted to achieve them.

We seemingly regarded the defeat and the post-war status quo as something stable. We thought that the Russian military presence in Nagorno-Karabakh would be long term.

The political decisions were made with these assumptions, based on the condition of post-war Armenia, [specifically] the army, being in poor condition, as well as the internal political crisis and the 2021 elections. For at least six months after the war, Armenia went through an internal crisis. Then the difficult reform of the army and the war in Ukraine followed, and this changed the status quo.

We found ourselves in an ever-shifting environment that we thought would be stable, but we failed or didn’t have time to adapt. And this was the result.

Is there a sense of disappointment with Russia in Armenia?

In Armenia there is a sense of disappointment, a profound disappointment. But there were also unrealistic expectations. Already during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict there were signs that Russia never spoke out about the consequences of a possible attack on Armenia’s borders, which would have constituted an unacceptable violation.

It should have been recognised that the region was changing and Russia could act in its own interests. Therefore, yes, there is disappointment.

Can the European Union and the United States influence the situation?

We Armenians are always looking for a magic wand that can help us in times of need. But the safety of those who are sinking is first and foremost the responsibility of those who are sinking. There will be no saviours.

In this sense, we can say that the great powers act like deities. They may offer some kind of diplomatic assistance, but I have strong doubts whether they will take drastic measures against Azerbaijan or decide to resolutely support Armenia.

We failed to achieve what we wanted with Russia and we will not succeed with the United States or the European Union.

Here’s a recent example: US Congress Representative Samantha Power, who is now in Yerevan, previously stated that the United States would not tolerate another war against Nagorno-Karabakh. However, we saw that they easily tolerated it. They declare that a reaction is necessary, but they do not mention what exactly this reaction should be.

The fate of the world is not decided here, it is decided in Ukraine. That’s why there is such a severe conflict with Russia there. What happens here, fortunately or unfortunately, is not considered important.

So, we will not receive security guarantees from Europe.

The Nagorno-Karabakh issue has been discussed three times at the UN Security Council, yet there has not been a single statement from the member states regarding possible sanctions.

In Armenia, are there concerns that the conflict could escalate to involve the south of the country?

I believe that this is the most pressing issue right now. Attacking Armenia’s internationally recognised territories would be more complex. But there are many states in the world whose recognition hasn’t helped, from Syria to Ukraine.

Turkey and Azerbaijan will find all possible means to raise the issue concerning the road passing through Syunik province (which they refer to as the Zangezur corridor). They will try to force Yerevan’s hand through diplomatic channels or military actions, such as exercises and other types of manoeuvres near the border.

The Armenian province of Syunik, on the border with Iran, divides Azerbaijan from its exclave of Nakhchivan. Azerbaijan and Turkey have been pushing for the opening of an extraterritorial transport corridor through Armenia for some time. This corridor was also mentioned in the ceasefire agreement that ended the 2020 war.

We will observe the situation. Now it is difficult to say what will happen, but the possibility that they resolve the issue militarily cannot be excluded.

Iran and western countries could help us avoid such a scenario. On this issue, Tehran and the West have similar positions. The corridor is needed militarily and politically, first and foremost, for Azerbaijan and Turkey.

The road and, in particular, an extraterritorial corridor would be useful also to Russia. Since the 2020 peace agreement stipulated that this route of communication would be patrolled by Russian border guards, this would allow Moscow to maintain its presence in the region.

Iran fears losing its border with Armenia and consequently being surrounded by unfriendly countries. Last year, Iran opened a consulate in Kapan, southern Armenia, and the country’s authorities have repeatedly stated that Armenia’s security coincides with Iran’s security.

However, we should be cautious. Azerbaijan and Turkey could offer Iran something to change its stance.

Moving on to the internal political situation in Armenia, will Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan remain in power?

Yes, for now. In this period, many of the preconceptions we had before the 2020 war are disappearing. We used to think that if an Armenian leader had lost Nagorno-Karabakh or some other territory they would not have remained in power.

Despite the military defeat in 2020, Pashinyan not only remained in power, but he was also democratically re-elected in 2021. Even though now we have lost Nagorno-Karabakh, the government has not fallen.

This shows that the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh is not as influential in domestic politics as it was in the 1990s, when it was a sacred, untouchable issue, which decided the fate of those in power.

This is no longer the case. The perception of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue has changed in Armenian society.

People think it’s a closed matter, that it was just part of a propaganda narrative.

Armenians are reflecting on the fact that the Nagorno-Karabakh issue has been used to justify corruption in Armenia. There were discussions like, “Okay, we can have bad roads because we spend money to defend Nagorno-Karabakh.” People accepted poor living conditions and tolerated sending their children to do military service in Nagorno-Karabakh, while politicians lived in luxury.

All this lasted a long time. Dissatisfaction grew and was silenced with propaganda discourse. The first sign of discontent was the war of 2016, when Armenians realised that not everything was going well. That something was rotten in the state of Denmark. Many doubts arose about the army, that it was not well supplied despite all the sacrifices.

Fast forward to 2020. After the defeat, the Armenian authorities began to say that they would support Nagorno-Karabakh, but not at the cost of sacrifices and debts.

Well, in this way the topic has lost its relevance in the eyes of Armenian society and these are the results. Even if many opposition figures have not yet understood this.

Anecdotally, while traveling around Yerevan I had the chance to speak to many people with relatives in Nagorno-Karabakh. Statistically, do most Armenians have personal contacts in Artsakh? How important is Nagorno-Karabakh for the average Armenian citizen?

It is undoubtedly important. Post-Soviet Armenia was conceived around the topic of Nagorno-Karabakh, and there are really many people with relatives in the region. But the sacralisation of Nagorno-Karabakh had the consequence of making it an almost untouchable subject. A normal discussion about the region was not possible. It was the exclusive competence of the [political] elite. And those elites strengthened their power in every way, using the very theme of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Nonetheless, getting into conflict on this issue now is madness. I understand those who say that Nagorno-Karabakh had to be defended. But the government acted with the understanding that any intervention could potentially provide Baku with a justification to attack Armenia.

There are several small protests in Yerevan. Are the opposition forces united?

Two dynamics can be observed. On the one hand, there are protests from the parliamentary opposition, who want Pashinyan to resign. On the other, there are the nationalists, who are few and marginal but very loud.

Arshaluys Mghdesyan is political commentator for the Armenian newspaper CivilNet Online TV.

Martina Napolitano holds a PhD in Slavic Studies and is lecturer for Russian language and translation at the University of Trieste. In her research and writing she particularly focuses on late Soviet and contemporary Russian-language culture. She is a translator, series editor at the Bottega Errante publishing house, and president of Meridiano 13.
This interview was originally published in Italian on the Meridiano 13 website and social media channels.

ABMDR Dedicates 18th Annual Walkathon in Glendale to People of Artsakh

Hambik Zargarian
by Contributor

 

 

 

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A scene from the ABMDR's 18th annual walkathon in Glendale. Photo by Aleko Boghoskhanian / ABMDR


LOS ANGELES—Over 350 supporters gathered at the plaza of the Glendale City building, in Glendale, California, on October 7 to participate in the Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry’s 18th annual Walk of Life walkathon. The pan-Armenian event, which benefited ABMDR’s life-saving mission, was of extraordinary significance this year, as it was dedicated to the people of Artsakh.

With a life-affirming message of solidarity and hope, and held in a festive community atmosphere, Walk of Life drew strong youth participation. In addition to individual teams of walkers, there were teams representing local schools, among them Providence High School and West Coast University.

During the opening ceremony, remarks were delivered by Walkathon Committee co-chairs Dr. Christina Garabedian and Hratch Postik.

Walkathon Committee co-chairs Hratch Postik and Dr. Christina Garabedian. Photo by Aleko Boghoskhanian / ABMDR

Garabedian welcomed the attendees and acknowledged the presence of community leaders and elected officials, including California State Senator Anthony Portantino and Glendale City Council member Ardy Kassakhian.

“Thank you all for being believers in our organization,” Garabedian said. “Our mission is simple: to save lives all over the world.”

Garabedian went on to thank the walkathon’s sponsors, including Foundation Lab, the event’s major sponsor; as well as Softline Solutions; Paulette Melekian; Los Angeles County Supervisor Kathryn Barger; Print On All; DJ Eddy O; Dr. Vergine Madelian, who had donated her own creations of hand-made Christmas ornaments and cards; Faith in Angels Hospice; RaMa Drugs; and Aleko Boghoskhanian, who, as an ABMDR volunteer, has been photographing the walkathon for many years.

As Garabedian added, walkathon participants were provided with pastries donated by Porto’s Bakery, coffee and cookies donated by McDonald’s, and ice cream donated by Tamara Ice Cream.

In his remarks, Walkathon co-chair Hratch Postik said, “We are a 100-percent volunteer organization. We depend on the dedication of our volunteers, and would love to welcome new volunteers into our ranks to be able to continue to fulfill our mission.” Postik went on to acknowledge the many volunteers who, as members of the Walkathon Committee, had helped organize the event.

Fathers Zareh Sarkissian (left) and Zaven Markosyan performing the event’s invocation. Photo by Aleko Boghoskhanian / ABMDR

“It’s due to fundraising events such as this that we are able to move the mission of ABMDR forward,” Garabedian said. “Currently our organization has over 33,500 potential bone marrow donors in 44 countries, and has facilitated 40 bone marrow transplants.”

The walkathon’s invocation was performed by Fathers Zaven Markosyan of the Western Diocese and Zareh Sarkissian of the Western Prelacy.

Next to address the attendees was ABMDR’s co-founder and president, Dr. Frieda Jordan, who said, “Last week, we lost a major part of our homeland, our beloved Artsakh, and close to 120,000 of our compatriots were forcibly displaced from their millennia-old birthplace, becoming refugees. Among them are a great many of our own bone marrow donors and patients.”

ABMDR president Dr. Frieda Jordan. Photo by Aleko Boghoskhanian / ABMDR Senator Anthony Portantino, a longtime supporter, presented Dr. Frieda Jordan with a Certificate of Recognition on behalf of the California Senate. Photo by Aleko Boghoskhanian / ABMDR

“Today,” Dr. Jordan continued, “we’d like to say to the world, and our community, that we are going to walk very strong, very tall, in honor of all our people, in honor of our donors and patients across the globe.”

As she concluded her remarks, Dr. Jordan said, “I’d like to invite our very good friend and our very dear honorary Armenian, Senator Anthony Portantino, to say a few words.”

As he came to the podium, Portantino said, “We send our love and prayers to the 120,000 refugees who were displaced from their homes in Artsakh. I love ABMDR, and thank you all for participating in today’s walk and helping save lives.”

Subsequently Portantino presented Dr. Jordan with a Certificate of Recognition on behalf of the California Senate. “I’m pleased to congratulate you for your passion and your vision on the occasion of the 18th annual Walk of Life,” Portantino said.

Prior to the start of the walkathon, Garabedian recognized young brothers Sevan and Aren Barkhoudarian as the team that had raised the most funds; the Providence High School team as the one that had the most participants, thanks to the encouragement of Mrs. Sona Ashjian and Miss Janet Fontaine; and Team Arpine Zohrabyan and West Coast University as another top fundraising team.  

Following the ribbon-cutting, the 5-K walk-run looped through central Glendale. The walkathon concluded at the plaza of the Glendale City building, where the festivities continued into the day. The event also gave participants the opportunity to join ABMDR as potential bone marrow stem cell donors, as volunteers were on hand to answer questions and welcome new recruits.

Established in 1999, ABMDR, a nonprofit organization, helps Armenians and non-Armenians worldwide survive life-threatening blood-related illnesses by recruiting and matching donors to those requiring bone marrow stem cell transplants. To date, the registry has recruited over 33,500 donors in 44 countries across four continents, identified over 9,000 patients, and facilitated 40 bone marrow transplants. For more information, call (323) 663-3609 or visit the website.

No food, no water: I saw Azerbaijan’s blockade up close. Armenians need our help — now

Hambik Zargarian
Detroit Free Press
Oct 9 2023

OPINION

Gary Peters  |  Detroit Free Press
9 hours ago

Two weeks ago, I stood with Armenian officials on a steep overlook near the border of Azerbaijan. Rugged hills surrounded us on all sides. The barren landscape was covered with harsh boulders and dirt paths, and military outposts dotted the terrain. A lone electrical tower sprang up a few feet away. It was eerily quiet — the only sound came from the gravel beneath our boots.

Through binoculars, we inspected a bridge down the hill. The paved passage and military tents seemed innocuous at first glance. But this nondescript road — the Lachin corridor — has become a weapon of the Azerbaijani government and the focal point of a deepening humanitarian crisis. 

That single bridge separates Nagorno-Karabakh — an ethnic Armenian enclave of Azerbaijan — from the rest of the world. Last December, the Azerbaijani government closed it down. Their purpose was clear: to eliminate the ethnic Armenian presence in the region.

They are succeeding.

U.S. Sen. Gary Peters, D-Michigan, visited the Armenian border last month. Peters says the U.S. must provide aid to embattled Armenians and levy consequences on Azerbaijan. 


Azerbaijan’s blockade, the subsequent military campaign, and the dissolution of the self-declared Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh are all part of a plan.

Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh are facing an existential threat — and we must come to their aid.

Over several months, Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Lachin corridor deprived 120,000 residents of food, water, fuel and other essential supplies. Pregnant women were forced to walk miles to medical clinics. Fuel shortages shut down schools and sidelined emergency vehicles. People got sick from untreated water, then visited pharmacies with empty shelves. Starving citizens lined up for bread in the street, wondering how they would find their family’s next meal. 

From our vantage point above the border, we could see a line of close to 20 trucks, filled with the supplies that Armenians so desperately needed, sitting idle on the side of the road. The Azerbaijani government had kept them from entering Nagorno-Karabakh for months.

Our Armenian counterparts made it clear that the crisis is getting worse. Increased military aggression from Azerbaijan has already claimed hundreds of lives. In this chaos, dozens and possibly even hundreds more — mainly civilians – were killed or injured in an explosion at a gas station. They were getting fuel in order to flee — just a few of more than 100,000 people who have left their homes to seek safety in Armenia over the last week. The cause of the explosion is still unknown — but its deadly toll was a result of the Azerbaijani campaign to force Armenians out. 

Although these stories were deeply disturbing, so too was the lack of information. Until international observers are allowed unimpeded entry into Nagorno-Karabakh, we will be forced to speculate about the extent of these crimes. But almost the entire population of Nagorno-Karabakh has already fled — they would not do so unless it was their only choice.

We cannot bear witness to these atrocities in silence. We cannot let these stories fall on deaf ears. The Armenians I met did not want to hear just words — they wanted action, and we must come to their aid. 

The U.S. must help ensure that the people of Nagorno-Karabakh receive the humanitarian assistance they desperately need. Critically — given the history of this region — we must do everything we can to bring in neutral observers to shine a light on the conditions that the Azerbaijani government has created.

But there must also be consequences for this violence. We must halt all U.S. military assistance to Azerbaijan, and empower President Joe Biden to impose harsh sanctions. I am working to pass legislation that would hold Azerbaijan accountable and prevent taxpayer dollars from financing Azerbaijani aggression. There must be a price paid for these crimes against the Armenian people. 

The day after seeing the border, I paid my respects at the memorial to the Armenian Genocide. The monument is a reminder of a devastating history, and the deep resonance of genocide across generations of the Armenian people. But as I lay flowers near the eternal flame, I also saw it as a call to action, urging us to do everything in our power to stem the tide of ethnic violence. If we are to truly heed that call, we must stand firmly beside the Armenian people. 

Senator Gary Peters (D-MI) has represented the state of Michigan in the United States Senate since 2014. He currently serves as Chairman of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee and a member of the Armed Services Committee.

https://eu.freep.com/story/opinion/contributors/2023/10/09/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-blockade-ethnic-threat/71076065007/

100,417 forcibly displaced persons from Nagorno-Karabakh cross into Armenia

Hambik Zargarian

 12:09,

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 30, ARMENPRESS. The number of forcibly displaced persons from Nagorno-Karabakh who’ve crossed into Armenia reached 100,417 as of Saturday morning, the prime minister’s spokesperson Nazeli Baghdasaryan said.

According to the latest information, 32,200 of the forcibly displaced persons had accepted the accommodation provided by the Armenian government.

The Armenian government offers accommodation to all arriving forcibly displaced persons from Nagorno-Karabakh. Some of the forcibly displaced persons chose to stay with their relatives or friends in Armenia.