Author: Hambardsumian Paul

Addis Tribune, Ethiopia
Sept 17 2004
Cosmetic Change
OPINION
The spectre of a permanence of impermanence has been haunting our
land for generations on end. It is thus only true to say that
cosmetic – and not meaningful – change in the economic destiny of the
Ethiopian people has been an ineluctable fact of life in this country
since the death of Menelik in 1913. Even today – in the third
millennium – we continue to witness change in its most chimerical
form.
Only last week, for instance, the government was telling the
Ethiopian people through its mass media that a new passport was
coming into existence as of September 11. Passports – like other
documents – have been, of course, changing form much like the amoeba
in Ethiopia since 1974. Even during the 13-year-long life of the
incumbent government, we must have had no less than two versions of
passports.
Since 1889 – when Menelik was crowned Emperor of Ethiopia – four
flags have been flying in this country, one of them Italian between
1936 and 1941, not counting, of course, the Union Jack during the
brief war of liberation. The Ethiopian tricolour was superseded in
1974 by a flag with a de-crowned Ethiopian lion – and in 1991 by a
tricolour with an emblem on it very much reminiscent of the Star of
David.
A plethora of notes and coins had come and gone since the days of
Menelik. Many of us are still alive who are fortunate enough to
remember Menelik’s Maria Theresa silver thaler and copper and nickel
coins like the beza and temun, Haile-Selassie’s pre-1936 alad( a
fifty-cent nickel coin) and the notes and coins that were replaced by
ones that had carried images of peasants and workers by the beginning
of 1977.
This is to say nothing of the three national anthems that were being
sung in this country since the time of the regency of Emperor
Haile-Selassie – the first of them composed as a rousing military
march by Ethiopians of Armenian origin. It is, indeed, a pity that
impermanence has been becoming an inevitable feature of the national
life of the Ethiopian people for over one hundred years now. n
Cost of Living
There were days in the not-too-distant past when the pressure of the
cost of living was not being felt to be an insufferable burden even
on a poor people like Ethiopians. Before the fuel crisis of 1973, all
commodities were very cheap here. One kilogram of meat was worth one
birr; one chicken could be bought for less than two birr; a big
ceremonial ram had cost no more than sixty birr; and a litre of
petrol had sold for only 45 cents.
Those were, of course, in the good old days when Ethiopians of
middle-income were collecting between 300 and 700 birr a month. No
useful purpose could be, certainly, served by crying over spilt milk,
as the old English saying goes. However, to adapt a Shakespearean
saying, the fault, dear Brutus, lies not in our stars but in the
interminable wars that were being conducted by Bush père and Bush
fils in Iraq since 1991.
Ethiopian governments are absolutely blameless for periodically
raising the prices of petrol. In fact, these governments have been
subsidizing the prices of petroleum products in order to make life
more tolerable for the generality of the Ethiopian people. Ethiopians
are now finding the cost of living – or even dying – to be very high.
Let us only hope and pray that a congenital warmonger in the US would
lose the November election for alleviating our seemingly perpetual
misery.

NOR SHAHOUMIAN GOES ON
Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)
15 Sept 04
The government and philanthropists implement a number of programs
in Nor Shahoumian which is situated at the borderline. Presently
the region has 15 communities of which 2 have been established
recently. One of them Kkerkhapout already has its head of community,
and Knaravan will have one soon after settlement. We talked to the
head of the regional administration Vasil Nalbandian on the process,
problems and programs of settlement of the region. According to him,
the main focus in the region is on settlement. Here, as well as in
other regions, the new settlers are granted privileges, provided
with houses, land, pastures. They are exempt of tax on land and
water. The head of administration mentioned that last year the number
of new settlers increased by 350. This year about 12 families moved
to the community of Nor Manashid from the town Aparan, Republic of
Armenia. â^À^ÜOur aim is to increase the number of families in the
community and not the number of communities, thereby creating and
developing Nor Shahoumian,â^À^Ý stated V. Nalbandian. According
to him, it is desirable to admit growing families. Nor Shahoumian
faces the problem of communication. The communities of the region are
linked by cars mainly. There is no telephone but soon, according to
V. Nalbandian, there will be cellular telephone communication. Vasil
Nalbandian mentioned the urgency of solution of the problems of
drinking water, repair of roads, supply of electricity. At the same
time he mentioned that the electricity supply system is almost
completed. Presently only the village Tsar is not supplied with
electric power. For the solution of the latter problem a small
hydroelectric power station is being built in the village. This
year in Karvachar it is planned to finish the construction of the
palace of culture and sport, installation of the telephone station
and electric power supply system, as well as the construction of the
football stadium. Among the future plans is opening the branch of
â^À^ÜArtsakhbankâ^À^Ý and the local population will not have to go to
Stepanakert. V. Nalbandian also presented a number of agricultural
programs. He particularly mentioned that with the assistance of
the Ministry of Agriculture they plan to cultivate potatoes on 300
hectares of irrigated land, which will produce a large income. The
other unsolved problem is that of village roads. They can carry out
only minor repairs on the means that the government provides.
ANAHIT DANIELIAN.
15-09-2004
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

GEOPOLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF BESLAN
Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)
15 Sept 04
The terrorist attack on the school in Beslan shocked not only the
Russians but also everyone abroad. Hundreds of innocent people died,
among them children. Among the casualties there were Armenians as
well. Against the humanitarian aspect of the tragedy the geopolitical
consequences have been driven to the background but in the future the
events in Beslan may cause fundamental changes of the situation in the
Caucasus, and not only in the north but in the entire region. In the
given context it is appropriate to consider the possible developments
both in the Caucasus and outside it. Possible developments in the
region may be classified into several groups: aggravation of the
home situation in North Osetia, aggravation of the Oset-Ingush and
Oset-Chechen relationships, aggravation of the relationships between
North Osetia and the central power which is the same as aggravation
of the Oset-Russian relationships, as well as of the situation in
South Osetia. Currently the people of North Osetia protest against
the government of the republic demanding their resignation. We may
suppose that the settlement of this range of problems is not of
major difficulty. However, in this case it is not excluded that
radical forces may come to power in North Osetia. And this may
essentially complicate the situation also in neighbouring countries
of the North Caucasus. The possible complications in the Oset- Ingush
and Oset-Chechen relationships are especially dangerous. After the
events in Beslan about a thousand Osetians attempted to massacre the
Ingush people but were prevented by the law. If similar cases become
more dangerous and cause victims, the situation in the North Caucasus
will aggravate. One of the most dangerous developments for Moscow will
be tensions between North Osetia and the central government of the
Russian Federation. This will be a serious challenge for Russia. Many
people in Russia blame Kremlin for the tragedy in Beslan. Member of
State Duma Vladimir Rizhkov stated directly, â^À^Üif speaking about
the political responsibility, there cannot be two opinions. It is
the government and first of all the president, the leaders of the
Federal Service of Security, the Ministry of Home Affairs, that is to
say those federal agencies of the executive power which, according
to the Constitution and the laws, are to provide our security.â^À^Ý
According to Rizhkov, the president assumed the responsibility to
establish order in the country and provide the security of the people
but this responsibility was not carried out. In addition to this,
the Russian mass media write that in Beslan gunfire was started by
the people involved in the siege and not the terrorists. It is not
excluded that those might have been the local militiamen deployed
around the school since the first day. It is quite possible that one
of them broke down and shot. The terrorist groups are also interested
in accusing Kremlin of organizing the events in Beslan. In such a
situation there may appear feelings of hatred and distrust of the
central government among the population. Distrust may arise in other
regions of the Russian Federation as well. From the geopolitical aspect
one of the most dangerous developments is that distrust of the central
government may grow into distrust of the Russians in general, whereas
the Osetian factor is of exceptional importance for the position of
Moscow in the North Caucasus. Osetians are the only Christians of the
North Caucasian natives, by the way Orthodox Christians. Practically
they were the first to join Russia voluntarily, and in the 19th century
they did not take part in the struggle of the highlanders against the
Russian Empire. Now the Osetians are perhaps the most reliable defence
wall for Russia. The thing is that the Osetian-Russian relationships
have been supported by spiritual and cultural cooperation, which
reduces and sometimes even eliminates the influence of such a strong
factor as the geopolitical situation. But the spiritual and cultural
closeness can be broken up and in such cases the relationships between
peoples become derivatives of the geopolitical situation. The result
of this will be the change of political orientation of the people or
the country. Thus, the political future of the North Caucasus will
be directly related to the developments in North Osetia. Without the
support of the Osetians Moscowâ^À^Ùs position in the North Caucasus
may be shattered. Taking into account the fact that South Caucasus
is gradually getting integrated in the Euroatlantic structures, the
nations of North Caucasus may also change their political orientation
under the influence of the geopolitical situation finding themselves
devoid of any spiritual and cultural closeness. The events of Beslan
may also affect the situation in South Osetia. In an interview
president Putin declared that the borders of North Osetia will be
closed, including the North Osetian section of the state border. But
in this situation the border between South and North Osetia will
appear under lock. This may motivate Georgia to use force against
South Osetia. In this case Kremlin will become very vulnerable. On
the one hand, after such a statement if volunteers from North Osetia
appear in the Georgian-South Osetian conflict area, Moscow may be
accused of sending terrorists to Georgia. On the other hand, if the
situation in South Osetia becomes tense, and North Osetia is not able
to help their brothers, they will again blame Moscow. In this context
it is worthwhile to pay attention to the September 4, 2004 address
of Vladimir Putin. He made it clear that the terrorist actions are
directly related to foreign forces which are interested in weakening
Russia. By the way, he mentioned that the Russian Federation is not
protected either from the East or from the West. Here the Russian
president exactly meant the political and not the geographic notions
of â^À^ÜEastâ^À^Ý and â^À^ÜWestâ^À^Ý . The main suspicion falls
on either Europe or the USA but taking into account the fact that
the United States is currently the only superpower in the world,
and according to the American top officials, they have interests in
any region of the Earth, therefore the USA is meant. Is that Moscow
is challenging Washington? But in this case Moscow should have won
over the protection of some player on the arena. Europe, especially
Germany and France would hardly enter confrontation with the USA for
the sake of Russia. Maybe China will help him? Strange though it may
seem, Putin himself excluded this possibility in his address when he
mentioned the fact of Russiaâ^À^Ùs not being protected from the East as
well. If it is merely the Near East, the threat from there is usually
connected with terrorism and Islamic extremism. If it is the Far East,
the situation here is quite different. The insecurity of Russia in
this direction is caused by the fears of ethnic and economic intrusion
of the Chinese into the vast areas of the Far East and Siberia. Now
already China is the chief trade companion of most regions of the Far
East and Siberia, and it seems that China is not against having its
share either. Thus, it turns out that Kremlin transforms the struggle
against international terrorism into a geopolitical competition with
the leading centers of global politics thereby practically remaining
without a strong ally. Of course, a country such as Russia may be
able to solve many questions alone but only having order inside the
country. As Putin stated in his address, the most important task is
the mobilization of the nation against the common threat. However,
the national mobilization cannot be confined to showing patriotic
films and mass actions of unity, which may have a short-lasting
effect merely, especially among todayâ^À^Ùs Russian youth. First of
all it is necessary to restore the social unity as presently there
is an enormous gap between the rich and the poor. This first of all
requires an overall struggle against corruption. Putin mentioned
nothing on this in his address. However, not everything said becomes
a reality and not everything done is spoken about. Therefore, if
soon a war is declared against corruption in the Russian Federation,
it will mean that Beslan was a breakpoint in the Russian policy.
DAVIT BABAYAN.
15-09-2004

Agency WPS
What the Papers Say. Part A (Russia)
September 15, 2004, Wednesday
THE OPPONENT IS TEMPORARILY UNAVAILABLE
SOURCE: Kommersant, September 14, 2004, p. 9
by Vladimir Novikov, Sergei Kisin, Gennady Sysoev
Moscow and Tbilisi are on the brink of open conflict again.
Yesterday, Georgian authorities accused Russia of planning a
transport blockade of Georgia. Tbilisi alleges that this is how
Moscow plans to keep Georgia within Russia’s sphere of influence.
Actual blockade
Yesterday, the Transport and Communication Ministry of Georgia
reported that it received an unexpected notification from Russia
about an upcoming halt to practically all transport relations with
Georgia. From September 15, Russia is banning the entry of automotive
vehicles from Georgia and from October 1 Russian airspace will be
closed to Georgian airlines. Yesterday, Georgian transport companies
have already started offering the passengers to return the previously
purchased tickets and get refunds.
The formal pretext for introduction of an air blockade of Georgia is
the fact that some Georgian airlines owe large sums to Russia.
However, Russian airspace is also closed for the airlines having no
debts and even for the airlines that have transit flights to European
countries. Naturally, Georgia will be able to use alternative air
corridors but the costs of air transportation will grow
significantly.
Tbilisi authorities remark that stopping of the bus communication
(and maritime communication from Batumi and Poti) is not motivated at
all. There is no railway communication between Russia and Georgia and
the latest decisions of Moscow mean complete stopping of transport
communications with Georgia. Along with this, transport
communications between Russia and Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which
have declared independence from Russia, is dramatically increased.
Political commuter train
The first commuter train since the suspension of railway links with
the breakaway republic of Abkhazia in 1992 departed from Sochi to
Sukhumi yesterday at 4.52 p.m.
According to a source in Russian Railways (RZHD), the rapid opening
of railway links between Russia and Abkhazia is due primarily to
political reasons, namely cooling down of the Russian-Georgian
relations due to the conflict in South Ossetia. Hence, restoration of
the 146-kilometer railway to Sukhumi was accelerated. RZHD invested
approximately 200 million rubles in this project and sent the
commuter train last week. Along with this, the source said that there
was such haste that finishing of Sukhumi railway station was not
completed. On the side of the railway the building in painted in
white and on the side of the near-the-station square the building
retained traces of the fire that happened ten years ago.
According to the PR service of the North Caucasian Railway, due to
restoration of the railway a commuter train will cover the distance
from Sukhumi to Sochi just in 4 hours and 43 minutes. Depending on
the season, the train will have from six to ten carriages. It is
expected that the carriages will be filled by approximately 50-60%
and the price of a ticket will be 45 rubles or a few times cheaper
than the price of a bus ticket for the same route. Representatives of
the North Caucasian Railway do not hide that they do not doubt that
the railway would be unprofitable but say that “political benefit
from the commuter train overweighs any money.”
“Of all mortal sins”
Decisions of Moscow caused serious concern of Tbilisi. Tbilisi
authorities are afraid that harsh measures may also be applied to the
energy sector. Georgian authorities have more than enough reasons to
worry.
Tbilisi noticed that the visit of Deputy CEO of RAO EES Rossii Andrei
Rappoport to Tbilisi was recently postponed indefinitely without any
sensible explanation. The visit of a delegation of representatives of
Georgian energy companies to Moscow was also postponed. In Moscow the
delegation hoped to meet with the management of Gazprom and to come
to agreement on gas supplies in the autumn-winter period. Supplies of
electric energy to Georgia from the Inguri hydro power station
located in Abkhazia was interrupted yesterday unexpectedly and
resulted in a complete collapse of the electric energy system of
Georgia. For a few hours the whole country drowned in darkness.
Yesterday, State Minister Georgy Khaindrava flew to Moscow according
to the order of Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Zhvaniya to meet with
officials of the Russian Foreign Ministry and Security Council.
Before departure to the Russian capital Khaindrava said bitterly,
“Someone in Russia accuses us of all mortal sins, nearly of planning
of the terrorist act in Beslan and September 11 in New York. That is
why there is a need to meet with Russian colleagues. We will also
discuss the illegal restarting of railway communication between
Abkhazia and Russia.”
After arrival to Moscow Khaindrava said that announcement of a
transport blockade to Georgia by Russia is an attempt to direct
unregulated Russian-Georgian political relations to the economic
area. The Georgian minister adds, “We do not understand what is
happening and what has caused all this. We are under political press
and will most likely be exposed to economic pressure too.”
Tbilisi authorities presume that the latest decisions of Russia that
hit on Georgian economy painfully pursue several goals. First, Russia
wants to force Tbilisi to agree with opening of the through railway
communication between Russia and Armenia, its strategic partner in
the region (to date, Georgian has rigidly connected with issue with
return of Georgian refugees to Abkhazia rejected by Sukhumi
authorities). Second, Russia wants to correct the situation that has
appeared after Georgian authorities have closed the administrative
border with South Ossetia. As a result, the uncontrollable glow of
goods from Russia to Georgia practically stopped in the South
Ossetian territory, which incurred big losses on the South Ossetian
budget and Moscow (especially after the tragedy in Beslan) should
react to requests of the Ossetian party about the “response
measures.”
In general, Tbilisi authorities say that the unprecedented steps of
Moscow show that Russian authorities have finally adopted a course at
preserving of Georgia in the orbit of Russia’s influence by all
means. Taking into account strategic partnership with Armenia,
preserving of Georgia in Russia’s orbit of influence would enable
Russia to control Transcaucasia in general.
Hence, negotiations on the deadlines for withdrawal of Russian armed
forces from Georgia are postponed indefinitely. Due to the same
reason President Vladimir Putin demonstratively meets in Dagomys with
Abkhazian Prime Minister Raul Khadzhimba, the most realistic
candidate for the post of the president of the breakaway republic.
Finally that is why Moscow is persistently hinting on the need for
Georgia to return to the system of the collective security treaty
organization (Tbilisi quit the organization in 1999) and at solving
of Georgia’s economic problems not through alienation from Russia and
closing of the economic border in its South Ossetian part but, on the
contrary, through integration into the pro-Russian economic and
political structures like Eurasian Economic Community and Customs
Union.
Translated by Pavel Pushkin

The Problem of Chechnya
European Islam & the Caucasian “War on Terrorism”
By GARY LEUPP
CounterPunch
Sept 14 2004
Europe (Europe proper, the geographer’s Europe) is an odd thing,
curiously shaped and conceptualized since Herodotus invented it as
the object of Persian invasion 2500 years ago. As the concept grew,
Europe came to extend from Viking-settled Iceland in the mid-Atlantic
(to the northwest); to the Iberian peninsula (abutting Africa in the
southwest); and from the Kara Sea and the upper extremity of the
Urals (in the northeast), down the mountain range to the Ural River,
which avoiding all but a small slice of (Asian) Kazakhstan, defines
Europe to the Caspian Sea. Thence the borderline straddles the
Caucasus Mountains, from Baku on the Caspian to the Black Sea coast
and onto the Crimean Peninsula, making the Caucasus the southeastern
corner of the European continent, at least the European continent of
the stickler academic. (Some place the Caucasian countries in the
Middle East as well as Europe, rather like geographers count Vietnam
alternately as an East Asian and Southeast Asian country.)
Actually, no Europe makes sense as a “continent,” if the latter term
is to claim any consistency or analytical utility. Europe is not
surrounded by oceans, as are normal continents (Africa, North
America, South America, Australia and Antarctica)—and as Asia would
be if we simply included Europe, as Nietzsche once suggested, “as a
peninsula of the greater Eurasian super-continent.” Continental
Europe is the invention of people who wanted to be as special, and
separate as oceans can make you, but lacking the eastern ocean which
ought to be there to validate continental pretensions. South Asia
(India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh), surrounded by the Indian Ocean
and Himalayas, could make an equally valid case for continent-hood.
The concept is ultimately arbitrary.
But back to the southeastern corner of this imagined Eurocontinent:
the Caucasus. “Caucasian” is of course often used as a synonym for
“white” (as in white people), and has been used in that sense since
pioneer ethnologist Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, in 1775, pronounced
Caucasians (supposedly descended from Noah’s son Japeth after the Ark
landed on Mt. Ararat following the Flood) the “most beautiful race of
menthe primeval type [from which] others divergewhite in color, which
we may fairly assume to be the primitive color of mankind” But white
folks flattered by Blumenbach’s pseudo-science, and folks in general
outside the region, have little knowledge of this part of Europe. I
can think of various reasons why this unawareness is unfortunate:
(1) the Caucasus is a key site of Russian-U.S. contention concerning
the construction of oil pipelines from the Caspian oilfields (in
Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan) to Black Sea and
Mediterranean ports;
(2) it is a maze of new, weak nations with vigorous secessionist
movements;
(3) it is a region of centuries-old Muslim communities, from which
some “Islamic extremist” trends have emerged;
(4) it has, since the deployment of U.S. forces in the Pankisi Gorge
of Georgia in 2002, and the announcement of Russian President
Vladimir Putin around the same time that Chechen rebels are
al-Qaeda-like terrorists, been posited as a major theater in the “War
on Terror;” and
(5) given its record, the U.S. government might do something very
brutal and very stupid in the region. So one should pay attention. To
understand “ethnic conflict” in this area in the context of big-power
rivalry, one should brief oneself on the basics.
Compare the Balkans
The Caucasus embraces southern Russia (referring to the zone between
the Black and Caspian Seas), and the three nations of Georgia,
Armenia and Azerbaijan. This region is culturally linked to the west
and north by Orthodox Christianity (kindred Russian, Georgian and
Armenian varieties), and to the east by Islam (a legacy of past
encounters between Persians and Turks and the local peoples). In this
mix the Caucasus resembles the Balkans, where you have one more or
less Muslim nation (Albania, where religious practice was banned for
decades but which is officially now 70% Muslim); an
unusually-constructed Bosnia-Herzegovina in which about 40% of the
population (not all the Bosniaks) embrace Islam with varying degrees
of interest; and the de facto NATO protectorate of Kosovo, which is
about 90% Albanian Muslim. There are also longstanding Muslim
minorities in Macedonia (29%), Bulgaria (12%) and elsewhere in the
Balkans. The collapse of the Soviet bloc, the implosion of neutral
“socialist” Yugoslavia involving catastrophic ethno-religious strife,
and fall of the idiosyncratic Hoxhaite regime in Albania brought
Balkan Muslims onto the world stage, as recipients of religious
proselytization (by Arab “Wahhabis” in particular, backed up by Saudi
largesse) and as the beneficiaries (at least short term) of US-NATO
protection against the vilified Serbs and Croatians.
In the Balkans, Washington postures as the great friend of the Muslim
Bosnians and Kosovars, although its position is fraught with
contradictions. U.S. acquiescence to Helmut Kohl’s reunited Germany,
which unlike the U.S. State Department championed an independent
Slovenia in 1990, contributed to the disastrous dismantling of the
Yugoslav state. (This produced much ethnic conflict, including what
some term the “Bosnian holocaust.”) The U.S., having labeled the
Kosovo Liberation Army “terrorists” in 1999, made common cause with
the Kosovar Albanians against a Serbian foe whose atrocities were
wantonly exaggerated to justify the bombing of Milocevic’s
Yugoslavia. The Russians meanwhile posture as friends of the Serbs
and other Slavs aggrieved by Washington policy.
Across the Black Sea from the Balkans, in the Caucasus, we find
Armenia, ethnically homogeneous but abetting an Armenian secessionist
movement within the Armenian-peopled Nagorno-Karabakh region of
neighboring Azerbaijan. Armenia has occupied 16% of Azeri territory
since 1994. 94% of the population of Azerbaijan are Azeri, a Muslim
Turkish people. (That’s seven million Muslims, double the number of
Albanian Muslims; hence if Azerbaijan is in Europe, it is the largest
European Muslim country.) Fellow Azeris live across the border with
Georgia; 5.7% of Georgia’s 4.69 million people (668,000) live in the
Adhzaria region. In Abkhazia, in the north along the Black Sea, live
an additional 85,000 to 100,000 Muslims speaking a Causasian language
distantly related to Georgian. Altogether 11% of Georgia’s population
(over half a million) is Muslim. About 4% of the population of
Armenia are Kurds, mostly adherents of the Yezidi faith, which
reveres the Prophet Mohammed but is not commonly regarded as an
Islamic sect. So within the southern Caucasus, we have Azerbaijan,
Adhzaria, and Abkhazia as Muslim zones. In the northern (Russian)
Caucasus, we have in addition, lined up westward from the Caspian
coast, Daghestan, Chechnya, and Ingushetia, three republics in the
Russian Federation with predominantly Muslim populations. Daghestan
has about two and a half million people, of whom at least 90% are
Muslim. There aren’t good current figures for Chechnya and
Ingushetia, but in 1989, when they were united in the Chechen-Ingush
Autonomous Republic, there were 735,000 Muslim Chechens and 164,000
Muslim Ingush, together 71% of the republic’s population (the rest
being mostly Russian).
Bordering Ingushetia is North Ossetia, a predominantly (80%)
Christian republic in the Russian Federation, with an Ingush
minority. (Among the ethnic Ossetians themselves, some 20% practice
Sunni Islam.) Then to the west, bordering Georgia, are the
predominantly Muslim republics of Kabardino-Balkaria (Kabardins
mostly Sunni Muslims, Balkarians mostly Orthodox Christian) and
Karachayevo-Cherkessia, whose Muslim populations together number
maybe a million. In other words, in the Caucasus you have in addition
to the seven or eight million Azeri Muslims, four or five million
other Muslims, living in historically Muslim districts in the
Christian-majority behemoth that is Russia, and in the ancient
Christian land of Georgia.
Some of these Muslims, since the breakup of the Soviet Union, have
become involved in violent secessionist movements. Moscow and Tblisi,
who have differences between themselves, have both become inclined
since 9-11 to depict their response to such movements as
counter-terrorist in character, to represent the secessionists as
ideological soul-mates of al-Qaeda, and to manipulate the “War on
Terror” paradigm to justify their repressive measures and to even
threaten “pre-emptive” actions. Putin like Bush vows to strike at
terrorists “wherever they may be” (which might mean, say, striking at
Chechens in the Pankisi Gorge in Georgia). Thus in the Caucasus, the
implosion of the USSR, like the implosion of Yugoslavia in the
Balkans, produces a welter of nationalist strivings, coupled with
long-dormant religious sensibilities, that both the hyperpuissance
U.S. and the weakened regional hegemon Russia seek to exploit. They
do so now in the context of Bush’s eternal war project, which
exploits anti-Islamic sentiment in the U.S. (drawing especially on
the most ignorant varieties of Christian fundamentalist intolerance),
even as the administration insists before the global audience that
the U.S. respects Islam as “a religion of peace.” Putin, powerless to
prevent the U.S.’s projection of power into formerly Soviet territory
from Central Asia to Georgia, applies an “If you can’t beat ’em, join
’em” policy, depicting his own measures against unruly Muslims in
Russia as part of the global Terror War.
Chechnya
Of Muslims seeking independence from Russia, the Chechens receive the
most attention. Their secessionist movement has been the bloodiest in
the region, and exacted a most grotesque toll on Russians, in
particular, from the Caucasus to Moscow. The small Chechen homeland
has had a very bad press, internationally, and most Americans who’ve
heard of Chechnya no doubt by this point associate its people with
Islamic terrorism. The recent school hostage episode in Beslan, in
Russia’s North Ossetia, presented the world with the most nightmarish
spectacle: a school commandeered, children specifically targeted,
seized, terrified, shot in the back as they attempted to escape.
About 330 Christians, half of them kids, killed by Muslims from
Chechya, and the adjoining Muslim republic of Ingushetia, and (if one
believes an early Russian report uncorroborated by reporters) Muslim
Arabs. (I seriously doubt any Arab participation, simply because it
too obviously serves Putin’s wish to depict his repression of the
Chechen independence movement as part of the global Bush-war project
targeting Arabs.) Anyway, a horrible, unforgivable scenario, which
some may see as Russia’s 9-11.
One might suppose that, as Putin seeks to link Chechen rebels to
al-Qaeda, the U.S. would support the Russian leader in his moves
against Chechen separatism, rather as it endorses every single move
the Likud regime in Israel takes against the cause of the
Palestinians (a “terrorist” cause to the Likudists in the Bush
administration), or that President Arroyo in the Philippines takes
against the Moro. But no, not quite. Just as Washington found it
useful to validate Bosnian and Kosovar nationalism in the Balkans
(entrenching its expanding NATO-self into what was once proudly
non-aligned European territory), so it has (under the Clinton and
Bush administrations alike) found it useful to promote Muslim
separatisms in southern Russia, to better destabilize the Russian
Federation. Why? Because Russia seeks to thwart U.S. oil pipeline
ambitions and the U.S.’s general pursuit of geopolitical advantage in
the Caucasus. Ruling circles in both the U.S. and Russia are acting
rationally in pursuit of their ends. Those anti-people ends are the
problem.
As the Soviet Union broke up in 1991, Chechens, having resented
Russian domination for a century and a half, under the leadership of
air force general Dzhokar Dudayev declared independence.
Russian President
Boris Yeltsin refused to grant this, and Russian forces invaded in
1994 to reestablish central government authority. The invasion met
with fierce resistance, prompting a withdrawal in 1996 and a peace
agreement in 1997. A new Chechen government, headed by Aslan
Maskhadov, failed to acquire international recognition, or to contain
rampant crime, corruption, and warlordism. “Islamic extremism”
flourished and spread into neighboring Ingushetia and elsewhere. In
October 1992, Ingush militias clashed with Russian-backed North
Ossetian security forces, paramilitaries and army troops in the
disputed region of Prigorodnyi. This is 978 square kilometers of
once-Ingush land given North Ossetia during the Stalin years. This
land dispute is at the heart of Christian Ossetian-Muslim Ingush
animosity, and the Ingush and Chechens, whose languages are mutually
comprehensible, identify with one anothers’ struggles. (The Beslan
school seizure was a joint operation involving Chechens and Ingush
militants.)
Thousands of Ingush homes were destroyed in 1992, and the bulk of the
Ingush population in North Ossetia (46,000 by official Russian count)
displaced. Complicating matters, South Ossetia, in the Republic of
Georgia, attempted to succeed from Georgia and unite with North
Ossetia. In response, the new Georgian government sent in troops,
leveling 100 Ossetian villages and producing 100,000 refugees, many
of whom wound up in Prigordnyi, seizing Ingush homes. (Tit for tat,
Moscow tilted towards Abkhazia as fighting there killed 16,000 and
drove 300,000 ethnic Georgians from their homes.)
Following bombings in North Ossetia that killed 53, an attack on a
Russian military barracks in Daghestan, and the bombing of two Moscow
apartment buildings in1999 that killed over 300, the government of
President Putin resumed the war with Chechnya, forcing Maskhadov
underground. Moscow blamed Chechens for the Moscow attacks, although
rebel leader Shamil Basayev disclaimed responsibility, and skeptics
claim the attacks were staged to justify renewed Russian
intervention. When Putin succeeded Yeltsin as Russian president on
December 31, 1999, his military was bogged down in an unwinnable
guerrilla war in Chechnya, and cutting its losses, the Putin
administration simply proclaimed victory, turning over power to a
Chechen puppet (recently assassinated) in 2002. Russian troops
remain, harassed by forces loyal to Basayev, whom Moscow says it
knows “for certain” was behind the Beslan school attack. (A Russian
daily has claimed that in a message signed by Basayev, he demanded an
end to the war in Chechnya, the withdrawal of Russian troops,
autonomy for Chechnya within the Commonwealth of Independent States,
Chechnya’s continued inclusion in the ruble zone, and CIS
peacekeepers for the region.) Some of Basayev’s forces, Moscow
claims, operate out of bases in Georgia, and since 2002 Russia has
threatened to take action against Chechen militants in that country.
Washington warns against this.
The Neocons’ Role
For over a decade, U.S. policy has been to criticize Russian actions
against Chechen and Ingush rebels, while discouraging Russian support
for all three separatist movements in Georgia. In 1999, many key
players in the current administration formed an “American Committee
for Peace in Chechnya” (ACPC), whose membership roster includes
omnipresent neocon operator Richard Perle, Elliott Abrams, Kenneth
Adelman, Elliot Cohen, Midge Decter, Frank Gaffney, Glen Howard,
Robert Kagan, William Kristol, Michael Ledeen, Bruce Jackson, James
Woolsey, and Caspar Weinberger. Since 9-11, while insisting on
al-Qaeda links to Muslim terrorism everywhere else (from the
Philippines to Palestine), they have pronounced any Chechen-al-Qaeda
link “overstated.” ACPC has successfully campaigned for the U.S. to
provide political asylum to Ilyas Akhmadov, foreign minister in
Maskhadov’s toppled regime and considered a terrorist by Moscow. Bush
policy was expressed by Steven Pifer, deputy assistant secretary of
state for European and Eurasian affairs, in an appearance before the
Congressional Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe in
2003: “[We] do not share the Russian assessment that the Chechen
conflict is simply and solely a counterterrorism effort. . . . While
there are terrorist elements fighting in Chechnya, we do not agree
that all separatists can be equated as terrorists.” According to John
Laughland in the Guardian (Sept. 8), “US pressure will now increase
on Moscow to achieve a political, rather than military, solution – in
other words to negotiate with terrorists, a policy the US resolutely
rejects elsewhere.” Putin’s Chechnya war, that is to say, is not, as
the Russian leader wants to paint it, part and parcel of the global
War on Terrorism initially focused on al-Qaeda. It is an ongoing
statement of Russia’s still-brutal, dictatorial character, and hence
an encouragement for the Caucasian nations to strengthen ties with
the U.S.
While seeking regime change throughout the Muslim Middle East,
inventing facts to achieve that end, the Bush administration (pleased
with the new U.S.-educated president Mikheil Saakashvili of Georgia,
which it helped place in power; pleased to have military forces
training troops in Azerbaijan; grateful to Armenia for its 50 troops
in Iraq; planning on bringing these all into NATO) wants the status
quo in the southern Caucasus (except for the remaining Russian bases
in Georgia, which it wants to replace with its own). It also desires
the advance of Muslim separatism in the northern (Russian) Caucasus.
Should southern Russia decompose into a series of small, weak nations
(from Daghestan to Karachayevo-Cherkessia), this part of Muslim
Europe will fall firmly into the U.S. lap, terrorizing nobody and
happily cooperating with U.S. energy corporations. This, at least, is
the neocon hope, which is why they so embrace, even after the Beslan
attack, what they imagine to be the Chechen cause. Meanwhile Moscow,
repressing Muslim separatism at home, courts Muslim separatists in
Georgia’s Adzharia and Abhkazia. Thus the main issue in the Caucasus
is not Islam, or Chechen terrorism, but geopolitical control, with
the U.S. and Russia competing to depict their competition as a War on
Terror.
To this the world should simply say, with Bertolt Brecht, “The valley
to the waterers, that it yield fruit.” (Caucasian Chalk Circle, Act
V)
Gary Leupp is Professor of History at Tufts University, and Adjunct
Professor of Comparative Religion. He is the author of Servants,
Shophands and Laborers in in the Cities of Tokugawa Japan; Male
Colors: The Construction of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan; and
Interracial Intimacy in Japan: Western Men and Japanese Women,
1543-1900. He is also a contributor to CounterPunch’s merciless
chronicle of the wars on Iraq, Afghanistan and Yugoslavia, Imperial
Crusades.
He can be reached at: [email protected]

STATEMENT BY NATO SPOKESMAN
A1 Plus | 19:14:42 | 13-09-2004 | Politics |
NATO Spokesman Mr. James Appathurai has today announced about
cancellation of the exercise Co-operative Best Effort 2004, which
was scheduled to begin today in Azerbaijan.
All PfP exercises are agreed and conducted on the principle
of inclusiveness for all Allies and Partners which wish to
participate. Nations participating in Cooperative Best Effort 2004
agreed and have supported the exercise based on this principle.
We regret that the principle of inclusiveness could not be upheld in
this case, leading to the cancellation of the exercise.
Cooperative Best Effort exercises are an important series of live
exercises on the Partnership for Peace calendar. They are designed to
provide basic knowledge on Peace Support Operations (PSO) at small
unit level. In the Caucasus, Cooperative Best Effort has already
taken place in Georgia and in Armenia.

TV questions Azerbaijan’s need for NATO membership
ANS TV, Baku
10 Sep 04
[Presenter] Our next report is about people’s expectations from NATO
and NATO’s failure to meet them.
[Correspondent] The fact that NATO is interested in sending
Armenians to Baku has made us reassess our view of this body. Back
in 1991, Azerbaijan needed support from NATO in order to maintain its
territorial integrity and put up resistance to pressure from the north,
that is from Russia, and from the south, that is from Iran. For the
fear of finding itself in Russia’s zone of influence, Azerbaijan
decided not to join the Collective Security Treaty Organization,
which was set up in Russia, and turned to NATO. In order to strengthen
integration with the West, Azerbaijan sent its servicemen to Kosovo
and Afghanistan within international peacekeeping groups.
Saying that ensuring stability and independence in the
newly-independent states of Europe is one of its main tasks, NATO,
however, has never taken any steps towards respect for Azerbaijan’s
interests over the Karabakh issue. On the contrary, it is trying to
talk officers of the country subjected to aggression into having
a joint exercise with officers of the aggressor country. Ordinary
people, however, are against this.
[An unidentified man speaking into ANS microphone] I have never seen
any help from international organizations over the Karabakh issue. I
do not think it is right to rely on them.
[Another unidentified man] Instead of helping us, they are bringing
the enemies to our country. It is not right.
[Another unidentified man] The blood of our people has not dried yet,
why are they doing that?
[Another man] This is pressure on our country and the government.
[Passage omitted: more criticism from people.]
[Correspondent] Being in need of NATO’s support over the Nagornyy
Karabakh problem, Azerbaijan has had to make every compromise to this
body and turned itself into this organization’s hostage for the sake
of its territorial integrity. NATO, however, sees Azerbaijan only as
a testing ground and is now bringing Armenian servicemen to Baku.
Azerbaijan became independent from Moscow. Did it do so in order to
become dependent from NATO today? It is worth thinking about this.
Zamina Aliyeva, Azad Ibrahimov and Ramin Yaqubov, ANS.

Leading Article: Darfur: Action not words
Guardian Leader
The Guardian/UK
11 Sept 2004
America’s declaration that genocide is taking place in Sudan has
injected fresh urgency – and controversy – into the international
debate about what the UN unhesitatingly calls the world’s worst
humanitarian crisis. It was only to be expected that the Khartoum
government would reject the charge, but there has also been a lukewarm
response elsewhere to Colin Powell’s statement to the Senate foreign
relations committee. The US secretary of state says genocide is
taking place on the basis of evidence that black African villagers
in Darfur are being targeted with the specific intent of destroying
“a group in whole or part”. Human rights organisations have welcomed
the shift. Britain’s official response is that grave crimes are
being committed by the government-backed Janjaweed Arab militias and
that the UN should mount an urgent investigation. Is this a case of
diplomatic sensibilities masking a brutal truth? Is it right to have
reservations about using the G word?
Situations previously characterised as genocide include the Turkish
massacre of 1.5 million Armenians during the first world war and,
less controversially, the Nazis’ extermination of six million Jews
in the second world war, when the term was coined from the Greek
word genos (race or tribe) with the Latin word cide (to kill). It
has been widely applied to Pol Pot’s Cambodia of the 1970s and made
bloody reappearances in Rwanda in 1994 and in the aftermath of the
wars of the Yugoslavian succession. Slobodan Milosevic, the former
Serbian president, is facing a genocide charge at the Hague war crimes
tribunal. Radislav Krstic, a Bosnian Serb general, was convicted of
genocide for his role in the Srebrenica massacre of 7,000 Muslim men
and boys.
Sudanese officials will admit to nothing more than a humanitarian
crisis created by ethnic strife and have contemptuously accused Mr
Powell of seeking black votes in the forthcoming US pres idential
election. Khartoum also argues that the intervention will undermine
delicate peace negotiations with Darfur rebel groups in Nigeria. Most
of the facts, though, are indisputable: 50,000 people have died since
February 2003 and over a million have been displaced. Aid workers
yesterday reported a new mass influx of refugees into one camp in
southern Darfur. Harrowing images have been on our TV screens for
long enough to fuel demands for something that goes beyond agonised
handwringing and ineffective quiet diplomacy
It is true that behind the debate in the US lies guilt about
the shameful failure to act when the first reports of genocide
emerged from Rwanda a decade ago. That is only natural. The genocide
characterisation may also be intended to galvanise the international
community -though targeted sanctions such as an assets freeze and a
travel ban on senior Sudanese officials would be more effective than
the oil embargo currently being proposed by Washington. That is opposed
by China, an importer of Sudanese oil and a security council member,
as well as by Pakistan and Algeria. And there is the familiar dilemma
that such sanctions are a notoriously blunt instrument, as the Iraqi
experience taught. But urgent though the crisis is, Washington and
London are still not trying the sort of heavy-duty arm-twisting they
tried when seeking a second UN resolution authorising war on Saddam.
Mr Powell’s intervention puts the US a step ahead of the EU, which
says it wants a UN investigation. But the real question is not about
a dictionary definition of genocide. No one can claim that Sudan
is not experiencing a terrible human tragedy. As Oxfam has been
warning in appeals for help to save lives: time is short and people
are dying. Recognising the scale of human suffering is a prerequisite
to action. Words, however resonant, are not enough.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Fund for Armenian Relief
630 Second Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Contact: Edina N. Bobelian
Tel: (212) 889-5150; Fax: (212) 889-4849
E-mail: [email protected]
Website:
September 10, 2004
____________________
EXPLORING ARMENIA INSPIRES A YOUNG PROFESSIONAL
Reflections on the Fund for Armenian Relief’s Trip to Armenia and
Karabagh
By Laura Kostin
In the weeks leading up to the Young Professionals Trip, I was full of
anticipation and longing. I was finally making the journey I had dreamed
of all my life. But, as I packed up my suitcase, I suddenly felt
terrified. I wasn’t afraid of flying or traveling far from home. It
wasn’t anything simple like that. In fact, it wasn’t really fear at
all. It was anxiety and insecurity. You see, I’m only half Armenian. I
don’t speak Armenian. And before this trip, I didn’t have many friends
in the community or any tangible connection to the country. I was a bit
of misfit. But, little did I know, my life was about to change.
When I arrived at JFK, I spotted two girls lugging suitcases across the
parking lot. I knew immediately that they were Armenian. I wondered
whether these girls would like me or if I’d be an outcast. As I waited
online at the check-in counter, I looked over the list of people I’d be
traveling with. As I expected, I didn’t know anyone. Then, I saw that
my name was the only one without an “i-a-n” at the end. It stuck out.
I couldn’t shake the nagging feeling that I didn’t belong.
After checking in, I introduced myself to Edina (from FAR) and her
husband Michael. Edina was warm and reassuring. I was so grateful for
her kindness. I soon learned there were a few other people who didn’t
speak Armenian on the trip. I was relieved—at least I wasn’t the only
one. At the gate our group assembled, introduced themselves and made
small talk. Everyone was extremely friendly and very eager to get to
know each other. Soon enough, my spirits began to lift. When we boarded
the plane all 20 of us were virtually strangers, but we made our way
halfway across the world, together.
We arrived at Zvartnots airport around midnight. We were exhausted, but
at the same time we were full of yearning. We boarded our bus and made
our way to our hotel. Along the way, we strained to see what we could
of our Motherland through the darkness. Finally, in our hotel room, my
roommate Marla and I opened our window. We hung our heads out to breathe
the air, to hear the sounds of the street and stare into the blackness.
We were finally here. We couldn’t believe it, and we could barely wait
till morning.
After breakfast at the hotel, we departed for our first excursion. We
were to see the pagan temple of Garni and the monastery of Geghard. On
the way, we stopped at a set of stairs by the roadside. The stairs led
to a stone archway. Arto, our guardian, father figure and guide urged
us off the bus. We followed his direction and climbed the steps. What
lay beyond took our breath away. It was our beautiful Ararat. The
mountain we’d waited all our lives to see. We could barely move. We
were mesmerized.
We continued on to Garni and Geghard. We were blown away by Gegard’s
stunning beauty. We walked through ancient stone chambers and passages.
Then, we found ourselves in a room with a waterfall. The water
collected in a pool that we learned was also used for baptisms. Through
this church over 1,000 years old, flowed a living spring! One by one,
we put our lips to the water and drank in our past.
Once we arrived back in Yerevan, we set out to explore the city. Seeing
Republic Square for the first time filled us with awe. We took pictures
from every angle. The architecture, the fountains, the people, the
energy… it was electric. There were celebrations in the Square that
night. Music was everywhere. We watched as girls danced in traditional
Armenian dress and singers performed on stage. A short time later, as
we sat down for our first dinner together, a series of loud bangs sent
us rushing to the street. There, fireworks exploded in the darkness
around us. We hugged in the road and stared at the sky.
Yerevan is an extraordinary city. Art is everywhere. Beautiful
sculptures are all around. There are quaint cafés, elegant restaurants,
beautiful shops and flowering gardens. We went out of our way to speak
to people we passed on the city streets. We may have seemed silly and
maybe even a little nosy. But we had come so far and we were so curious
about their lives.
Not all of our trips were cheerful, some of them were solemn. Like the
one we took to the Genocide memorial. Though we knew it would bring us
pain, and sadness and an overwhelming sense of loss, we were drawn
there. My grandfather was one of our family’s only survivors. He never
had the chance to lay a flower or pay final respects to the family he
lost. So I did it. I did it for him, and for our family. I called my
mother to tell her I had gone to see the eternal flame. I listened as
she wept. Through her tears, she recounted the story of our family. A
story I’ve heard too many times to count. But I know she needed to tell
me again. And even though the story is heart wrenching and even though
I know the ending, I listened. I will never forget. That’s part of
reason I came to Armenia. To date, I am the only family member to ever
to travel to Armenia. I came to reclaim what had been misplaced in our
family. To rekindle a dialog with Armenia… one that had been
interrupted by too much pain and the passage of far too much time. I
suspect I’m not the only one in our group who came to Armenia for these
reasons.
Over the next few days, we began to learn more about Armenia, its people
and its challenges. Armenia has withstood a series of severe economic
shocks. The devastating earthquake of December 7, 1988 killed more than
25,000 people and made hundreds of thousands homeless. A short time
later in 1991, the Soviet Union disintegrated. Though Armenia
ultimately gained its independence, the Soviet Union’s decline brought
an abrupt end to the communist system. Soviet investment in Armenia
slowed to a trickle, government paychecks ceased to come in and the
economy all but ground to a halt. Though Armenia has undergone an
economic rebirth in recent years, the current blockades along the
Turkish and Azeri borders are major drags on the economy. The blockages
essentially prevent the flow of goods into and out of Armenia and make
trade very difficult.
Though Armenia faces challenges, everywhere we went we saw hope and we
saw progress. We saw new roads being built and new housing being
constructed. We saw holy sites being restored and our beautiful churches
lovingly cared for. We also got to see some of FAR’s amazing projects.
One of most impressive places we saw was the FAR Children’s Reception
and Orientation Center which provides housing and medical care to
Armenia’s homeless street children. Not only were the facilities
wonderful, but the staff was caring, passionate and devoted. It was
touching to see how deeply FAR cared for the welfare of the children.
We saw more of FAR’s splendid work in Gyumri, a city still recovering
the massive 1988 quake. The Ounjian School featured modern classrooms,
new computers and very a cheerful atmosphere. Inside the school, there
was an air of hope and opportunity for the children of Gyumri, children
who have seen an unbelievable amount of hardship and devastation.
Our journey took us to some truly spectacular places. We spent a night
on glistening Lake Sevan, we climbed into St. Gregory’s pit in Khor
Virap and we traveled to the remote Gandzasar Monastery in
Nagorno-Karabagh, where the head of St. John the Baptist is believed to
rest beneath the altar. We even made a pilgrimage to holy Etchmiadzin.
During Badarak, the cathedral echoes with the voices of the faithful.
It really was a magical experience.
Before I took this unbelievable trip, Armenia was a place I thought
about when I looked backward. It was a place I associated with my
family’s tragic past, and with loved ones like my grandfather who are
gone. But Armenia is no longer behind me. It’s now part of my present
and my future. The truth is Armenia’s arms are wide open to the
children who care enough to seek her out and embrace her. She opened
herself to me and I’m no longer a misfit.
FAR’s trip provides the ideal opportunity for young professionals
between the ages of 23 and 40 to travel to Armenia and Karabagh as a
group. Participants do more than just see the country’s sites. They
learn about Armenia’s place in the world – her religious, political and
economic heritage – and engage government and religious leaders in
official state visits.
FAR is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization headquartered in New York,
with offices in Yerevan, Gyumri, and Stepanakert. For 15 years, FAR has
implemented various relief, development, social, educational, and
cultural projects valued at more than $250 million. It remains the
preeminent Diasporan organization operating in Armenia.
For more information about next year’s Young Professionals Trip or to
send donations, interested persons should contact the Fund for Armenian
Relief at 630 Second Avenue, New York, NY 10016; telephone (212)
889-5150, fax (212) 889-4849; , [email protected].
— 9/10/04
E-mail photo available upon request.
PHOTO CAPTION: The 2004 Young Professionals Trip participants pause in
front of Ararat during their tour of Armenia and Karabagh.
# # #

Azg Armenian Daily
Sept 8 2004
“INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM IS USED BY ONE STATE TO INFLUENCE THE OTHER”
“SHUSHI SHOULD BECOME THE CAPITAL”, CITIZENS ASSURE
ARMENIAN ARCHITECTURE TOGETHER WITH THE WORLD’S ARCHITECTURE
131 TREES TO DISAPPEAR IN 10 DAYS OR ANOTHER SYMBOLIC TREE PLANTING
ACTION
BUSINESSMEN BETTER PROTECTED THAN STATE OFFICIALS
*********************************************************************
“INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM IS USED BY ONE STATE TO INFLUENCE THE OTHER”
Turkish Secret Agent Claims
The heinous terrorist act of Beslan shook the world whereas the inept
actions of the Russian military forces for releasing the hostages
aroused peoples’ indignation with president Vladimir Putin not only
in the North Ossetia but also in Russia as a whole.
Any terrorist act with such a number of victims usually appears in
the international spotlight. And the response of different states
depends on the motivations they pursue.
The same was true for the Beslan terrorist act. Vladimir Putin
responded to the American condemnation as regards the number of
killed hostages saying: “No one has the right to tell us to go on
talks with filicides. Why don’t you meet Osama bin Laden, invite him
to Brussels or White House and don’t ask him what he wants and meet
his wishes.” Putin also blamed the USA for holding Russia back from
the fight against Chechen terrorists.
In the last issue of Azg Daily we wrote that Turkey assumes that
coming US elections, the Great Middle East Project and the troubles
that Putin’s visit of Turkey could have caused America could be
enough for the USA to take that step.
The Turkish responses are supplemented with those of the Arabian. The
Jordan Dustur newspaper published an article in its September 6 issue
entitled “Don’t the Jewish bandits stand behind Beslan slaughter?”
George Haddad, author of the article writes that no organization
fighting for high ideas ever held children as a hostage. He reminds
of the Jewish groups that are furious over Putin’s administration and
support the Chechen rebels. He says that those people gained central
positions in Russia during former president Boris Yeltsin’s reign and
were taking key decisions in the government.
Then the author adds: “Those Jewish bandits that gathered wealth on
the Russian money couldn’t avoid taxes anymore with Putin coming to
power. Their Khodorkovsky is in prison at present. The Jewish
Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky are the members of the same gang.”
The former is a citizen of Israel and England, the latter of Israel
and the USA. Both of them are thieves who fled Russia. It’s
interesting that after Putin’s clash with the Jewish gang the
Zionistic mass media of the West began blaming the Russian president
of dictatorship and stalinism. It shows that the primary goal of the
Jewish gang is to defile Putin and make the impression that he is
unable to rule the country and to secure the Russian nation. The
Israeli PM Sharon’s statement that “Israel is ready to support Russia
in its war against terror” is nothing but a cunning step to disorient
president Putin”.
In other words, the Jordan newspaper ascribes the Beslan terrorist
act to Jews with their attempt to besmirch Putin. The Turkish
Terdjuman newspaper’s September 6 issue writes about the response of
Byulent Orakoghlu, former deputy director of the Security
Administration of Turkey.
According to this Turkish publication Orakoghlu traces the terrorist
act back to the Middle East policy of USA, Israel and the UK. In this
case the Chechen terrorists appear as tools in the hands of world
powers. Orakoghlu continues: “The claims that the world is monopolar
proved false by the terrorist act. The 9/11 occurred in the USA.
Beslan terrorist act was Russia’s 9/11. The Chechens could scarcely
be able to carry out such an attack by themselves. Things like
relations between rival states and national interests play important
role in such acts. The international terrorism is used by one state
to influence the other. That was the case with Beslan.”
Orakoghlu closes up saying: “We must be well aware that Turkey is
risking to stir up the USA’s and England’s confrontation in case it
draws closer to Russia. But good ties with America and Israel will
make it a target for the international terrorism”.
By Hakob Chakrian
*********************************************************************
“SHUSHI SHOULD BECOME THE CAPITAL”, CITIZENS ASSURE
The Ruined Shushi
The distance form Stepanakert, capital of Karabakh, to Shushi is only
11 km but the towns are very different. After the lively Stepanakert
Shushi leaves a painful impression. It has been already 12 years that
the war ended but the town still lies in ruins. The gardens and the
forest that covers the town as a web are the only delight. The cool
air and mountains are perfect for health resorts. Before the war
there were 10 resorts in the town but today there is no sign of them.
The bombed out, demolished buildings are everywhere. Some
semi-destroyed buildings are inhabited.
The population of Shushi today reaches 4 thousand. Those are people
of Karabakh that lost their homes during the war, refugees from
Sumgait or Armenians from Armenia. “Those who have nothing they come
to Shushi. If the buildings are rebuilt more people will come”, a
citizen said.
John Tevosian who lost his wife in Sumgait is leading a life of a
vagrant living on his pension. There are many people like him in the
town. John tells that those who came from Azerbaijan are the poorest
here. They are the ones most frequently met at the churchyards
begging and ransacking the litter-bins. The old man was complaining
of the officials who are good at promising but do nothing after being
elected.
Besides the refugees Shushi gives shelter to many outlaws. A teenager
confessed that they hide in Shushi from police. Once famous ancient
Armenian town of Arshakavan was also inhabited with outlaws such as
slaves and debtees by the order of Arshak II. Then Arshakavan became
a big town.
But Shushi is still a dead town. Many of Shushi citizens think that
the town will flourish only if it becomes the capital. The mayor of
Stepanakert Eduard Aghabekian agrees with them. “That would be a
right decision from political point of view. I think that the
parliament or at least one of the ministries must be moved here”, he
explained.
The Armenian Evangelic Church and the Union of Armenian Dentists of
Ottawa are the ones that undertake reconstruction programs. The party
of Dashnaktsutyun is looking forward to building a hotel in Shushi.
The Pan-Armenian Congress declared Shushi reconstruction a primary
issue but there were no concrete suggestions, projects or business
plans.
Sevak Artsruni, head of the Shushi Fund, was the only optimistic
person. He said that investments for Shushi reconstruction are just
starting. A project for Shushi reconstruction should be made to draw
investors’ attention.
Shushi with its natural inaccessibility was a fortress for ancient
Varanda region people and today also it should be viewed a strategic
town for Artsakh’s security.
By Karine Danielian
*********************************************************************
ARMENIAN ARCHITECTURE TOGETHER WITH THE WORLD’S ARCHITECTURE
David Hutson, American Architect from Minneapolis, Minnesota, is
chosen the architect for the edifice of “Gerard Gafeschian” Modern
Art Museum that is to be built in Cascade. He is the author of UN
Office in New York, Museum of African Art in Manhattan, the dwelling
place of the famous Spanish architect Santiago Calatrava. By the
initial plan of the museum the main framed sights of the museum will
be the monument Mother Armenia and Ararat. The symbol of the museum a
glass tower will hover over the general view. Gerard Gafeschian’s
glass collection will be exhibited in this tower.
John Waters, Deputy Director of Gafeschian foundation, introduced
David Hutson to the Armenian journalists at one of the halls of
Cascade on September 7. The architect represented the plan of the
building in details. The project will cost $25 million, the
construction works will last about two years. Afterwards, a unique
art museum will open in Yerevan. The museum will include the glass
collection of Gerard Gafeschian, the glass pieces by Stanislav
Libensky and Yaroslav Brikhtova, as well as the pieces by the most
prominent artists of the XX century.
“When being a student I was greatly impressed by Armenian
architecture, by its clear and strong lines. I noticed how carefully
and skillfully the Armenian architects used Armenian tuff. The basis
of the museum will be built of Armenian tuff, while the architectural
forms will resemble the ones of the Armenian architecture,” David
Hutson said.
It’s worth reminding that no Armenian architect participate in the
competition announced by “Gafeschian” museum foundation, as they
don’t master the contemporary technologies applied in the world’s
architecture.
John Waters said that their main goal was to bring the best of the
world to Armenia and to represent the best of Armenia to the world.
By Ruzan Poghosian
*********************************************************************
131 TREES TO DISAPPEAR IN 10 DAYS OR ANOTHER SYMBOLIC TREE PLANTING
ACTION
Alley dedicated to 131 Armenian Catholicoses in the yard of the
Cathedral of St. Grigor the Illuminator’s does not exist any more.
All the 131 trees disappeared in ten days.
The idea of planting an alley in the memory of the Catholicoses
initially occurred to Ara Gevorgian, composer. “I wanted to plant a
park dedicated to our Catholicoses. Karekin II approved my suggestion
and he gave his consent. We chose the territory near St. Gregory
Illuminator’s Cathedral. I began arranging the matter with the
community’s administration, deciding what kind of trees should be
planted and who will take care of them afterwards. The settlement of
all these issues a bit delayed the planting. Then a company decided
to carry out the plan. I have planted a tree myself,” Ara Gevorgian
told.
“Noyan Arg” benevolence ecology company implemented the planting. On
April 17 131 blue spruces were planted on the both sides of the
church’s entrance. The church representatives blessed the spruces and
planted them together with the people. Then all the participants
received references, which pointed out their names, and the names of
the Catholicos the planted tree bore. The mass media shot especially
our Ecology Minister when planting a tree.
“Planting was implemented together with RA Ecology Ministry with
direct assistance of the minister. By they decision we were given
blue spruces and we planted the alley dedicated to the memory of 131
Armenian Catholicoses,” Ghazar Mirzoyan, Chairman of “Noyan Arg”
ecology benevolence company. It is not clear who was to take care of
the trees after planting. According to Ghazar Mirzoyan, in 10-15 days
the alley disappeared as the 80 % of the expensive trees were stolen,
while the rest just got dried. “We didn’t think that one can stole
something from the church’s yard. If we fancied that we would arrange
the issue of preserving the trees,” Mirzoyan says.
In reply to the comments of Mirzoyan, Father Sahak Shakarian, priest
at the Cathedral, insisted: “Not a single tree was stolen. We have a
guard service. The spruces got dried. The company that implemented
the planting of the alley wasn’t responsible enough. We had warned
preliminarily that we have problems with water supply and 131 trees
can’t be easily watered. They said that they will solve the issue, so
the trees were planted. I participated in the planting myself and I
feel shame that no tree survived. Very soon we will have our water
supply network and we will by all means plant the alley again.”
Usually, when organizing a planting, one should get arranged all the
issues with the company that is responsible for planting activities
in the given community. “Noyan Arg” company had no arrangements both
with “Planting” CJSC at Yerevan City Administration or with “Kentron
Planting” CJSC. Mirzoyan pointed out that initially they were ready
to take care of the trees until they arrange everything with the
community’s administration. The alley disappeared in that very
initial period. While the chairman of the company merely regrets
about the fact. “We feel so sorry that the alley doesn’t exist any
longer but we will certainly plant new trees and make a new alley.”
By Aghavni Eghiazarian,
*********************************************************************
BUSINESSMEN BETTER PROTECTED THAN STATE OFFICIALS
“Armenia is not the only country where the bodyguards of the state
officials yield in number and qualification to the ones protecting
the private sectors,” Dmitri Fonarov, head the Union of Russian Body
Guards and the International League of Body Guards, said in the
interview to Azg Daily. This happens mainly because of money. “If a
budget is set up for a state official, each citizen can hire as many
body guards as he wishes,” he said.
Robert Nazarian, head of Armenian National League of Body Guards and
Caucasian representative of the International League of Body Guards,
said that 200-300 bodyguards are working in Armenia at present. Mr.
Nazarian said that he doesn’t want to call the amateur bodyguards.
The bodyguards don’t differ from a common citizen in how they look.
The most important thing is that they should be professionally
prepared.
Robert Nazarian evaluated satisfactory the results of the body guard
competition held in Yerevan on September 4-7. Dmitri Fonarov
evaluated less than satisfactory. This was the first competition
organized in Armenia and there were some organizational drawbacks.
By Tamar Minasian
*********************************************************************